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1

Olcott, Martha Brill. "The Shrinking US Footprint in Central Asia". Current History 106, n.º 702 (1 de octubre de 2007): 333–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.702.333.

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2

Lindner, Thomas K. "Tricontinentalism before the Cold War? Mexico City’s anti-imperialist internationalism". Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, n.º 48 (12 de agosto de 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78153.

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This article examines how anti-imperialist thought in Mexico City inspired internationalism in the 1920s. It uses the concept of “tricontinentalism” to refer to the idea that Latin America, Africa, and Asia should stand in solidarity with each other and argues that tricontinentalist thinking originated not in the Cold War, but in the aftermath of the First World War. The Mexican and the Russian Revolution had demonstrated that radical social change was imaginable. Together with the First World War, which for many in the Americas signaled the demise of European global hegemony, these revolutions represented a new era of political possibilities as well as a tectonic shift in global politics. Consequently, many anti-imperialists in Mexico looked to “the East”, drawing inspiration from the anticolonial revolutions in Africa and Asia. The central question of this article is how anti-imperialist political activists, intellectuals, and artists engaged in tricontinental thinking by writing about China and Morocco. The examined transnational interactions constitute a radical version of an imagined internationalism in the 1920s.
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3

Ahrari, M. Ehsan. "The Resurgence of Central Asia". American Journal of Islam and Society 13, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 1996): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2322.

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As Boris Yeltsin's ruthless suppression of Chechnya's struggle forindependence becomes one more item in a series of turbulent and bloodyevents involving Russia and some of the republics of the former Sovietunion and the former Yugoslavia, Ahmad Rashid's The Resurgence ofCentral Asia: Islam or Nationalism grows in significance for students ofthat region. The author is a Pakistani journalist with a vast knowledge ofthe area. He has utilized effectively his many travels to the region in developingan authoritative history of Central Asia.Rashid shifts gears back and forth in history quite effectively in thisstudy to make his points. For instance, in the first chapter he notes that"much of the world's ancient history originated in Central Asia, for it wasthe birthplace of the great warrior tribes that conquered Russia, India, andChina" (p. 8). Also note his following observation: "Central Asia hasalways been different At the heart of Central Asia is not the story of princesand their courts, but the story of the nomad and his horse" (p. 9). In thesame chapter, he quotes a Turkoman foreign ministry official's concern,expressed to him in the aftermath of the Soviet Union's implosion to theeffect that "the future is extremely bleak. The West will help Russia andother Slav republics to survive, but who will help us?" (p. 4). This book isreplete with such examples. The first chapter contains a condensed versionof the " great game" between the two colonial powers of the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries: Russia and Britain.Russia underwent two major revolutions in the twentieth century: onein 1917 and the second in 1991. The first revolution, bloody as it was, ...
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4

Tan, Li Wen Jessica. "Unfinished Revolutions". Prism 18, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2021): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9290688.

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Abstract This article examines Wei Beihua's modernist works, which have receded into the shadows of Sinophone Malayan (Mahua) literary history, in relation to Indonesian poet Chairil Anwar, to excavate a neglected route of transculturation at the height of Southeast Asia's nationalist movements during the 1950s. Unlike Anwar's modernist poems that thrive in Indonesia, Wei Beihua's works were considered outliers during a period when realist literature was deemed an effective tool for social mobilization in postwar Malaya. Nonetheless, it is critical for us to recognize that Wei Beihua did not reject realism or underestimate the role of literature in nation building. This article argues that Wei Beihua's idea of modernism is premised on an artist's affective and self-reflexive engagement with realism, which gives rise to a dialectical tension. The tension between his advocacy of an artist's individualism, which is inspired by Anwar, and the impetus of responding to nationalism manifests in his meta-fictional short stories that reflect on the varying motivations behind art creation. His works offer a productive perspective to reconsider the modernist artist's role during revolution and “the limits of realism” of revolutionary works when art was deemed integral to nation building in postwar Southeast Asia.
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5

Bayly, C. A. "The Middle East and Asia during the Age of Revolutions, 1760–1830". Itinerario 10, n.º 2 (julio de 1986): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007555.

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My interest in this period of imperial history arose first from attempts to find a more general context within which to understand the British conquest of India between 1790 and 1820 and second from an uneasy feeling that our overseas history in Cambridge before 1880 was simply disappearing, and that this would result in the fatal weakening of much of the rest. By ‘overseas history’ I mean: finding a broader context of debate and comparison within which to set more detailed work on particular regions. It is perhaps the very success of such generalising and comparison for the later 19th century — the partition of Africa debate — and the twentieth century debates on the ‘crisis of empires’, ‘depression to independence’ and the new nation states which has had this effect on foreshortening.
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6

Shults, Eduard E. "Comparative historical analysis in the prediction of revolutions". Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n.º 483 (2022): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/483/18.

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The article considers the problem of forecasting revolutions – one of the main issues raised in social sciences whose solution meets objective and subjective difficulties. Researchers radically diverge in the possibility of predicting revolutions, as well as in the question of whether revolutions have a future or the era of revolutions has passed. An opportunity to predict revolution is important, but most often in forecasts this socio-political phenomenon is substituted for attempts of predicting explosions of social protest in its mass and radical forms which can lead to a change of power. The analysis of revolutions allows, with a huge share of probability, concluding that revolutions have a chance to occur where they never occurred, except for specific cases when certain countries already avoided revolutions. To reach the aim, the author offers a combination of two approaches: (1) a comparative-historical analysis of revolutions as a socio-political phenomenon of the modern era and (2) a method of analogies – if a phenomenon occurs under certain conditions in one country or group of the countries, then this phenomenon, most likely, will also happen in other countries with similar conditions. To solve the problem, the author considers exclusively demonstrations of the phenomenon of revolutions for the period of modern and contemporary history, since forecasting is based on methods of comparative historical analysis and analogies and the article does not set historical and philosophical problems about the possibility in the future of revolutionary phenomena similar to those that took place in antiquity, or to communist revolutions. In the author’s opinion, the revolution as a process consists of three components: (1) social protest in mass and radical forms; (2) coup d’état (change of political power); (3) reforms in the state (significant changes in the system). In the absence of one of the components, the term “revolution” is not applicable. Violation of this rule leads to the blurring of the boundaries of the phenomenon and the dragging into it of other political and socio-political phenomena (coups, reforms, mass protests, etc.). A comparative analysis of more than sixty revolutions identifies two types by external characteristics (algorithm and consequences): basic and corrective (including six models of the revolution algorithm, three in each form). Then the author analyzes options for a norevolution path for various states. This approach allowed the following conclusions. (1) For the majority of the countries, the era of revolutions has come to an end. (2) A large number of the countries of Africa and some countries of Asia have a forthcoming long civilization period before conditions for the revolutions of the modern era mature. (3) In the short and medium terms, a number of countries have prospects of revolutions. At the same time, in connection with globalization and internationalization of the ideas and technologies, these countries can undergo necessary transitions in the evolutionary way through reforms, avoiding revolutionary explosions.
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7

Radchenko, Sergey. "Socialist Revolutions in Asia: The Social History of Mongolia in the Twentieth Century". Journal of Cold War Studies 16, n.º 3 (julio de 2014): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00463.

