Literatura académica sobre el tema "Revolutionary Fighting Group"

Introduction. As a social group with its specific features and motivation, students have been long characterized by their active involvement in social and political unrest. However, the behavioral analysis of students in different historical situations has become an independent research topic as late as in the 1960s. Numerous nuances of student activity remain for that reason unexplored. That is true of the process of student politicization and nationalization in the multi-ethnic Austrian empire during the tumultuous year of 1848. In literature, this issue is either pushed aside or based on an image of a radical “Austrian” student helping proletarians to fight against the regime on barricades. The latter is not relevant in view of the diversity of student sentiments and ideas that were present in the vast Habsburg hereditary lands. Methods and materials. This article analyzes students’ sympathies and actual participation in the rebellious events of 1848 considering the cases of two universities – that of the capital city of Vienna and the university of provincial Innsbruck. The study is based on students’ memoires, pamphlets, letters and newspapers of that time, as well as official documents and appeals by the government. Analysis. The analysis shows that Viennese students had an effective voice in revolutionary events, but their demands were of relatively moderate liberal character, while they largely remained loyal to the emperor. The revolutionary activity of provincial students was much more modest and peaceful than in Vienna. In case of Innsbruck, in particular, an image of a patriotic student fighting with arms for his emperor and fatherland replaced the image of a student fighting for political freedoms. Results. The participation of students in the revolutionary events of 1848 resulted in politicization of the “Austrian” student body and its consolidation as an independent social group.

Abstract Desertion, or the unauthorized exit from an armed group, has major implications for counterinsurgency, war termination, and recruitment dynamics. While existing research stresses the importance of individual motivations for desertion, organizational decline, in the form of military and financial adversity, can also condition desertion. Organizational decline undermines a group's instruments to channel individual preferences into collective action. These instruments include selective incentives, ideological appeal, and coercion. When the binding power of these instruments diminishes, individual desires start to dominate behavior, making desertion more likely. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) insurgency is used to examine this argument with a multimethod approach. First, a quantitative analysis employs unique data on more than 19,000 reported FARC deserters from 2002 to 2017, provided by the Colombian Ministry of Defense. Guarding against threats to causal inference, statistical analysis indicates that organizational decline drives desertion. Second, a qualitative analysis uses a large body of detailed reports on interviews with deserters conducted by Colombian military personnel. The reports demonstrate that organizational decline weakens selective incentives, group ideology, and a credible coercive regime, and fosters desertion through these mechanisms. These findings provide key insights for policymakers, given that desertion can both contribute to ending conflict and accelerate the recruitment of new combatants.

The article explores the implications the rise of the ‘Islamic State’ (IS) had on the international order and the salafi-jihadi movement. The main argument is that at the height of its activity (2014–2016) IS was a de facto revolutionary state. In this capacity, IS challenged the international order because contrary to revolutionary states in the past it negated the foundations of the Westphalian system. At the same time, the rise of IS had a tremendous impact on the jihadi (sub)system, as it initiated a period of fragmentation and alliance-building. The competition between IS and al-Qaeda for the hegemony of the movement did not revolve around direct fighting as much as efforts to outbid the rival group. One of the main conduits of this competition was the ‘war of bay’as (pledges of allegiance)’, which consisted of competitive oaths of allegiance from local jihadi forces to one of the two groups. In local contexts, the ‘war of bay’as’ increased tensions and factionalism within jihadi groups, as splinter groups decided to side with the new revolutionary foco. The fragmentation of local jihadi groups unfolded along pre-existing cleavages, grievances and resource-related motivations, increasing the levels of violence and complexity in these local conflicts.

During the Spring of Nations in the lands of the Crown of St. Stefan (1848-1849) traditional ties of friendship, with the possibility of a military confrontation occurring with one, two invaders attracted a large crowd of Polish volunteers for the formation of the Hungarian honveds. About 4,000 Poles were fighting directly in the ranks of the revolutionary army, and enrolled to the national legions under the command of Generals Joseph Wysocki alongside the Transylvanian Army Fieldmarshal Joseph Bem. Among them, about 20 individuals who will be later on commanders of the guerrilla armed troops of the January Uprising (1863-1864). For this reason, it is worth recalling the experience that the military group acquired during the battles for the Hungarian Plain, Slovakia, Bukovina, Moldavia, Banat, Backa and Transylvania.

