Literatura académica sobre el tema "Saint Lambert (Church)"

AbstractThe intention of my article is to reopen the investigation into the heritage of the Crabeth family and their activities as glaziers of stained-glass windows along with other works of art they produced in the sixteenth century. For a long time it was believed that Pieter Dircksz Crabeth and his famous sons Dirck and Wouter originated from Gouda, where they achieved their greatest work: eighteen stained-glass windows for Sint Janskerk. In my contribution I give an account of the pre-Gouda period and make clear that their field of activities was wider and more far-reaching than is commonly agreed upon. Profiles of their patrons provide an insight into the network to which the Crabeths belonged. Their contacts with the land of Cuijk and the prince bishopric of Liège have been investigated and documented. Count Floris of Egmond-Buren and his commission to Pieter Crabeth to make eight windows for his castle in Grave in 1522 is highlighted. Research shows a patronage relationship between the house of Egmond and the Crabeth family. In a letter written by Abbott Nicolas de Malaise we find evidence of a stay by Dirck and Wouter Crabeth at Saint Hubert d'Ardenne around 1523 due to the rebuilding of the abbey church in Renaissance style. The impetus for this letter was a fatal accident caused by Wouter Crabeth's horse. The article goes into the judicial implications of such an event and the consequences for the person involved at that time. The letter expresses the abbot's concern about Wouter's stay in Saint-Hubert with regard to the continuity of the building project. Twenty years later Pieter and Dirck Crabeth are again invited by Abbott Remacle de Marche to produce stained-glass windows for the abbey church in Saint Hubert, which had been destroyed by fire in the intervening years. The window of Adolf von Schauenburg, who later became archbishop of Cologne, is a wonderful example from this period and it is the only known glass by Pieter Crabeth still in situ. Research into stylistic elements of the rendering of the suffragan bishop in the Gouda cartoon Confirmatio and the patron saint Lambert in the Schauenburg window show a remarkable resemblance between the two figures. In view of the activities of the Crabeths in Saint Hubert d'Ardenne, critical research is called for into the authorship of the windows in the bishopric of Liège and the probability of the glaziers being involved in glass production studios in its capital. New insights based upon thorough studies of material and written sources with detailed notes and glosses, along with recent archival investigations, are presented here in the hope that discussion about Pieter Crabeth and his sons Dirck and Wouter will be given new life and put into a wider perspective.