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8

Owen, Roger. "The rapid growth of Egypt’s agricultural output, 1890–1914, as an early example of the green revolutions of modern South Asia: some implications for the writing of global history". Journal of Global History 1, n.º 1 (marzo de 2006): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000052.

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The article uses comparative Indian material from British India and later, the Pakistani Punjab to ask new questions of the standard accounts of Egypt’s post-1890 cotton boom. It also argues for the particular relevance of the rich Punjabi green revolution data to the Egyptian case, and more generally, for the rewards to be obtained from an academic dialog between selected aspects of late nineteenth and of late twentieth century globalization. Topics analyzed include the impact of the various agricultural revolutions on social and regional inequalities, the issue of sustainability, the role of experts and the impact on health of long-term environmental degradation.
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9

Doran, Christine. "Postcolonialism, Anti-colonialism, Nationalism and History". International Studies 56, n.º 2-3 (abril de 2019): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719840257.

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One of the most outstanding historical developments of the twentieth century was the gaining of national independence from imperial rule by most of the formerly colonized countries, especially in Africa, Asia and the Pacific. Yet, rather surprisingly, many of the leading contributors to postcolonial theory, including Edward Said, Gayatri Spivak, Homi Bhabha and others, tend to minimize the significance of national independence and take a dim view of the nationalist movements, leaders and ideologies that struggled for it. The aim of this article is to probe the reasons for this, canvassing postcolonial theorists’ main arguments and outlining certain intellectual currents and commitments, notably poststructuralism, deconstruction and postmodernism, that have contributed to these negative stances. Some counterarguments are presented, as it is suggested that the achievements of nationalist revolutions in the former colonies should be reassessed more favourably. This could be a way of resisting the current hegemonic power of the ideology of globalization.
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10

Shults, Eduard E. "Lenin: Problems of Comprehension of Own History". Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n.º 464 (2021): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/19.

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The article examines the figure of Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin, whose 150th birthday anniversary was celebrated in April 2020. With all the discrepancy of public opinion on Lenin, this political figure is part of world history: Lenin became one of the most considerable historical persons of the 20th century and had a rather strong impact on the historical process. The author sees the aim of comprehending the Russian Revolution in (1) the abolition of the unnecessary mythologization of its leader, which not only hinders the understanding of his personality, the situation and events of that time, but also will constantly produce a rejection reaction that will continue to create the irreconcilable groups of “admirers” and “haters”; (2) an adequate scientific analysis that will evaluate the political leader logically, not emotionally, in the conditions of historical realities. In the author’s opinion, the problem of the attitude to Lenin eventually becomes the problem of the discontinuity of perception of own history in Russia and in the countries of the former Russian Empire and USSR. It is the problem of political culture and culture of society in general. The problem of attitude to Lenin in many respects is the problem of transferring modern realities and “post factum” evaluations to another historical environment. From scientific positions and public evaluation, it is necessary to understand that Lenin objectively became the most successful politician of the contemporary history. Few historical figures can be compared with him in terms of the impact on world history. It is due to Lenin that the Russian Revolution became what it became: the third great revolution in the world, an equal to the Great French Revolution in importance and scale. The Russian Revolution became a new model of imitation, replacing the French predecessor, gave a different way of modernization, more imposing for the revolutionaries of Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia. Lenin is strongly distinguished against the background of all leaders of the previous revolutions in terms of morals, justice and goals. The leader’s sacralization, his subsequent ousting (due to his inconsistency with myths people themselves created), or initially negative attitude to a head of the state are features of an undeveloped political culture which will change with the maturing of society.
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11

Oslington, Paul. "History of Development Economics". Pakistan Development Review 32, n.º 4II (1 de diciembre de 1993): 631–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v32i4iipp.631-638.

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There are many ways we could approach the history of development economics. We could tell a story of theories replacing and supplementing each other, finishing with the current body of knowledge. Alternatively we could explore the relationship between the evolution of theory and the development experience. Another way of telling the story would be to put the evolution of theory in a wider social, political and philosophical context and explore the interactions. This historical outline will be mainly restricted to the first and simplest method but at certain points where insights from the other two methods can be gained they will be used. Searching for the roots of development economics is also problematic. One possible beginning for this historical outline would be the beginnings of peoples reflections on the evolution of societies, perhaps to the reflections embodied in early mythology. A less extreme approach would begin with the first systematic reflections on the material progress of societies. Moving closer to the approach of most histories of development economics we could begin with systematic reflections on the first industrial revolutions in Europe or finally we could begin after World War II when this sort of enquiry was applied to Asia, Africa and Latin America and began to be called development economics. The beginning chosen depends on the purpose of the history, and here because the focus is on the academic discipline of development economics the story will begin after WWII.
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12

Tikhonov, Vladimir. "Sin Ŏnjun (1904–1938) and Lu Xun's Image in Korea: Colonial Korea's Nationalist Transnationalism". Journal of Asian Studies 78, n.º 1 (febrero de 2019): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818002577.

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Throughout the Japanese colonial period, Korea's reading public paid close attention to Chinese revolutions against Japanese and Western empires. Korean nationalists viewed China's revolutionary struggles as important for liberating Korea from Japan, a stance that reveals a transnational basis of Korean nationalism in the colonial era. One such nationalist was Sin Ŏnjun (1904–38),Tong'a Ilbo’s Shanghai-based correspondent, who played a critical role in conveying the momentous events in contemporary China to colonized Koreans. Drawing on Sin's example, this article shows how Sino-Korean transnationalism constituted Korea's left-wing, progressive nationalism in the 1930s. Although Sin Ŏnjun was a nationalist rather than a communist, he highlighted the communist struggles in China in his dispatches. He saw communism as the only viable way of solving China's internal and external problems, although he, at the same time, disapproved of Chinese communists’ “terrorist methods.” This article argues that this position also reflected his stance in favor of a broad communist-nationalist alliance in the Korean independence movement. He saw Korea's liberation agenda as closely related to the revolutionary events in China, thus accomplishing a synthesis between Korean nationalistic and social aspirations and an East Asia–wide transnational paradigm of a universal emancipatory struggle.
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13

Ciavolella, Riccardo y Stefano Boni. "Aspiring to alterpolitics". Focaal 2015, n.º 72 (1 de junio de 2015): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720101.