AbstractPrince Charles Antoine de Ligne, son of Prince Charles Joseph de Ligne, died fighting French revolutionary forces at Croix-au-Bois in the Argonne region on 14 September 1792. He left behind a last will and testament (a copy is held in the Kriegsarchiv in Vienna) that evoked the memory of his small circle of aristocratic Viennese friends called “les Indissolubles.” Each member received a personal legacy, and Charles directed that a “temple of friendship” be established in his rooms at Beloeil featuring portraits of group members and a bust of himself. This poignant document, in combination with Charles's correspondence with close friend and group member Prince Joseph Poniatowski (preserved in the Polish Academy library in Cracow), confirms in striking manner the group's affinity for two popular European trends: Anglophilia and sensibility. Although Charles's will was not published at the time of his death he could assume that, as with any final testament, his statements would become known to, and honored by, a limited “public” of their own.

Introduction. Peculiarities of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in China’s national regions remain a poorly studied issue in modern Oriental studies. In this regard, Hulunbuir league of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region had been a strategically important and geopolitically significant region of the country. This territory bordered on the Mongolian People’s Republic and the USSR, therefore the central government of China considered its population potentially dangerous and marginal. The People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia had two party factions in Hulunbuir league: the ‘unification’ faction, and the ‘justice’ one. The Maoists viewed the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction of the People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia as a particularly dangerous, separatist trend. Goals. The paper aims to examine the political events and facts that took place in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968. Objectives. Chronologically, the first objective is to examine the ideological and political campaigns —struggle against the ‘Four Olds’, and the ‘Four Purges’ — as a prehistory to the ‘Cultural Revolution’. The second objective is to analyze the cardinal changes that took place in the leadership of the party committee and local authorities in 1966–1968. The third problem studied deals with repressive activities of the Red Guards and Zaofan in Hulunbuir league, their division into two fighting camps. The fourth objective is to examine the creation of the aimag revolutionary committee and its activities in 1968. Materials. The work analyzes three collections of official documents published in the PRC. The information thereof is supplemented with materials from works by Russian and foreign authors. The article provides a comparative analysis of events and facts, translates some terms from Mongolian and Chinese. Results. The introducing part the paper examines a prehistory of the ‘Cultural Revolution’, the ideological and political campaigns. Its main part studies the events of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in the region. In July of 1966, a special working group arrived in Hailar on behalf of the CPC Northern Bureau. Members of this group were cadre Party workers from Hubei and Shanxi provinces. In September of 1966, Party Committee Secretary of Hulunbuir league Qi Junshan and Deputy Secretary Zhargal were dismissed from their posts. Red Guards appeared in Hulunbuir in August of 1966 and began organizing ‘struggle meetings’. They actively recruited local Mongolian youth. In 1967, the Red Guards in Hulunbuir split into two opposing factions. They were confronting each other and for a while forgot about ‘class enemies’. Activities of the Red Guards were out of control of the regional authorities, and the situation needed stabilization. In March of 1967, the State Council and the Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China decided to create a military council in Hulunbuir league, also referred to as ‘the first line to contain the Revolution and stimulate production’. On December 20, 1967, a revolutionary committee was formed in Hailar. In March of 1968, Shangmin, a loyal follower of Mao Zedong, became the leader of the revolutionary committee. Making false accusations, he intensified repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction. Conclusions. Political events in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968 were directly related to the situation in the whole autonomous region and country. Repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction were a distinctive feature of the repressive policy in the region. Still, the appointments of cadre Party workers from central provinces are a poorly understood issue. So, the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in this territory of Inner Mongolia obviously has local features that require further scientific research.

