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Publicado: 11 de marzo de 2023

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1

Religion as a category of governance and sovereignty. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

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2

al- Ṭarīq ilá al-ḥukm al-Islāmī ṭarīq ilá al-dawlah al-Islāmīyah: Baḥth fī manāhij al-taghyīr. ʻAmmān: Dār al-Bayāriq, 1999.

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3

Idrīs, ʻAbd al-Fattāḥ Maḥmūd. Ḥukm wilāyat al-fāsiq: Baḥth fiqhī muqāran. [Cairo]: ʻA.al-F.M. Idrīs, 1993.

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4

Kīlānī, ʻAbd Allāh Ibrāhīm Zayd. al- Quyūd al-wāridah ʻalá sulṭat al-dawlah fī al-Islām wa-ḍamānātihā. ʻAmmān: Dār al-Bashīr, 1997.

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5

al-Wāḥid, Muṣṭafá ʻAbd. al- Ḥaqāʾiq al-ghāʾibah ʻamman yurafiḍūna taḥkīm al-sharīʻah. al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Ṣaḥwah, 1994.

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6

Aḥmad, al-Bashīr. al- Ṭarīq ilá al-ḥukm al-Islāmī, ṭarīq ilá al-dawlah al-Islāmīyah: Baḥth fī manāhij al-taghyīr. ʻAmmān: Dār al-Bayāriq, 1999.

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7

Secular paradox: Islam, sovereignty, and the rule of law in modern Egypt. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2012.

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8

Agamben, Giorgio. Homo sacer: Kyriarche exousia kai gymne zo e. Athe na: Ekdoseis Scriptra, 2005.

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9

Political theology: Four chapters on the concept of sovereignty. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

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10

Political theology: Four chapters on the concept of sovereignty. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1985.

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11

Japan's holy war: The ideology of radical Shintō ultranationalism. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.

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12

ha-Yetsiʼah meha-shṭeṭl: Rabane ha-Tsiyonut ha datit el mul etgar ha-ribonut ha-Yehudit = Leaving the Shtetl : religious Zionists rabbis and the challenge of Jewish sovereignty. Alon shevut: Mikhlelet Hertsog, Tevunot, 2016.

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13

The millennial sovereign: Sacred kingship and sainthood in Islam. New York [N.Y.]: Columbia University Press, 2012.

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14

Agamben, Giorgio. Homo sacer. Torino: G. Einaudi, 1995.

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15

Homo sacer: Sovereign power and bare life. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1998.

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16

Agamben, Giorgio. Quel che resta di Auschwitz: L'archivio e il testimone : homo sacer 3. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1998.

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17

Poggi, Gianfranco. 4. The nation-state. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0006.

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This chapter examines how the nation-state came into being and how it became dominant as a political unit. It first presents a general and streamlined portrait of the state — a concept that sociologists inspired by Max Weber might call an ideal type. In particular, it considers some of the characteristics of a nation-state, including monopoly of legitimate violence, territoriality, sovereignty, plurality, and relation to the population. The chapter proceeds by discussing a more expansive concept of the nation-state, taking into account the role of law, centralized organization, the distinction between state and society, religion and the market, the public sphere, the burden of conflict, and citizenship and nation. The chapter also describes five paths in state formation and concludes with an assessment of three main phases which different European states have followed in somewhat varying sequences: consolidation of rule, rationalization of rule, and expansion of rule.
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18

Mortimer, Sarah. Reformation, Resistance, and Reason of State (1517-1625). Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199674886.001.0001.

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The period 1517–1625 was crucial for the development of political thought. During this time of expanding empires, religious upheaval, and social change, new ideas about the organization and purpose of human communities began to be debated. In particular, there was a concern to understand the political or civil community as bounded, limited in geographical terms and with its own particular structures, characteristics, and history. There was also a growing focus, in the wake of the Reformation, on civil or political authority as distinct from the church or religious authority. To explain these new ideas about political power, the concept of sovereignty began to be used, alongside a new language of reason of state. Yet political theories based upon religion still maintained significant traction, particularly claims for the divine right of kings. In the midst of these developments, the language of natural law became increasingly important as a means of legitimizing political power; natural law provided a rationale for earthly authority that was separate from Christianity and its use enabled new arguments for religious toleration. This book offers a new reading of early modern political thought, drawing on a wide range of sources from Europe and beyond. It makes connections between Christian Europe and the Muslim societies that lay to its south and east, showing the extent to which concerns about the legitimacy of political power were shared. It demonstrates that the history of political thought can both benefit from, and remain distinctive within, the wider field of intellectual history.
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19

Vatter, Miguel. Divine Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942359.001.0001.