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This theme section inquires into the contribution of political anthropology to radical theories, social imagination, and practices underlying political “alternatives”, which we propose to call “alterpolitics”. The issue of an alternative to contemporary powers in globalization is a central topic in social movements and radical debates. This sense of possibility for political alternatives is associated with the desertion of the belief in “the end of history”: the current economic crisis and the decline of Western hegemony presumably announce a radical transformation of the neoliberal world, opening space to alternatives. Actually, the reconfiguration of twentieth-century capitalism is associated with a growing mistrust of political institutions, the crisis being “organic”, in the Gramscian sense (Gramsci 1975). Recent social movements and insurrections around the world—from the “colored revolutions” in Central Asia to the Spanish indignados, the US Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, uprisings in Bosnia—have raised the issue of alternatives as a reaction to the incapacity of capitalist political institutions—from electoral democracy to dictatorships—to deal with people’s problems and meet their aspirations for emancipation and a better future.
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14

Rossabi, Morris. "Socialist Revolutions in Asia: The Social History of Mongolia in the Twentieth Century. By Irina Y. Morozova. London: Routledge, 2009. x, 172 pp. $170.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 68, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2009): 1284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809991203.

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15

Bykov, Andrey. "Formation of the borders of Kazakhstan: discussions and solutions in the first twenty years of soviet power". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n.º 2 (2023): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024450-2.

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The issues of the formation of the administrative borders of Kazakhstan with the republics of Central Asia and the RSFSR are considered within the frame of rapidly changing military and socio-political situation. Priorities in the delimitation, taking into account the size of territories, population and education status, are identified. Attention is drawn to the relationship of the national republics with the union bodies, neighboring autonomies, other territories and regions of Russia. The evolution of the delimitation process, the transformation of the boundaries and the basic criteria used in this process, the forms of demarcation and approaches to their implementation are shown. The main and additional criteria of delimitation of the borders of the subjects of the RSFSR and the USSR were determined. The continuity of the principles of administrative division in the pre-war period with the modern principles of interstate delimitation and the influence of the processes of delimitation on the evolution of international law are shown. A certain interconnection between the dynamics of administrative-territorial division, including the formation of autonomies on a national basis, which took place after the February and October revolutions, was traced, but qualitative differences between pre- and early Soviet approaches were also recorded. It is concluded that it was in the pre-war period that the main contours of the current borders of the Central Asian states were established, and the demarcation process itself played a great role in stabilizing the situation in the region.
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16

Smith, Donna. "Global Issues Library". Charleston Advisor 24, n.º 1 (1 de julio de 2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.24.1.38.

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Global Issues Library is an Alexander Street resource that provides documents, images, and videos on more than 180 issues, topics, and events, from the eighteenth century to the present, that are key to understanding global affairs today. Curated by a board of international scholars, the database contains original documents and images in PDF format, as well as e-books, monographs, journals, photographs, audio, and video. These are drawn from a variety of national and international sources and collectively represent several thousand images, almost 1,000 hours of videos, and more than 600,000 pages of content. Alexander Street continues to add new materials to each collection. The documents stored on the site can be browsed, searched, printed, downloaded, and emailed.These unique primary source materials support research in international studies, global affairs, history, political science, sociology, security studies, peace studies, law, public policy, environmental studies, and anthropology. Specific topics include borders and migration, human rights violations, peacekeeping, climate change, terrorism, revolutions, and human trafficking. Specific events explored include the U.S.‐Mexico border, the Rwandan genocide, the Arab Spring, the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, and climate migrants in Asia-Pacific. Multiple perspectives (personal, governmental, legal, contemporary, and retrospective) allow the comparison of issues in a variety of contexts and in an interdisciplinary manner.
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17

De Toni Júnior, Claudio Noel. "Arts of letting live in the contemporary world of globalization". Journal on Innovation and Sustainability RISUS 14, n.º 3 (21 de septiembre de 2023): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2179-3565.2023v14i3p190-204.

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The ways of living or letting live have always been intertwined in historical and geographical aspects of the human race in defense of society, territory and control of bodies and space. It is addressed in the work that, since the time of mercantilism, nations have been exploited by subtracting from them all that there is of wealth, expropriating their people who remain throughout history at the height of socioeconomic problems triggered by the United Nations (UN) with its multiple variables for measuring the territories in their inequality of wealth, in the social and environmental scope. Afterwards, we see the repetition of the conquest of new territories in the modern and contemporary period by the European imperialist metropolises in favor of maintaining their own industrial revolutions in Africa and Asia, as well as the struggles for power and conquests among themselves in the interwar period, in the which was called the cold war and in the new neocolonialism of Globalization in which inequalities in the field of security are perpetuated, in which subjects are expelled from their own territories becoming political exiles in search of new horizons that can provide them with dignity. Period of jurisdictional imposition of the government with macropolitical issues arise from the option of the desire of its own nationals in search of supremacy that part of the population has always legitimized in the designs of prejudice of race, gender and institutions.
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18

Usmonov, Farrukh y Fumiaki Inagaki. "UNDERSTANDING JAPANESE SOFT POWER POLICY AND ITS FEATURE IN CENTRAL ASIA". Central Asia and The Caucasus 22, n.º 1 (23 de marzo de 2021): 029–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.1.03.

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The states of the Central Asian region obtained their independence in 1991 and have been undergoing a turbulent transition process, such as civil war, cross-border conflicts, revolution and socio-political reforms. Japan has been furthering its cooperation with the Central Asian countries since the day diplomatic relations were established. Despite only a 25-year history of cooperation, Japan has developed numerous and diverse patterns of involvement in the Central Asian region. There is a positive attitude towards Japan and Japanese people among the population of Central Asian countries. This work explores the features of Japanese soft power policy and its development in Central Asia. The core of the multilateral collaboration format in Japanese Central Asian Policy is “Central Asia + Japan,” which aims to promote inter-regional and intra-regional cooperation among the Central Asian states.
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19

Andrade, Tonio. "An Accelerating Divergence? The Revisionist Model of World History and the Question of Eurasian Military Parity: Data from East Asia". Canadian Journal of Sociology 36, n.º 2 (29 de diciembre de 2010): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs8873.