Majority of the news that are reported on the violation of human rights in contemporary Indian media points towards the insolent and dissolute mind-set of a group of people conquered by caste hierarchy. The victims of this degenerated mentality happen to be the marginalised and oppressed masses in society who have been silent sufferers for centuries. In such a struggle, Dalit women cannot refrain themselves from the revolutionary struggles to attain equality and freedom. Being a social activist, I put forward my thesis in my attempt to join hands with Dalit women in India, who are victims of oppression from within and outside their community. They are prone to physical assaults, verbal assaults, sexual harassment and exploitation, rape, forced prostitution and domestic violence in addition to poverty and hunger. With fiery determination, Dalit women have been fighting with their pen, expressing their brutal experiences and their stiff resistance against the obnoxious caste hierarchy. Poetry being the most striking form of expression brings forth their utmost discontent with the caste system and proclaims their vehement dissent. This thesis is an attempt to analyse the poetry of Dalit women and the propositions of the dialectics of pathos and protest. The study also problematizes Dalit women’s poetry, which as a form of activism and resistance can in fact, bring a change in the lives of the ordinary Dalit women in India.

It is fitting that a story about charitable donations and their provenance should begin with a gesture of gift giving. In 1849 a group of Habsburg subjects came together with the intention of raising money to purchase a gift for Josip Jelačić, general of the Habsburg army and Ban (Governor) of Civil Croatia. Jelačić was identified as one of the notional “saviors” of the Habsburg Empire, whose actions in the field had helped quell the revolutionary and military perils of the previous months. The proposed gift was a suitable symbol of imperial honor and military prowess: a ceremonial sabre designed especially for the Ban. Jelačić was apparently moved by the gesture but had a more practical idea: better to use the money raised for his gift to help those less fortunate (and less celebrated) than himself, it should be put toward a fund to support soldiers who had served in his units and militias and who had been injured in fighting—and also to the families of those that had been killed. To this end, a committee was already operating, based in Vienna, but collecting funds through the Ban's Council (Bansko Vijeće) in Zagreb. This would become a mobilization of Habsburg society whose impetus rested on precisely the same values of dynastic loyalty and respect for the Habsburg military as the ceremonial sabre, except that many more people would have a chance to show their devotion and support to the “heroes” of 1848–49.