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The ‘return of religion’ in the public sphere and the emergence of postsecular societies have propelled the discourse of political theology into the centre of contemporary democratic theory. This situation calls forth the question addressed in this book: Is a democratic political theology possible? Carl Schmitt first developed the idea of the Christian theological foundations of modern legal and political concepts in order to criticize the secular basis of liberal democracy. He employed political theology to argue for the continued legitimacy of the absolute sovereignty of the state against the claims raised by pluralist and globalized civil society. This book shows how, after Schmitt, some of the main political theorists of the 20th century, from Jacques Maritain to Jürgen Habermas, sought to establish an affirmative connection between Christian political theology, popular sovereignty, and the legitimacy of democratic government. In so doing, the political representation of God in the world was no longer placed in the hands of hierarchical and sovereign lieutenants (Church, Empire, Nation), but in a series of democratic institutions, practices and conceptions like direct representation, constitutionalism, universal human rights, and public reason that reject the primacy of sovereignty.
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20

Dooyeweerd, Herman y D. F. M. Strauss. Political Philosophy (Dooyeweerd, H. Selections. Ser. D, V. 1.). Edwin Mellen Press, 2004.

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21

Halakha and the Challenge of Israeli Sovereignty. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2019.

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22

Skya, Walter. Japan's Holy War: The Ideology of Radical Shinto Ultranationalism. Duke University Press, 2009.

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23

Harootunian, Harry, Rey Chow, Masao Miyoshi y Walter Skya. Japan's Holy War: The Ideology of Radical Shinto Ultranationalism. Duke University Press, 2009.

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24

Religion, Politics and Thomas Hobbes (International Archives of the History of Ideas / Archives internationales d'histoire des idées). Springer, 2006.

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25

Laborde, Cécile y Aurélia Bardon, eds. Religion in Liberal Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794394.001.0001.

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In recent years, the notion of religion has received increased salience both in academic and in wider public debate, yet it is still a category that liberal political philosophers are uncomfortable with. This is somewhat paradoxical because key liberal notions (state sovereignty, toleration, individual freedom, the rights of conscience, public reason) were elaborated as a response to seventeenth-century European wars of religion, and the fundamental structure of liberalism is rooted in the Western experience of politico-religious conflict. So a reappraisal of this tradition—and of its validity in the light of contemporary challenges—is well overdue. This book offers the first extensive engagement with religion from liberal political philosophers. The volume analyses, from within the liberal philosophical tradition itself, the key notions of conscience, public reason, non-establishment, and neutrality. Insofar as the contemporary religious revival is seen as posing a challenge to liberalism, it seems more crucial than ever to explore the specific resources that the liberal tradition has to answer it.
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26

Haynes, Jeffrey. Religion, Nationalism, and Transnational Actors. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.417.

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A proper understanding of the development of nationalism should incorporate the direct and indirect influences of religion. To focus on the current international order is to note that various aspects of international conflict have significantly changed in recent years, with frequent involvement of religious, ethnic, and cultural non-state actors. The type of religious nationalism affects what type of nation state develops. The stronger the religious influence on the national movement, the greater the likelihood that discrimination and human rights violations will occur. In addition, there are scholars who argue that the activities of transnational religious actors—such as the Roman Catholic Church, the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), and al Qaeda—can undermine state sovereignty. The premise here is that globalization facilitates the growth of transnational networks of religious actors. Feeding off each other’s ideas and perhaps aiding each other with funds, these actors and institutions are bodies whose main priority is the well-being and advance of their transnational religious community. But opinions about the current involvement of religion in international relations and its impact on international order tend to be polarized. On the one hand, the re-emergence of religion in international relations is often seen to present increased challenges to international order, especially from extremist Islamist organizations. On the other hand, some religious actors may help advance international order—for example the Roman Catholic Church and its widespread encouragement to authoritarian regimes to democratize—by significantly affecting international governments.
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27