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Over the past few years, this journal has hosted a debate central to world history and historical sociology: Joseph M. Bryant’s bold assault on the revisionist model of global history and the revisionists’ equally trenchant defense. A key point of disagreement concerns Europeans' relative military advantages vis-a-vis Asians. Both sides cite literature from historians’ Military Revolution Model, but each takes different lessons from that literature. The revisionists see a slight military imbalance in favor of Europe but deny that it reflects a general European technological lead. Bryant believes that the European technological lead is significant and reflects a more general modernizing trend. This article tries to resolve the disagreement by appealing to data from East Asia. First, it argues that recent work in Asian history points to what we can call a Chinese Military Revolution, which compels us to place the European Military Revolution in a larger, Eurasian context: not just western European but also East Asian societies were undergoing rapid military change and modernization during the gunpowder age. Second, it adduces evidence from a new study of the Sino-Dutch War of 1661-1668 (a war that both Bryant and the revisionists cite, each, again, taking divergent lessons) to come to a more precise evaluation of the military balance between China and western Europe in the early modern period: western cannons and muskets didn’t provide a discernible advantage, but western war ships and renaissance forts did. The article concludes that the revisionists are correct in their belief that Asian societies were undergoing rapid changes in military technology and practices along the lines of those taking place in western Europe and that the standard model Bryant defends is incorrect because it presumes that Asian societies are more stagnant than is warranted by the evidence. At the same time, the article argues that counter-revisionists like Bryant are correct in their belief that military modernization was proceeding more quickly in Europe than that in Asia, which may indicate that the counter-revisionists are correct on a basic point: there was an early divergence between the west and the rest of Eurasia. At first this divergence was slight – so slight, indeed, that it probably left little clear evidence in the noisy and poor early modern data we have available. But the divergence increased over time. Thus, we can speak of a small but accelerating divergence.
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COULARDEAU, Jacques. "SCIENTIFIC LINGUISTICS, A NEVER-ENDING HISTORY". International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on the Dialogue between Sciences & Arts, Religion & Education 5, n.º 1 (24 de noviembre de 2021): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/mcdsare.2021.5.37-57.

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1866 was a turning point in scientific linguistics when the Linguistic Society of Paris banned all papers and presentations on the origin of language. De Saussure locked up the debate with two concepts, diachrony and synchrony. I intend to examine the emergence of the hypothesis of a single origin of human articulated languages, in Africa first, and then Black Africa. The phylogenic approach of biological studies has today spread to linguistics. Sally McBrearty rejected the idea of a Neolithic revolution. Consequently, Black Africa became a major field of archaeological research. Yuval Noah Harari stating the existence of a symbolic revolution around 70,000 years ago, rejected Black Africa along with the Americas, and the Denisovans. Asia has become a major archaeological field. Julien d’Huy implements phylogenetic arborescent technique to the study of myths. The oldest form of a myth is not the origin of it. In oral civlizations some literate individual had to tell the story behind representations for the people to understand, appreciate, and remember them. I will then consider structural linguistics (Noam Chomsky & Universal Grammar). UG has never been able to develop semantics within its own system (Generative Semantics & George Lakoff). Science is always a temporarily approximate vision of what it considers. First, what any science explores is constantly evolving following phylogenic dynamics that are contained in the very objects of such scientific studies. Second, any new knowledge appearing in the field concerned causes a complete restructuration of what we knew before.
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21

GREEN, TOBY. "AFRICA AND THE PRICE REVOLUTION: CURRENCY IMPORTS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CHANGE IN WEST AND WEST-CENTRAL AFRICA DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY". Journal of African History 57, n.º 1 (12 de febrero de 2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000754.

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AbstractThe past decade has seen much ink spilled on global interconnections in the early modern economy, especially those linking European and Asian economies. But this Eurasian concentration has excluded Africa from the discussion. This article addresses this absence by showing that West and West-Central Africa were integral to the global price revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Considering evidence from West and West-Central Africa reveals how the price revolution was a genuinely global phenomenon, with increasing imports of locally-used currencies that created inflation in line with the inflation of gold and silver in Europe and Asia. The article argues that the coexistence of exchangeable value and other social uses of currencies also contributed to a relative depreciation in Africa's global economic strength. Also related to this phenomenon were the rise of an export slave trade and changes in the production and distribution of West and West-Central African cloth industries.
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22

Anderson, Clare. "The Age of Revolution in the Indian Ocean, Bay of Bengal, and South China Sea: A Maritime Perspective". International Review of Social History 58, S21 (6 de septiembre de 2013): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000229.

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AbstractThis essay explores the history of empire and rebellion from a seaborne perspective, through a focus on convict-ship mutiny in the Indian Ocean. It will show that the age of revolution did not necessarily spread outward from Europe and North America into colonies and empires, but rather complex sets of interconnected phenomena circulated regionally and globally in all directions. Convict transportation and mutiny formed a circuit that connected together imperial expansion and native resistance. As unfree labour, convicts might be positioned in global histories of the Industrial Revolution. And, as mutinous or insurgent colonial subjects, they bring together the history of peasant unrest and rebellion in south Asia with piracy in south-east Asia and the Pearl River delta. A subaltern history of convict transportation in the Indian Ocean thus has much to offer for an understanding of the maritime dimensions of the age of revolution.
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23

Tikhonov, Yuri. "The Role of the “Bukhara Question” in the Conclusion of the Soviet-Afghan “Treaty of Friendship” of 1921". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 1 (2022): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018270-5.