Исследуется прозаическое творчество Ф. И. Чудакова (1888–1918), чьи произведения по идеологическим причинам не переиздавались в течение ста лет и только недавно, после выхода в свет двухтомного собрания, стали доступны широкому кругу читателей. Актуальность работы обусловлена малой изученностью творчества писателя, а также возрастающим вниманием к личности и художественному наследию этого автора. Участник революционного движения, Ф. И. Чудаков прошел через аресты, тюрьмы, ссылку, побег. На примере автобиографического рассказа «Редакционное собрание» (1911) в статье рассматривается система персонажей, в которой выделяются идейные оппозиции: «политики» — власть; эсеры — эсдеки. Они не только отражают реальное положение дел в предреволюционную эпоху, но и воплощают авторскую концепцию личности. Место героя в системе образов и его оценка зависят от принадлежности к той или иной социально-политической группе. Однако проведенный анализ произведения доказывает, что расстановка персонажей прежде всего обусловливается важными для Чудакова критериями оценки личности. Сплоченные общим делом — изданием рукописной тюремной газеты, эсеры представлены как политически активная группа, способная вести борьбу за свои идеалы даже в условиях несвободы. Многие из них имеют свои особенности — прозвища, портретные штрихи, индивидуальную речевую манеру. Эсдеки же обрисованы предельно обобщенно, безлико, как обособленная от других группа, ведущая себя эгоистично, незаинтересованно по отношению к общему делу и даже беспринципно. Тюремщики и вовсе не имеют человеческого облика, что обусловлено их моральным вырождением. Своеобразным критерием оценки нравственности персонажей становится их отношение к изданию и сохранению листков рукописной тюремной газеты. Особую роль в демонстрации авторского отношения к персонажам играет прием обманутого ожидания. The article analyzes prose fiction written by F. I. Chudakov (1888–1918), a Russian writer whose works have been recently rescued from their century-long oblivion to which they were consigned for ideological reasons. F. I. Chudakov’s works that have been recently published in two volumes and are now accessible to a wide range of readers are largely underinvestigated. This consideration and the fact that the writer’s personality and his literary legacy arouse readers’ interest account for the relevance of the article. The article analyzes prose fiction written by F. I. Chudakov (1888–1918), a Russian writer whose works have been recently rescued from their century-long oblivion to which they were consigned for ideological reasons. F. I. Chudakov’s works that have been recently published in two volumes and are now accessible to a wide range of readers are largely underinvestigated. This consideration and the fact that the writer’s personality and his literary legacy arouse readers’ interest account for the relevance of the article. Being a participant of the revolutionary movement, F. I. Chudakov was arrested, imprisoned, and exiled, but managed to escape. The article analyzes F. I. Chudakov’s autobiographical short story “Editorial Meeting” (1911) to investigate the characters placed in ideology-based oppositions: political — power; Socialist-Revolutionary — Social Democrat. They do not only show the real state of pre-revolutionary events, they embody the writer’s concept of personality. A character’s place in the system of images depends on his attribution to this or that social-political party. However, the analysis shows that a character’s place in the system of images greatly depends on that character’s personal qualities which are highly valued by Chudakov. Socialist-revolutionaries united in a common task of creating a handwritten intra-prison newspaper are shown as a politically active group capable of fighting for their ideals even in custody. Many characters have their own peculiarities, such as nicknames, characteristic features, unique speech patterns. Social Democrats, on the other hand, are shown in a highly generalized way and are devoid of personal characteristics. They are selfish and unscrupulous. They neglect their common task. Being corrupted and degenerated, jailers are depicted as creatures totally devoid of human characteristics. Characters’ rectitude and integrity are intricately linked with those characters’ attitude to the handwritten newspaper. The author’s attitude to his characters is masterfully shown through the device of defeated expectancy.

In 2011, Libya plunged into a civil war after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, a revolutionary movement characterized by massive civil protests which tried to build democratic societies in the Middle East and North Africa and put to an end the old repressive political regimes. After several months of civil war and bombings over Libya, longtime Muamar Ghaddafi’s dictatorial regime fell. Although the U.S. did not directly intervene in Libya, it supported the overthrow of Ghadafi through the intervention of NATO, providing aerial support and airstrikes for the opposition force (it also established a no-fly zone over Libya, authorized by the United Nations). In 2014, contested parliamentary elections led to the formation of two rival political power centers — one in the east, based in Tobruk and backed by military commander Khalifa Haftar, and another in the west of the country, an UN-supported administration in the capital of Tripoli. Each side was supported by a variety of militias and foreign powers, who competed for influence and oil resources, raising fears that oil-rich Libya could become the theater of a regional conflict. In April 2019, Haftar and his forces, backed by Russia (the Russian military contractors of the Wagner Group), Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates launched an offensive to capture the capital. His campaign collapsed after Turkey and Qatar offered their military support to the Tripoli government with hundreds of Turkish troops and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, belonging to the Free Syrian Army. The outbreak of violence in Libya in April 2019 severely affected the institutional reunification and stability of the country. Warning that the situation in Libya could become "a second Syria", with a new large wave of refugees directed towards the EU, Germany offered to call a peace conference for the conflicting sides, held on 19th January 2020 under the auspices of the United Nations. The aim was to stop the military support for the civil war parties and uphold an existing UN arms embargo, re-launching the peace process for a political settlement, after nine months of fighting over the capital. Operation EUNAVFOR MED IRINI was launched by the European Union on 31 March 2020, as part of the European Union's contribution to the Berlin conference. The core task of the Operation is the implementation of the UN arms embargo on Libya through aerial, satellite, and maritime assets, an embargo that had been decided in 2016 by the United Nations Security Council Resolution. This ongoing mission replaced the Sophia Operation, which had been in place for five years, combating the organized crime and trafficking of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. In June 2016, the European Council decided to extend Sophia’s mandate until July 2017, adding two supporting tasks: training the Libyan coastguards and contributing to the implementation of the UN arms embargo on the high seas off the coast of Libya. This paper attempts to analyze the response of the European Union to the Libyan crisis by launching the Irini operation, a military-naval Joint force, setting out to secure the Berlin Conference’s commitments. Finally, we try to explain if Italy which seems to have preferred to stay on the sidelines, succeeded in reinserting itself into the Libyan equation, a significant diplomatic area for the Chigi Palace.