STANLEY JAKI: Science and Faith in a Realist Perspective by Alessandro Giostra. Rome, Italy: IF Press, 2019. 144 pages. Paperback; $24.24. ISBN: 9788867881857. *The subject of this short introduction--Father Stanley L. Jaki (1924–2009), a giant in the world of science and religion--is more important than this book's contents, a collection of conference papers and articles published between 2015 and 2019. *Readers of this journal should recognize Jaki, a Benedictine priest with doctorates in theology and physics, 1975–1976 Gifford lecturer, 1987 Templeton Prize winner, and professor at Seton Hall University, for his prolific, valuable work in the history of the relations between theology and science. He sharply contrasted Christian and non-Christian/scientific cosmologies and unfortunately, often slipped into polemics and apologetics. The title of Stacy Trasanco's 2014 examination of his work, Science Was Born of Christianity, captures Jaki's key thesis. Science in non-Christian cultures was, in Jaki's (in)famous and frequent characterizations, "stillborn" and a "failure" (e.g., see Giostra, pp. 99, 113). Incidentally, Giostra seems unaware that various Protestant scholars shared Jaki's key thesis and arguments. *The Introduction begins with a quotation from Jaki that so-called conflicts between science and religion "must be seen against objective reality, which alone has the power to unmask illusions." Jaki continued, "There may be clashes between science and religion, or rather between some religionists and some scientists, but no irresolvable fundamental conflict" (p. 15). *This raises two other crucial aspects of Jaki's approach: his realist epistemology and his claim that, properly understood, science and Christian theology cannot be in conflict. Why? Because what Jaki opposed was not science itself--which he saw as specific knowledge of the physical world that was quantifiable and mathematically expressible--but ideologies that were attached to science in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, that is, materialism, naturalism, reductionism, positivism, pantheism, and atheism. *For Jaki, the real problem for Christian approaches to the natural world was the scientism which dismissed theology, especially Catholicism, as superstition, dogmatism, and delusion. Jaki followed the groundbreaking work of Pierre Duhem in arguing that the impetus theory of the fourteenth-century philosopher John Buridan was the first sign of the principle of inertia, the first law of Newtonian physics. One of the foundational shifts in the birth of a new "revolutionary" science in the Christian West was a post-Aristotelian understanding of bodies in motion (both uniform and uniformly accelerating: see chapter three for more details). *The first chapter is a bio- and bibliographical essay by an admiring Antonio Colombo that traces and situates Jaki the historian as a man of both science and faith. Chapter two lays out Jaki's critical realism and theses about the history of science and theology, in contrast to scientisms past and present that claim scientific reason as the sole trustworthy route to legitimate knowledge. The roles played by the doctrine of creation ex nihilo and the Christology of the pre-existent Logos in Jaki's cosmological thinking are also outlined. *Many readers will be most interested in the third chapter which surveys Jaki's writing about the notorious case of Galileo, condemned by the church in 1633 for defending Copernicus. Jaki detected scientific and theological errors in the positions of both Galileo and the church. For instance, Galileo did not provide proof of the motion of the earth around the sun. Nor did the church understand errors in Aristotelian science. Galileo was right, however, in arguing that the Bible's purpose was not to convey scientific knowledge; while the church's rejection of heliocentric cosmology was correct, given the dearth of convincing evidence for it. *Chapter four is of wider interest than its title, "The Errors of Hegelian Idealism," might suggest. Jaki's belief that only Christian theology could give birth to the exact sciences is reviewed, along with his rejection of conflict and concord models of faith and science. His critiques of Hegelian and Marxist views of the world are thoughtfully discussed. *Jaki was unrelentingly hostile to all types of pantheism, and Plato was the most influential purveyor of that erroneous philosophy. Chapter five outlines Jaki's objections to Platonism, as well as to Plotinus's view of the universe as an emanation from an utterly transcendent One, and to Giordano Bruno's neo-Platonic animism and Hermeticism. *Jaki's interpretation of medieval Islamic cosmologists is the subject of the fifth chapter, in which the Qur'an, Averroes, and Avicenna are examined and found wanting. Monotheism by itself could not lead to science. Incorrect theology blinded those without an understanding of the world as God's creation or of Christ as Word and Savior from seeing scientific truth. This chapter is curious in several respects. On page 98, Giostra equates Christ as the only begotten Son with Jesus as the only "emanation from the Father." Emanationism is a Gnostic, Manichaean, and neo-Platonic concept; it is not, to my knowledge, part of orthodox Catholic Trinitarian discourse. On pages 101–2, the presence of astrology in the Qur'an disqualifies it as an ancestor of modern science. But astrology then was not yet divorced from astronomy. Astrological/astronomical imagery and terminology were integral to ancient cosmologies and apocalypses, including Jewish, Christian, and Muslim ones. Lastly, pages 104–5 feature quotations in untranslated Latin. *Chapter seven is a review of the 2016 edition of Jaki's Science and Creation; this is one more example of content repeated elsewhere in the book. "Benedict XVI and the limits of scientific learning" is the eighth and final chapter. The former pope is presented as a Jaki-like thinker in his views of science and faith. Strangely, Benedict does not cite Jaki; this absense weakens Giostra's case somewhat. *Jaki--whose faith was shaped by the eminent French theologian and historian of medieval thought, Etienne Gilson--was a diehard Roman Catholic, wary of Protestant thought, defender of priestly celibacy and of the ineligibility of women for ordination. On the other hand, his study of both Duhem and Gilson probably sensitized Jaki to ideological claims made by scientists. *As a historian of science, Jaki was meticulous and comprehensive in his research with primary documents. His interpretations of historical texts were as confident and swaggering as his critiques of scientists and scientism were withering. Among Jaki's more interesting and helpful contributions to scholarship are his translations and annotations of such important primary texts as Johann Heinrich Lambert's Cosmological Letters (1976), Immanuel Kant's Universal Natural History and Theory of the Heavens (1981), and Bruno's The Ash Wednesday Supper (1984). *Personally, I have found much of value in Jaki's The Relevance of Physics (1966); Brain, Mind and Computers (1969); The Paradox of Olbers' Paradox (1969); The Milky Way (1972); Planets and Planetarians (1978); The Road of Science and the Ways to God (1978); Cosmos and Creator (1980); Genesis 1 through the Ages (1998); The Savior of Science (2000); Giordano Bruno: A Martyr of Science? (2000); Galileo Lessons (2001); Questions on Science and Religion (2004); The Mirage of Conflict between Science and Religion (2009); and the second enlarged edition of his 1974 book, Science and Creation: From Eternal Cycles to an Oscillating Universe (2016). *Jaki also published studies of figures whose life and work most impressed him personally. These include three books (1984, 1988, 1991) on the Catholic physicist and historian of cosmology, Pierre Duhem, author of the ten-volume Système du Monde, and studies of English converts to Catholicism, John Henry, Cardinal Newman (2001, 2004, 2007) and G. K. Chesterton (1986, new ed., 2001). *Among Jaki's books not mentioned by Giostra but of interest to readers of this journal are The Origin of Science and the Science of its Origin (1979), Angels, Apes, and Men (1988), and Miracles and Physics (2004). For a complete Jaki bibliography, see http://www.sljaki.com/. *No translator is identified in the book under review; my guess is that Giostra, an Italian, was writing in English. Although generally clear and correct, the book contains enough small errors and infelicities to suggest that the services of a professional translator were not used. Not counting blank, title, and contents pages, this book has but 128 pages, including lots of block quotations. *For those unfamiliar with Jaki's work and not too interested in detailed studies in the history and philosophy of science and religion, this introduction is a decent start--and perhaps an end point as well. I strongly encourage curious readers to consult Jaki's own books, including his intellectual autobiography A Mind's Matter (2002). For other scholarly English-language perspectives on his work, see Paul Haffner, Creation and Scientific Creativity: A Study in the Thought of S. L. Jaki (2nd ed., 2009); Science and Orthodoxy [special issue of the Saint Austin Review on Jaki], vol. 14, no. 3 (2014); and Paul Carr and Paul Arveson, eds., Stanley Jaki Foundation International Congress 2015 (2020). *Reviewed by Paul Fayter, a retired pastor and historian of Victorian science and theology, who lives in Hamilton, Ontario.