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During the negotiation of the first Soviet-Afghan “Treaty of Friendship”, a fierce rivalry arose between the parties over control of the Emirate of Bukhara. The former protectorate of the Russian Empire played an important role in the Bolsheviks' plans to export revolution to Central and South Asia, making it impossible for them to allow Afghan control of Bukhara. In turn, the Afghan government attempted to use diplomatic negotiations with Moscow to preserve the independence of Khiva and Bukhara. The “Bukhara Question” was of particular importance to the Afghan Emir, Amanullah Khan, who sought to transform the country into a “regional power” at the helm of a confederation of Central Asian states. Declassified records kept in Russian archives reveal that Amanullah Khan was seeking major concessions from Soviet diplomats on all issues relating to Bukhara to create “Greater Afghanistan”. At first, the Afghan Emir sought Soviet Russia's consent to divide the Emirate of Bukhara into spheres of influence, the transfer of the Russian fortresses of Termez and Kerki to Afghanistan, special rights over the Bukhara section of the Central Asian railway, and freedom of trade. When the Afghans became convinced of the weakness of Soviet power in Central Asia, they set out to establish an Afghan protectorate over Bukhara. At the same time, the Afghan diplomats were sober about the international situation and recognised that their claims had limits and should not derail the conclusion of a favourable treaty with the RSFSR. For this reason, Amanullah Khan accepted, with some difficulty, the “Bukhara Revolution” of 1920, orchestrated by the Bolsheviks, and then agreed to ratify the Soviet-Afghan “Treaty of Friendship”, signed in Moscow on 28 February 1921.
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24

Wiederkehr, Stefan. "«Conservative Revolution» à la russe? An Interpretation of Classic Eurasianismin a European Context". Journal of Modern European History 15, n.º 1 (febrero de 2017): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-1-72.

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«Conservative Revolutiony» à la russe? An Interpretation of Classic Eurasianism in a European Context This article explores classic Eurasianism as part of right-wing European intellectual history. Between the two world wars, the Eurasianists shared many ideas with other European right-wing ideologists and in particular with the authors of the German «Conservative Revolution»: anti-liberalism, a hostile attitude towards parliamentarian democracy, anti-capitalism and the anti-individualist idea of an organic whole against the atomisation of society. However, unlike French or British rightwing intellectuals, Eurasianists did not hope to unite Europe on an illiberal basis; what they instead had in mind was overcoming «European» values and institutions in Eurasia, of which they conceived as a separate continent between Europe and Asia. This idea has been revitalised by the Russian Neo-Eurasianist circles around Aleksandr Dugin that have become a central part in European networks of the new Right of the twenty-first century.
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25

Halperin, Charles J. "“Russia Faces East: Eurasianism Reconsidered”". Russian History 43, n.º 1 (23 de marzo de 2016): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04301001.

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The Eurasian movement arose among a group of Russian emigre intellectuals after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Its premise that Russia was part neither of Europe nor of Asia but a world unto itself, Eurasia, led to new ideas about Russian history, geography, economics, religion, linguistics and society. The contributors to the anthology Between Europe & Asia: The Origins, Theories and Legacies of Russian Eurasianism sometimes disagree about the relative influence of pan-European and Russian intellectual history on Eurasianism, about the significance of the Russian Revolution and exile on its emergence, about its originality, and about its influence on Neo-Eurasian thinkers, but agree that Eurasian theories remain fascinating and still repay further study.
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26

Akulov, M. "Trends in Western Historiography of Central Asia: A case of “Central Asian Survey”". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, n.º 3 (2022): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-3-7-20.

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The article is devoted to the study of the main trends in Western Central Asian studies over the past 40 years. As a model for tracking the above trends, there was used authoritative foreign academic journal "Central Asian Survey". As a rule, there were published advanced ideas, concepts, and results of the latest research. Respectively, the review of the works presented in it can claim to be representative of the scientific industry in general. In general, the article demonstrates the fundamental transformations in Western Central Asian studies that occurred after 1991, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, the fall of the Iron Curtain, and the corresponding changes in the research field, which faced the need to revise the paradigms that existed at that time and, in general, the tasks of the period the Cold War, the "archival revolution" and, in fact, a new era in historical research, "post-communism", which made possible various forms of intellectual exchange for researchers from previously opposed camps. Among the historiography on the history of the region analyzed in the article. Studies that consider the history of the region over the past few centuries through the prism of Russian expansionism stand out. In addition, the article focuses on works in which an attempt is made to go beyond the conceptual framework of previous studies (in particular, the “totalitarian school”). It is also worth noting the questions of the formation of a single Soviet people and the Soviet national policy in the region, ethnic thinking, as well as the evolution of the administration of tsarist Russia in the region, raised in the papers cited and analyzed in the works.
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27

Warner, Julian. "Information Revolutions in the History of the West". Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 60, n.º 12 (diciembre de 2009): 2591–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/asi.21141.

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28

Chatterjee, Partha. "Struggles for Hegemony Have Not Ceased". Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 25, n.º 3 (9 de diciembre de 2022): 321–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.75593.

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Peter Thomas’s criticism of arguments advanced recently of an era of “post-hegemony” in Western democracies may be extended by considering the experience of post-colonial Asia and Africa. Reviewing the use of the Gramscian concepts of consent and passive revolution in the study of modern South Asian history, this paper argues that both of Gramsci’s objectives –a general theory of power and the analysis of historically contingent and strategic politics– can be retained to yield valuable analytical insights. The paper concludes that rather than focusing on whether the analysis of hegemony can remain true to Gramsci’s text, one can put the concept to analytical use in explaining political change in different parts of the world today.
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29

Agnani, Sunil. "Edmund Burke and Hannah Arendt: Decolonization, Resentment, and the Social Question". boundary 2 49, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10045146.

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Abstract Hannah Arendt's work On Revolution brings into contact two temporalities: the decade of its composition (the 1960s), alongside its understanding of revolution in conjunction with “Enlightenment.” A reader of Edmund Burke who turns to this work will be startled at the degree to which he plays a central role. His ideas and even his temperament seem to guide her profound praise for “the men who made the American Revolution” alongside her shock centered around Robespierre but mingled with her discussion of Rousseau and the French Revolution. This connection between Burke and Arendt is worth tracing because it allows readers to understand her response to the post-WWII age, which witnessed the emergence of manifold diverse “revolutions” in the social and political realm brought by decolonization, both in the European and non-European (i.e., Asian, African, postcolonial) contexts. It also allows readers to question Arendt's view of the role that suffering and poverty ought to play in moments of revolution and to scrutinize her thesis that wherever a solution to the “social” question was sought by “political” means it has led to terror and violence, with the notion of resentment playing a crucial role.
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30

Roy, Kaushik. "The hybrid military establishment of the East India Company in South Asia: 1750–1849". Journal of Global History 6, n.º 2 (13 de junio de 2011): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000222.