Juffer, Jane. “They Cling to Guns or Religion”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037665.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses how migration has become a central issue for the U.S. religious Right, which has joined forces with city councils, paramilitary border vigilante groups, and conservative politicians to proclaim that Latino migrants represent a threat to family values, the “law,” and the so-called Anglo-Saxon, Protestant roots of the nation. This coalition has been particularly influential in areas of the country where there have previously been few Latino residents, such as small-town Pennsylvania. In addition to Altoona and Hazleton in this state, more than a hundred cities across the country have passed laws that make it illegal for employers to hire and landlords to rent to undocumented peoples. Though purportedly local in their ambitions, the ordinances are underwritten by national organizations with connections to the Christian Right and white supremacist groups; together, they have rallied people around an antiglobalization populism that claims the federal government is not doing its job policing the borders and maintaining national economic sovereignty.
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28

Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer. Pre-Textos, 1999.

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29

Church, Authority and Foucault. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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30

Ogden, Steven G. Church, Authority, and Foucault: Imagining the Church As an Open Space of Freedom. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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31

Lloyd, Howell A. République. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800149.003.0006.

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A France riven by hostile factions furnishes the immediate background to the appearance of Bodin’s masterpiece. Successive editions of the République are reviewed comparatively, and the vast array of sources which its author chose to cite is analysed, together with his manner of source usage. The work’s structure is identified together with its themes, initially in relation to the private sphere, and notably the question of private property. Then, firmly distinguishing the citizen from the private head of household, Bodin arrives at his central themes: sovereignty, the defining characteristic of the république, the forms which the latter might take, the ‘marks’ of sovereignty itself, and its basis. Attention is next drawn to another key Bodinian thesis: distinction between ‘state’ and ‘government’, the components of the latter being considered at length, with especial reference to the magistracy. The chapter culminates with the key topics of religion, justice, and harmony.
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32

Laborde, Cécile y Aurélia Bardon. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794394.003.0001.

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There is already an important literature on religion and political philosophy, focusing especially on controversies about religious symbols, freedom of speech, or secular education. The introduction explains the distinctive approach of the volume. Instead of focusing on specific political controversies, the book explores the conceptual, structural architecture of liberal political philosophy itself. The authors distinguish four different themes: the special status of religion in the law; state sovereignty, non-establishment, and neutrality; accommodation and religious freedom; and toleration, conscience, and identity. The chapter explains the particular questions raised in each of these four themes, and briefly presents the twenty-two contributions gathered in the volume.
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33

Cox, Virginia y Joanne Paul, eds. A Cultural History of Democracy in the Renaissance. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350042827.

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The Renaissance has rarely been considered an important moment in the history of democracy. Nonetheless, as this volume shows, this period may be seen as a “democratic laboratory” in many, often unexpected, ways. The classicizing cultural movement known as humanism, which spread throughout Europe and beyond in this period, had the effect of vastly enhancing knowledge of the classical democratic and republican traditions. Greek history and philosophy, including the story of Athenian democracy, became fully known in the West for the first time in the postclassical world. Partly as a result of this, the period from 1400 to 1650 witnessed rich and historically important debates on some of the enduring political issues at the heart of democratic culture: issues of sovereignty, of liberty, of citizenship, of the common good, of the place of religion in government. At the same time, the introduction of printing, and the emergence of a flourishing, proto-journalistic news culture, laid the basis for something that recognizably anticipates the modern “public sphere.” The expansion of transnational and transcontinental exchange, in what has been called the “age of encounters,” gave a new urgency to discussions of religious and ethnic diversity. Gender, too, was a matter of intense debate in this period, as was, specifically, the question of women’s relation to political agency and power. This volume explores these developments in ten chapters devoted to the notions of sovereignty, liberty, and the “common good”; the relation of state and household; religion and political obligation; gender and citizenship; ethnicity, diversity, and nationalism; democratic crises and civil resistance; international relations; and the development of news culture. It makes a pressing case for a fresh understanding of modern democracy’s deep roots.
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34

Walton, Jeremy F. Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190658977.001.0001.