Chapter 2 shows how perseverance was a major topic in the debates at Cambridge University that set the context for the famous Lambeth Articles of 1595. Furthermore, the chapter looks specifically at the way perseverance was handled in the construction of the Lambeth Articles and how variant readings and receptions of Augustine factored into the version of the articles that was finally approved. Thus, it shows that readings of Augustine influenced the way bishops made policies and strictures for the University of Cambridge. It suggests the existence of a strong Reformed influence in England that was broad enough to admit diversity on perseverance due to its regard for the early church. That is, it discovers the existence of a minority opinion within the Reformed tradition that took advantage of the confessional latitude and dissented from the majority opinion regarding the perseverance of every saint.

Scholars describe the Church of England during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries as forming either a Calvinist consensus or an Anglican middle way steeped in an ancient catholicity. Debating Perseverance sheds light on the influence of both the early church and the Reformed churches on the Church of England by surveying several debates on perseverance in which readings of Augustine were involved. The book begins with a reassessment of the Lambeth Articles and the heated Cambridge debates in which they were forged. It then investigates the failed attempt of the British delegation to the Synod of Dort to achieve solidarity with the international Reformed community on perseverance in a way that was also respectful of minority opinions. The study evaluates the supposedly Arminian Richard Montagu and the turmoil he caused by challenging the Reformed consensus and the Synod of Dort. The book then surveys a debate after England’s civil wars when the pro-Dort party had triumphed. It uncovers competing readings and receptions of Augustine on perseverance within the English church—one favoring the perseverance of the saints and the other denying it. It shows how both theological options were valid within the Reformed tradition before the Synod of Dort and how that synod’s rejection of one as an error created difficulties for England in retaining its Reformed identity. This study recognizes England’s struggles with perseverance as emblematic of its troubled pursuit of a Reformed and ancient catholicity.

Abstract Handel composed Messiah in twenty-four days in the late summer of 1741, beginning on 22 August and completing its three parts respectively on 28 August, 6 September, and 14 September. A small part of what enabled him to work at such speed was his habit of creative borrowing from his own earlier scores—and sometimes, though not here, from those of others. Handel tried out a few numbers in rehearsal in Chester on his way to Ireland in November 1741, then led the work in a public rehearsal on 9 April 1742 at Neale’s Music Hall in Fishamble Street, Dublin, and in its official premiere on 13 April. He thought Neale’s Hall “a charming room” in which “the Musick sounds delightfully.” The soloists at the first performance included three singers Handel had brought with him from London, the soprano Christina Maria Avoglio (or Avolio) and Mr. and Mrs. Maclaine (an organist and his wife); Susanna Maria Cibber, who took the alto numbers; and James Baily, William Lambe, Joseph Ward, John Hill, and John Mason, all members of the choirs at Dublin’s Christ Church or Saint Patrick’s Cathedral or both. The concertmaster, whom Handel credited with the excellent string playing, was Matthew Dubourg, Master and Composer of State Music in Ireland.