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AbstractDuring the seventeenth century, the East India Company (EIC) was a minor power in South Asia, repeatedly defeated in battle. However, this changed rapidly, beginning in the 1750s, as the EIC started projecting power from its coastal enclaves into the interior. One after other, the indigenous powers were defeated and destroyed. This article argues that the EIC’s military success was not merely the result of importing the military institutions that emerged in western Europe: there was no military revolution in early modern South Asia. Rather, the EIC blended imported British military institutions and techniques with South Asia’s indigenous military traditions, creating a hybrid military establishment in which South Asian manpower, animals, and economic resources were crucial. The article focuses on the construction of the EIC’s military establishment by concentrating on three spheres: military technology, manpower management, and logistics.
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31

Farmer, B. H. "Perspectives on the ‘Green Revolution’ in South Asia". Modern Asian Studies 20, n.º 1 (febrero de 1986): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013627.

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The choice of the word ‘perspective’ in the title of this lecture exploits the ambiguity to which the English language so happily lends itself. For the lecture will, on the one hand, look back over the valley of the years at the research project on technology and agrarian change in two rice-growing areas, one in Sri Lanka and the other in Tamil Nadu, which was organized from the Centre of South Asian Studies, University of Cambridgejust over ten years ago, remembering some of its findings (see Farmer, 1977) and discussing certain further changes that have taken place in the study area and elsewhere in South Asia in those ten years. The project, it should be said, was inter-disciplinary; involved both sample surveys and studies in depth; and can claim to have attained the fruitful relationship between disciplines and between techniques of field study that some have described as ‘hard to achieve’ (e.g., Hoben and Timberg, 1980).
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32

Tvedt, Terje. "Why England and not China and India? Water systems and the history of the Industrial Revolution". Journal of Global History 5, n.º 1 (25 de febrero de 2010): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022809990325.

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AbstractGlobal history has centred for a long time on the comparative economic successes and failures of different parts of the world, most often European versus Asian regions. There is general agreement that the balance changed definitively in the latter part of the eighteenth century, when in continental Europe and England a transformation began that revolutionized the power relations of the world and brought an end to the dominance of agrarian civilization. However, there is still widespread debate over why Europe and England industrialized first, rather than Asia. This article will propose an explanation that will shed new light on Europe’s and England’s triumph, by showing that the ‘water system’ factor is a crucial piece missing in existing historical accounts of the Industrial Revolution. It is argued that this great transformation was not only about modernizing elites, investment capital, technological innovation, and unequal trade relations, but that a balanced, inclusive explanation also needs to consider similarities and differences in how countries and regions related to their particular water systems, and in how they could exploit them for transport and the production of power for machines.
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33

Bebler, Anton. "On the Global Impact of the Russian October Revolution of 1917". Contributions to Contemporary History 58, n.º 1 (7 de mayo de 2018): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.58.1.02.

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The 1917 Russian October Revolution upset the political order in Europe, causing a significant geopolitical change on two continents and exerting various degrees of influence on the politics on six continents for several decades. However, the Revolution failed in its primary declared strategic objective – to destroy and abolish world capitalism. Moreover, it became discredited in its own country of origin and in most of Europe – much more than in many non-European countries, particularly Asia.
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34

Bsheer, Rosie y Mohammed Alsudairi. "Introduction". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2023): 337–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10892826.

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Abstract This introduction to the special section “Inter-Asian Cold War Linkages” shows how an interdisciplinary group of ten scholars take up the understudied Cold War linkages between the Middle East, on the one hand, and East and South Asia on the other. They examine how the inter-Asian lens allows us to rethink the history of the twentieth-century Middle East. Central to such rethinking is the destabilization of some of the dichotomous categories that were normalized during the Cold War and that have greatly shaped how we view culture, economy, politics, and society. These include the categories of state/nonstate, national/transnational, revolution/counterrevolution, religion/secularism, and private/public. Instead of taking these dualities for granted, the scholars here foreground the blurred and dialectical relationship between them, utilizing the Middle East as a site of critical analysis, learning, and theorizing and putting its study in conversation with the more Asia-centric and transnationally attuned literatures of the global Cold War.4 In the process, alternative genealogies and relationalities of the Middle East emerge, ones that place the Middle East in the world rather than prioritize how “the world” has acted on the Middle East, usually as a periphery or site of intervention. Doing so brings into view new ways, periodizations, and scales of studying the global Middle East in general and the Cold War in particular.
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35

Ортега Рейна, Хайме y Ricardo Yanuel Fuentes. ""Long live a free China!": the Mexican communist press and the construction of Mao's leadership (1924-1949)". Latin-American Historical Almanac 36, n.º 1 (19 de noviembre de 2022): 182–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-36-1-182-218.

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The attention on China and its revolutions during the 20th century were the object of interest of communist organiza-tions in Mexico before the Mexican government established relations with the Asian country. In this article we intend to trace this process of rapprochement and its interpretation of the revolutions in China that Mexican communists made. Our work points to a panoramic vision in which the “dialogue” between revolutions is central, since Mexican communists recognized in China a parallel with the route that Mexico had acquired with its own revolutionary process. How did this rapprochement come about? What interpretation did Mexican communists have of the Chinese case? These are some of the questions we intend to answer in the following pages. By this we mean that Mexican communists, based on their position in the national political framework, and depending on the histor-ical moment in which they found themselves, translated the importance or significance of the revolution in China. This is what allows actors belonging to such a diverse ideological spectrum to welcome the Chinese phenomenon. Having said this, the analysis will be based on a division into two major periods. The first will be between 1924 and 1938, which was linked to the conception of the country's unity and national liberation. Then, as a second period, we will take the 1940s, where the epic will be divided between the commitment to na-tionalism and later to the Chinese Communist Party. The analysis will be based on the review of the communist press, where they projected their political ideas and their vision of the world. The objective of this work is to highlight the pres-ence of the Chinese case, as well as the slow construction of the leaderships associated with the revolution prior to the emergence of "Maoism" as a current with its own identity.
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36

Zhou, Zhiyuan. "Producing the Meaning of An Asianist Revolution: Images of Revolutionaries in the 1899 Sino-Japanese Joint Aid to the Philippine Revolution". Columbia Journal of Asia 2, n.º 1 (2 de mayo de 2023): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cja.v2i1.11120.