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Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey is an inquiry into the political practices of contemporary Turkish Muslim NGOs. Based on ethnographic research conducted in Istanbul and Ankara, it examines how Muslim NGOs interrogate statist sovereignty over Islam in Turkey. Muslim NGOs target two facets of state power in relation to Islam: Kemalist laicism and its marginalization of Islam in public life and the state-based production of a homogeneous form of Sunni Islam. In making this double criticism of statist sovereignty over Islam, Turkish Muslim NGOs champion religious freedom as a paramount political ideal. This nongovernmental politics of religious freedom has entailed the naturalization of second mode of power in relation to religion—that of liberal governmentality. It has also sanctioned a romance of civil society as uniquely suited to authentic, nonpolitical modes of belonging—the civil society effect. This nexus of religious freedom, nongovernmental politics, and the civil society effect determines a counterpublic relationship between Turkish Muslim NGOs and statist forms of Islam. The institutions that the book discusses span the dominant sectarian divide in Turkey—that between Sunnis and Alevis. The book develops a broad set of comparisons and contrasts between Sunni and Alevi organizations. On one hand, it argues that Sunni and Alevi NGOs articulate a shared discourse of religious freedom. On the other hand, it attends to the persistent, hierarchical differences between Sunnis and Alevis in Turkey, which situate Sunni and Alevi NGOs unevenly within a broader field of power.
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35

Vatter, Miguel. The Political Theology of Carl Schmitt. Editado por Jens Meierhenrich y Oliver Simons. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199916931.013.014.

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Carl Schmitt once defined himself as a theologian of jurisprudence. This chapter argues that his concept of political theology must be understood within the context of jurisprudence and not as a thesis concerning the use of religion within politics. In its earlier configuration, Schmitt’s political theology is a multifaceted response to two juridical critiques of sovereignty: those of Hans Kelsen; and those of Otto von Gierke and the English pluralist school. In this early phase, Schmitt’s political theology is centered on the juridical conception of representation and on the state as fictional personality, primarily as it is found in Thomas Hobbes. Through his extensive engagement with Hobbes’s interpretation of the Trinity or persons of God, Schmitt shows howjurisprudence aids in the understanding of theology rather than the other way around. Schmitt’s later work is a defense against Erik Peterson’s critique of political theology, itself based on a juridical interpretation of Christology.
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36

Brooking, Tom y Todd M. Thompson, eds. A Cultural History of Democracy in the Age of Empire. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350042902.

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In the long nineteenth century, democracy evolved from a contested, maligned conception of government with little concrete expression at the level of the state, to a term widely associated with good governance throughout the diverse political cultures of the Atlantic world and beyond. The geographical scope and public range of discussions about the meaning of democracy in this era were unprecedented in comparison to previous centuries. These lively debates involved fundamental questions about human nature, and encompassed subjects ranging from the scope of the people who would participate in self-government to the importance of social and economic issues. For these reasons, the nineteenth century has proven the formative century in the modern history of democracy. This volume surveys democracy broadly as a cultural phenomenon operating in different ways across a very wide range of societies in the nineteenthcentury world. Each chapter takes a different theme as its focus: sovereignty; liberty and the rule of law; the “common good”; economic and social democracy; religion and the principles of political obligation; citizenship and gender; ethnicity, race, and nationalism; democratic crises, revolutions, and civil resistance; international relations; and beyond the polis. These ten different approaches to democracy in the nineteenth century add up to an extensive, synoptic coverage of the subject.
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37

Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo y Pierre Ostiguy, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.001.0001.

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Populist forces are increasingly relevant, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the phenomenon. The main goal of this Handbook is to provide the state of the art of the scholarship on populism. The Handbook lays out not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. The Handbook is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world with chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central, Eastern, and Western Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the post-Soviet States, and the United States. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various issues both from scholarly and political viewpoints. Analysis includes the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements, and technocracy. The fourth part encompasses recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and revolution. With each chapter written by an expert in their field, this Handbook will position the study of populism within political science and will be indispensable not only to those who turn to populism for the first time, but also to those who want to take their understanding of populism in new directions.
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