This chapter examines Volkhovskii’s career during the first five years of the twentieth century. Volkhovskii had to spend a good deal of time during these years fighting to keep Free Russia in business, given that sales had for many years been low, while periodic outbursts of anarchist violence across Europe threatened to tar the reputation of all revolutionaries. Volkhovskii nevertheless devoted an increasing amount of time to supporting the development of the revolutionary movement itself. He was one of the founder members of Agrarian-Socialist League, formed following the death of Petr Lavrov in 1900, which in turn merged with the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1902. During the first few years of the twentieth century, he contributed extensively to revolutionary publications including Narodnoe delo, as well as writing a number of fables that were designed to articulate radical ideas in a form that could easily be understood by a peasant audience. Volkhovskii worked closely with the Finnish nationalist Konni Zilliacus to bring together socialist groups in Russia with nationalist groups from areas like Finland to form a united opposition to tsarism. He also worked with Zilliacus to procure weapons for revolutionary groups to support uprisings at a time when the attention of the government was focused on the war with Japan. Volkhovskii was also active in the Socialist Revolutionary Party, following its merger with the Agrarian-Socialist League, regularly visiting Switzerland to take part in its efforts to support revolutionary groups in Russia. Volkhovskii was from the start of the century increasingly optimistic about the prospects for revolution in Russia. He was living in Switzerland for most of 1905, when disorder erupted across Russia, and while ill-health prevented his return to Russia, he was convinced that the revolutionary events of that year showed that the tsarist government was close to collapse.

In 1969 the New York Young Lords—a primarily Puerto Rican revolutionary group fighting for the independence of Puerto Rico and creation of a socialist society—occupied the First Spanish United Methodist Church in East Harlem. Following weeks of failed negotiations with the pastor and church board, for eleven days the Young Lords occupied the church and established a breakfast program for children, clothing drive, day care center, medical care, and liberation school. The First Spanish Church, founded in 1922, was a historic Puerto Rican church whose members, after years of fighting for their own building, had ceased to engage community programming as they once had. This chapter explores what came to be known as the New York Young Lords’ First People’s Church Offensive by centering the history of the church and the ways religious language, ideas, and notions of the sacred were central to this rupture in East Harlem, New York City.

The article is devoted to Kocho Ratsin (Solev, 1908–43), the first Macedonian national poet. He published his poems under a pseudonim in honor of a girl he was unrequitedly in love with. Kocho Ratsin was also a member of Yugoslavian revolutionary movement of 1920–30s and fought for the recognition of Macedonians as a separate nation. He died during the Second World War fighting with partisan group against the Nazis. His only published collection of poems Beli Mugri (“The White Dawns”, 1939) was dedicated to poverty and the plight of his nation. The main themes of his work were social injustice and protest against exploitation. Ratsin’s verse is naturally linked to the tradition of Macedonian folk poetry.

This chapter continues with the analysis of the terrorist “actor” by highlighting how the establishment of a “revolutionary atmosphere” through the use of political violence has been a goal of several insurgent and “terrorist” groups in the Middle East, from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to al-Qaeda in Iraq to the Islamic State. First, it focuses on the reception of European left-wing “terrorism” and third-worldism in the Middle East, especially within the Palestinian nationalist movement. Then, it explains why, in the aftermath of the invasion of Iraq in 2003, several ideologues affiliated with al-Qaeda (including Abu Musab al-Suri) have recommended the use of brutal fighting techniques for establishing what al-Suri described as a “jihadi revolutionary atmosphere.” Finally, it considers the extent to which the impersonation of the prototype of monstrosity (either in its entirety or in its individual components) can help explain the modus operandi of the Islamic State.