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Asianism had been a multi-faceted set of ideas, emotions, and actions hinged upon the constantly appropriated category “Asia” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While many scholars have analyzed different threads of Asianist movements, they have not given enough attention to the way self-proclaimed Asianists fashioned themselves through print media. How did Asianists confer meaning to their political activities and shape their audiences’ perceptions of Asianism? In this paper, I argue that through East Asia’s burgeoning print media, three Asianist activists—Sun Yat-sen of China, Miyazaki Tōten of Japan, and Mariano Ponce of the Philippines—produced and propagated meanings of Asianism in a Sino-Japanese joint aid to the Philippine Revolution in 1899. I demonstrate how images of these activists were coded and weaved into an Asianist “web of meaning” by themselves and their followers. Although the aid to the Philippines ended in a fiasco, these Asianists transformed their failure, in different ways, into a glorious image of Asian solidarity through writing autobiographies and propaganda material. By emphasizing the print media, I aim to deepen historians’ understanding of the relationship between the production the history of Asianism and pan-Asianist revolutionary networks in the early twentieth century.
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37

Mosyakov, D. V. y E. M. Astafieva. "The Study Features of the Southeast Asian Countries at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, n.º 6 (13 de abril de 2022): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-6-7.

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A brief analysis of the general trends in Southeast Asian studies carried out by the authors of the article showed that during the Soviet era, for a long time, this region was studied in two practically unrelated aspects. The first one was closed and subordinate to the tasks of the world revolution, and the second one was opened, devoted mainly to history of the countries of Southeast Asia and certain aspects of the anti-colonial struggle. It was only in the 1950s that the formation of the Southeast Asian school of studies began, but this process was complicated by the need to withstand work in the spirit of the “general line” of the party and government. A new, one might say “golden period” on the region study began after 1991 in modern Russia. The opening of archives, the expansion of communication opportunities and the removal of ideological barriers, as well as the highest qualifications of the majority of domestic scientists made it possible to bring the research of Southeast Asia to a new level. At the same time, an important motivational component, the connection between science and power, was almost completely lost. In the ruling structures, interest in scientific research through academic institutions was largely lost in favor of “strategic centers” close to the authorities, which began to perform expert functions. Scientists began to receive beggarly salaries, many under pressure of circumstances were forced to leave the country or even leave science. However, it was during these difficult years that scientists were able to prepare and publish world-class works, which for a long time will be the main reference points for all those who study the history, politics, economy and culture of the Southeast Asian countries. The authors did not set themselves the goal of presenting a complete bibliography of publications on Southeast Asia and the South Pacific region, do not claim to fully cover the entire problem, they can be subjective in their assessments, referring only to key works that characterize, in their opinion, the main periods and main directions studies of the countries of the region.
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38

Adas, M. "Social History and the Revolution in African and Asian Historiography". Journal of Social History 19, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 1985): 335–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/19.2.335.

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39

Mandle, Jay R. "The Present as History: Globalization and the Asian Industrial Revolution". Journal of The Historical Society 5, n.º 3 (4 de agosto de 2005): 347–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2005.00134.x.

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40

Besseghini, Deborah. "The Weapons of Revolution: Global Merchants and the Arms Trade in South America (1808-1824)". Journal of Evolutionary Studies in Business 8, n.º 1 (9 de enero de 2023): 81–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/jesb2023.8.1.34043.

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This article investigates the role that the arms trade connected to Hispanic American Independence Wars played in the transformations at the origins of 19th century globalization. It looks specifically at how arms supplies to governments encouraged the early post-mercantilist development of South American commerce, and some of the domino effects of such development. This turning point in economic history is analyzed through the biographical trajectories of merchants who were well positioned between geopolitics and trade, and who had “imperial” functions without being formally involved in imperialist projects. Business and political correspondence, notarial documents, and customs registers from archives in Europe and the Americas reveal the workings of networks and business affairs of global merchants whose companies were major arms importers in Buenos Aires during the years leading to Chile’s liberation. The threads of John McNeile’s (an important but neglected figure) and David DeForest’s networks hook onto the principal economic and political laboratories of the countries from whence most arms were imported: Great Britain and the United States. They reached Chile and Peru from Buenos Aires and remained crucial to the liberation campaigns, encouraging further commercial expansion along the American Pacific coast and toward Asia, and pioneering financial adventures. Relations between commercial houses active in Hispanic America and Asia reveal British and US transpacific networks and ties between Hispanic American and Asian commerce and economies. The article thus shows how, by bringing together fragmented and scattered sources from both sides of the Atlantic, the significance of the arms trade in South America as a driving force of globalization emerges.
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41

Beisenbayeva, Lyazzat y Yücel Gelişli. "Comparison of social studies, Turkish Republic Revolution History and Kemalism, History of Kazakhstan and World History curricula in the secondary education in Turkey and the Republic of Kazakhstan". International Journal of Human Sciences 13, n.º 1 (27 de enero de 2016): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/ijhs.v13i1.3571.

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The aim of this study is to make a comparison between history topics in Social Sciences course, Ataturk's Principles and History of Turkish Revolution course in secondary schools in Turkey and History of Kazakhstan and World History courses in secondary schools in Kazakhstan. This study that has adopted qualitative research methods is a comparative educational research. Data has been collected through data analysis method. In the study, the curriculum of Social Sciences course and Ataturk's Principles and History of Turkish Revolution course in secondary schools in Turkey and the curriculum of History of Kazakhstan and World History courses in secondary schools in Kazakhstan have been compared in terms of objectives, content and weekly course schedule.<br />Findings show that subject that is based on historical content take place as units in 5th, 6th and 7th grade Social Sciences course. Social Sciences course is three hours per week for 5th and 6th graders. History topics in Social Sciences course include first states in Anatolia, Huns that is the first Turkish state, Turkish states founded in Central Asia, Turks' migration to Anatolia, foundation and development of Ottoman states, science, art and economic structure. Additionally, the rise of Islam, states founded by Muslims, conversion of the Turks to Islam, development of science and art are among the history topics, as well. In 8th grade, for Ataturk's Principles and History of Turkish Revolution course, students attend two hours of lecture per week. This course covers foundation of the Republic of Turkey, Ataturk's life, Ataturk's Principles and political developments of the related period. In Turkish secondary schools, there is not a course on world history. On the other hand, in Kazakhstan, for the History of Kazakhstan, 5th grade students attend one hour of lecture while 6th, 7th and 8th grade students attend two hours of lecture per week. In the curriculum of the History of Kazakhstan, Turkish states founded in Kazakhstan starts with the Sakas and it covers Turkish states in history, their foundation, development and improvements in science, art and economy. Additionally, 6th, 7th and 8th grade students attend one hour of lecture for the World History course. This course includes topics such as states founded in Asia, Europe, America and Africa, foundation and development of Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey that are among states founded by Turks in Anatolia and developments in science, art and economic structure of the related states.
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42

Khalid, Adeeb. "Between Empire and Revolution: New Work on Soviet Central Asia". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 7, n.º 4 (2006): 865–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2006.0051.

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43

Prugl, Elisabeth y Mary Ann Tetreault. "Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 1 (febrero de 1997): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517124.

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44

Prügl, Elisabeth. "Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World". Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 1997): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.1.159.

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45

Gottmann, Felicia. "Asiatische Revolutionen: Europa und der Aufstieg und Fall asiatischer Imperien (1600–1830) / Asian Revolutions: Europe and the Rise and Fall of Asian Empires (1600–1830) by Sven Trakulhun". Journal of World History 29, n.º 3 (2018): 414–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2018.0040.

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46

Esherick, Joseph. "RECENT STUDIES OF WARTIME CHINA". Journal of Chinese History 1, n.º 1 (22 de noviembre de 2016): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2016.3.

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The history of World War II has long been a favorite topic of military, diplomatic, and social historians (even more so for viewers of the History Channel), but the focus has typically been on the European theater. With a more limited archival record, the conflict in Asia has received less attention. This is certainly not because Asia was less important. The war undermined the legitimacy of colonial regimes throughout Southeast Asia, led to the division of Korea into two hostile states, and contributed in fundamental ways to the collapse of the Nationalist regime in China and the triumph of the Communist revolution. The last few years have seen substantial new scholarship on the 1937–45 War of Resistance in China and what Japanese historians often call the Fifteen-Year War, starting with the occupation of Manchuria in 1931. The number of titles falls far short of what has been written on Europe, but the war in China is now being approached in new and interesting ways.
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47

Han, Kaiding, Ruyan Dai, Qianqian Qin y Ouna Shao. "Drivers Analysis of Second Oil Crisis Focusing on the Economic Impact of Developing Countries in Asia". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 21 (15 de febrero de 2023): 584–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v21i.3645.

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As a strategic commodity, oil is essential to the industrial economy and occupies an important position in international competition and national economic development. Price changes in oil affect every aspect of the economic sphere of each country. The three oil crises in history have become major factors in the world oil market prices. Compared with the other two oil crises, the second oil crisis in 1970 was due to the interruption of Iranian oil exports. The market set psychological expectations for the unsteady oil supply, which led to a surge in oil prices. The study of the second oil crisis is of great significance to Asian countries because Asia, as a region of rapid economic development, has an outstanding internal conflict between oil supply and demand, and the causes of the second oil crisis and its impact on the development of Asian countries are also a major concern for countries around the world. This paper examines the characteristics, causes, and manifestations of the second oil crisis from the perspective of industrial policy through case comparison and other methods. Then, this paper finds that the motivations of the second oil crisis are mainly the decline in oil production capacity caused by the Islamic Revolution and countries' oil reserve plans, which exacerbated the oil crisis. The economic impact of the second oil crisis on developing countries in Asia is mainly reflected in the asymmetry of supply and demand, squeezing domestic economic construction funds, and causing a national debt crisis in oil-poor countries in developing countries.
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48

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 158, n.º 3 (2002): 535–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003776.

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Zhang, Yi. "“Asiatic Black Man”: W. E. B. Du Bois and Langston Hughes in Soviet Asia--Part I—The Shifting “Double-consciousness” of Du Bois". Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies 30, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2024): 109–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hjeas/2024/30/1/7.

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Abstract This essay seeks to revisit the curious case of the “Asiatic Black Man” by demonstrating how this identity, inherent in the collective unconsciousness and shared by Muhammad Ali, W. E. B. Du Bois, Langston Hughes, and Paul Robeson, could be consolidated as an “imagined community” through the microhistory of African Americans experiencing Soviet Asia. The essay proposes Afro-American Eurasianism as a transcontinental approach to converge the transnational, transatlantic, and transpacific perspectives in the Eurasian landmass, wherein the consilience of the Soviet overarching ambition of becoming the only world power as well as various themes that connected the micro-narrative of African Americans with the big history1 of Asia rendered Eurasianism as a shared political ideology, to be exploited by each side as a grand strategy in ending global racial politics. By positioning the twin cases of Du Bois and Hughes, this paper aims to show how the Soviet Union’s divergent endeavors of the “world revolution”—with Hungary and China as their primary targets for exporting revolutions in order to control the Eurasian “heartland”—and “socialism in one country”—with Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan as the in-the-making products of the Soviet nation-building experiments so as to convey the raceless image of Potemkin villages through Central Asia’s window to the world—could draw them away from their initial embrace of Black nationalism and shape their radical thoughts toward the Soviet cause. Moreover, this study posits that Soviet Asia functioned as a psychogeographical and geopolitical conduit that facilitated the elaboration of the Afro-American “Asiatic Black Man” fantasy and imagination of the communistic utopia as an alternative international order, while it unexpectedly resulted in a new “double-consciousness,” compelling Du Bois and Hughes to oscillate between Moscow and Beijing/Tashkent. (YZ)
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50

Borschberg, Peter. "Luso-Johor-Dutch Relations in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, c. 1600-1623". Itinerario 28, n.º 2 (julio de 2004): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019471.

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The study of the early European colonial presence in Asia has been stimulated in recent years by a series of excellent works. These have been both of general and specialist nature, written not only by historians, but also by political scientists as well as specialists of international relations. The truly excellent study published in 2002 by Edward Keene, can be taken as a point in case. Central to his revisitation of seventeenth-century treaties of the United Dutch East India Company (VOC) with the Emperor of Kandy, is the notion of divided sovereignty expounded by Hugo Grotius around 1600-1610. It was against the backdrop of such concepts of divided sovereignty that the VOC could ultimately conclude its complex web of treaty relationships that broadly characterise the Dutch colonial empire in the East Indies up the advent of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. There is some legitimacy in contending that Keene's postulations effectively rework and reinterpret, at the level of international relations, what was once conveniently dubbed the ‘Age of Partnership’, i.e. an age characterised by trade-driven colonial empires that grew upon a complex, sometimes self-contradictory network of treaty relationships as well as formal and informal cooperation garnered from native elites. Admittedly such relations were often but not always based on unequal power and treaty relationships. Despite the uneven playing fields created by many such Euro-Asian treaties, especially those forged in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the conclusion of treaties was assumed on the basis of the nominal co-equality of sovereigns and plenipotentiary agents acting on their behalf. European and Asian treaty partners were accepted as contracting equals, and this is particularly stunning given that the feudal world of European power politics at the time was, by comparison, probably more complex and legally structured than Asia. Certainly, the underlying power relations behind these early modern agreements were completely different from those imposed by the mature colonial powers on Asia at the zenith of nineteenth-century imperialism!
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