The sixth chapter likens the Haitian Revolution to a cockfight and begins to question Toussaint Louverture’s uses of power. By January 26, 1801 Toussaint has become the dominant cock, largely due to his huge political organization in the Northern provinces. A hint of reproach echoes in the discourse of narrator Grinn Prominnin because of the unacknowledged debt owed by Toussaint to the masses of formerly enslaved people who participated in the Revolution. At this point the black rebels were often insufficiently armed or were pitted against one another. Some fought for personal interests, others on more general terms; the result was a weakened position. Their advantage lay in their sheer numbers and common determination to become free. In 1793 Toussaint tapped into this energy by declaring the goal of universal freedom and liberty for Saint-Domingue, a political and tactical move that assured the former enslaved people’s loyalty to him. Once his organization solidified, he allied himself with French forces, against the Spanish and British (on whose side other rebel leaders were fighting). By 1795, Spain was defeated, and Saint-Domingue was controlled by three sectors: the new French political commissioner (Lavaud), the freedmen (Vilatte, Beauvais, and Rigaud), and Toussaint’s army. Major contradictions—economic, political, and military—divided the masses from the leaders in the latter group; often the former enslaved people were forced to work the land for the benefit of the revolutionary generals. Meanwhile, both inside and outside of Saint-Domingue, people began to distrust the paper money issued by the revolutionary state, and its value decreased. The war in the South took form, with Toussaint positioned against Rigaud. France’s third civil commissioner, Sonthonax, arrived in 1796 and was determined to crush the British and the mulatto generals’ troops. Sonthonax named Toussaint the leading general and Rigaud an outlaw. But Toussaint had Sonthonax expelled from Saint-Domingue the following year due to their several disagreements (including the fact that Sonthonax promoted Moyse Louverture to the rank of general, passing over several other leaders in Toussaint’s army). Meanwhile, in France, the political situation was becoming more conservative, and Toussaint feared that the former colonists would return to seize their property. In a dog-eat-dog society, every class has economic, political, and ideological interests; the freedmen and newly freed slaves were at odds. Toussaint subsequently repulsed Hédouville (who was sent by France as an agent of the Directory, charged with implementing reforms) and fought a vicious war in the South against Rigaud, the dominant mulatto general, thus deepening the racial divisions in the general population. Although Rigaud took a racial approach himself, Toussaint’s demagogy encouraged this social poison to pit the masses of formerly enslaved people against the mixed-race people, a problem reflecting Haiti’s hereditary ideological disease. Toussaint’s primary interests were commerce, money and the trappings of power. So intent was Toussaint on keeping Saint-Domingue afloat economically that he imposed strictures on the formerly enslaved people through a “rural work code,” forcing them to either remain on the same plantations where they had previously toiled or face severe punishment (including death). The idea of “freedom for all” thus began to lose its meaning. England and the United States began to exert pressure on Saint-Domingue as well. Before the War of the South between Toussaint and Rigaud, blacks and mixed-race people were allied against France, but afterwards each group sought its own type of Haitian independence. The beginning of the end of Toussaint’s power came about when the rebel leader fell into the Rigaud’s trap in the afè Koray [Corail Affair]; he nevertheless continued to fight for several more years. Toussaint’s leadership style moved to demagogy, and after 1799, plots mushroomed everywhere against him. The other rebel general, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, did not play upon social tensions in the same way that Toussaint did: instead of using race as a wedge issue, he allowed a group of mixed race people to join the rebel army, which raised everyone’s spirits and frightened the enemy. Toussaint’s organization was closer to the interests of the masses than Rigaud’s. With Dessalines, he convinced several maroon groups to fight against Rigaud; Dessalines won the South soon afterwards. The war of the South helped advance the larger revolution in Saint-Domingue. Once Rigaud was defeated, Toussaint was the only serious cock in the former colony. Freedom for everyone was the main interest of his organization, and he unified the country around it; Dessalines and Pétion ultimately worked together to help repulse Leclerc’s invasion of 1802. The freedmen’s advantage was blunted before they could take advantage of others. The former slaves grew stronger as a result. Despite Toussaint’s demagogy, the revolution was holding strong; though Toussaint still occupied a position of authority, there remained many contradictions in his camp.

Chapter 8 shows how the jihadists set themselves apart from other insurgent groups or revolutionary movements by calling for de-territorialized defensive warfare. According to the official ideology, the Muslim nation – the global ummah – is under attack by the “Crusader nations,” and it is being betrayed by Muslim “tyrants.” The fundamental jihadist tenet is the “individual obligation” to engage in the armed jihad to defend “Muslim lands.” How that works in practice was explained in an interview by a veteran Danish foreign fighter, Slimane Hajj Abderrahmane, a former prisoner in Guantanamo Bay. He also offered characteristic jihadist justifications of suicide attacks and for killing civilians. Slimane died fighting in Syria for Jabhat al-Nusra, an Al Qaeda affiliate, in February 2013.

The Young Lords applied to the U.S. context the worldview known as Third World socialism—the ideas and strategies for liberation that emerged during wars of decolonization in Vietnam, Cuba, Algeria. These drew from Marxism, Maoism, Franz Fanon, and Lenin. In the US, radicals argued that racialized groups—including black Americans, Native Americans, Chicanos, Asian Americans, and Puerto Ricans—were internal domestic colonies, politically and economically underdeveloped and dispossessed of their rights to self-determination. While Third World revolutions iconized peasant guerrillas, organizations like the Black Panthers and the Young Lords identified the lumpenproletariat as the most revolutionary class in society. At a moment when economic restructuring and the flight of industries to the suburbs produced permanent unemployment and greater economic and racial segregation in the city, the activism and politics of grassroots radicals like the Young Lords reflected the distinctive social features of their urban environments. The Revolutionary Nationalism of urban radicals was tied to the vast relocation of white Americans from city to suburb. In this environment, the ideal of people of color fighting together with white Americans for change grew more and more difficult to enact as the daily lives of these populations grew further and further apart.

This chapter opens with Sonthonax’s decree of 1793 that emancipated the enslaved people of Saint-Domingue. French revolutionary Léger Félicité Sonthonax brought a Civil Commission to Saint-Domingue in 1792 along with 6,000 soldiers. Their mission was to convince white landowners to form a coalition with mulatto landowners in order to crush the rebellion of enslaved people and preserve the colonial system. This delegation was fraught with contradictions as it was a microcosm of the conflict that had engulfed France: the struggle between aristocrats (the king, military leaders and Church leaders, and powerful landowners) and the bourgeoisie (businessmen and factory owners). Saint-Domingue’s social fissures were complex, with six major groups vying for power: the partisans of the new French government; the aristocrats; the freedmen, mixed race and black; the small whites; the leaders of the rebel slaves; and the masses of enslaved people. Trouillot explores the quicksand of shifting alliances and feuding rivalries during this early period of the Haitian Revolution. The white aristocrats refused to ally with the landowning and slave-holding mulatto and black freedmen. The new French government formed a coalition with the freedmen. The small whites resisted and were crushed by the new French government troops. The aristocrats turned to England and Spain for military assistance against the new French government, and these nations invaded and occupied parts of Saint-Domingue. To gain the upper hand, Sonthonax emancipated enslaved people willing to fight with the new French government in June 1793. Days afterward 10,000 French colonists fled the colony by ship. Sonthonax attempted to recruit the leaders of the rebel slaves; however, they were already fighting in the Spanish army and enjoying their freedom—some were even trafficking slaves. By emancipating the enslaved population in August of 1793, Sonthonax lost the support of the slave-owning aristocrats and freedmen, who were the principle power holders, and he was unable to recruit the leaders of the rebel slaves who saw no advantage in collaborating with an army that was losing ground. Having lost control of the traditional alliances, Sonthonax had overcorrected and found himself leaning upon those who had nothing to lose, the enslaved population.