Literatura académica sobre el tema "Relations internationales (1789-1815)"

The paper presents the results of a study of the impact of large-scale historical events on significant changes in the legal field. Today, an event of such a scale is the war waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which, after the undoubted defeat of the Russian Federation in many spheres, will have significant consequences, including in the legal sphere. The war in Ukraine has all the signs of an event of aglobal scale. Socio-political events in the turning points of history are at the same timethe source of development in the legal sphere. This trend can be observed at almost all historical stages, and therefore research in this direction is an urgent problem. The purpose of the paper is to study the impact of significant events in certain turning points in Modern and Recent history that took place on the European continent, which were the origin of changes in the legal sphere and had a long-term eff ect. Sinceit is currently impossible to predict exactly what changes will occur after the defeat of the Russian Federation, which legal institutions and in what direction they will apply, what consequences such changes will lead to in interstate relations and within the country, the above consideration is limited only to some historical events, which can be considered as an example of the origins of significant changes in the legal sphere of a doctrinal nature. The socio-political events in Europe in the XVII centuries, the results of the Thirty Years' War and the significance of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 in terms of influencing the development of legal doctrine of New history is analyzed. Thirty Years 'War in Europe in the XVII century ended with the signing in 1648 at the same time in Münster and Osnabrück peace treaty, which was called the Peace of Westphalia in1648. It is emphasized that the Peace of Westphalia contains a number of provisions of a doctrinal nature. This treaty was the source of modern international law and had along-term impact on the development of relations between states. Large-scale historical events of the late 18th - early 19th centuries in Europe are undoubtedly associated with France. This is the Great French Revolution of 1789-1794, this is also the period of the Napoleonic Wars, finally, this includes the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815, at which, after the defeat of Napoleonic France, the winners under the slogan of returning to the continent of peace and tranquility and the desire to restore monarchies redrawn the continental political map of Europe. The lawmaking activity of Napoleon is noted, on whose initiative and under his leadership alarge volume of codification works was carried out. Civil (1804), Commercial (1807), Criminal Procedure (1808) and Criminal (1810) codes were adopted. It is noted that French civil law and the principles implemented by it significantly influenced civil-lawrelations in Europe. In modern history during the 20th century events took place, the result of which were changes aimed at preventing the horrors of the First and Second World Wars in the future. But the creation of the relevant institutions, organizations, legal framework and other factors was not enough to prevent the threat of a new world conflict, to guarantee danger not only for Ukraine, but also for the whole world. In the light of the events in Ukraine, based on historical analogies, a conclusion is made about the expectation of significant changes in the legal sphere for future security in the world and in our country. Key words: Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, origins of law,historical analogies, Peace of Westphalia, French Civil Code.

La Révolution française s’inscrit dès ses débuts dans un cadre international : tout au long des années 1780, les réformes entreprises dans les pays voisins de la France, mais aussi les crises politiques comme celle vécue par les Provinces-Unies, ont eu un large écho dans le débat politique intérieur. La signature du traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1786 est considérée comme une erreur politique dans un contexte qui voit l’opinion publique française s’alarmer du décrochage subi par l’économie du pays face au rival britannique. La Révolution remet en cause les bases fondamentales de la société française mais aussi ses rapports avec les puissances voisines, dont le langage diplomatique n’est plus compréhensible. L’entrée en guerre, en 1792, est inéluctable. Victorieuse sur le terrain militaire, la France n’est cependant pas pour autant épargnée par les crises politiques engendrées par les expérimentations constitutionnelles successives mises en place. En 1800, Napoléon Bonaparte s’empare du pouvoir et entreprend de consolider l’héritage révolutionnaire, à l’intérieur des frontières, mais aussi à l’extérieur. Bien qu’il prétende fermer le cycle commencé en 1789, Napoléon lui donne une nouvelle dimension dont la finalité est bien de construire un Empire. Cela sous-entend de reconstruire l’appareil diplomatique et de doter les États alliés ou satellites d’institutions inspirées du modèle qu’il incarne en reprenant à son profit les codes et symboles de la monarchie. Pourtant ce modèle n’est pas sans faiblesse. Le présent travail cherche à présenter le rôle de la famille Bonaparte dans l’appropriation des idées révolutionnaires et dans leur transmission à travers l’Europe<br>From its beginning, the French Revolution was the part of an international framework: throughout the 1780s, reforms and crisis in the foreign countries had a large echo in the internal political debate. The conclusion of the Franco-British commercial treaty in 1786 has been seen as a major political error by a growing part of the French public opinion. People were alarmed by the capability of the country’s economy to face the weight of British rival. The Revolution soon questions the fundamental bases of French society but also its relations with foreign powers, whose diplomatic language is no longer understandable. In 1792, the entry into the war was inevitable. Glorious in the military field, France was not however spared by the political crises engendered by the successive constitutional experiments. In 1800, the general Napoleon Bonaparte seized power and consolidated the revolutionary legacy, within the borders, but also abroad. Although he claimed to close the cycle started in 1789, Napoleon gave it a new dimension whose purpose was to build an Empire beyond natural borders. This implied a new diplomatic organisation and endowing allied or satellite states with institutions inspired by the model he personally embodied by using the codes and symbols of the monarchy for his own benefits. Yet this model was not without weakness. This work aims to present the role of the Bonaparte family in the appropriation of revolutionary ideas and in their transmission across Europe

Depuis la fin du XVIIIe et le début XVIIIe siècles, les milieux d'affaires français, grâce à un réseau marchand présent dans toute l'Espagne exercent sur l'économie de ce pays une véritable domination. Les tentatives des ministres "éclairés" de Charles III et de Charles IV pour y mettre un terme n'auront que peu de succès comme le montre l'importance des activités de François Cabarrus et de Julien Ouvrard<br>Since the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, french business circles, with a trading network present in all spain, exercise over the economy of this country a real domination. Charles III and Charles IV "enlightened" ministers attempts to put an end to it will hardly succeed as the importance of francois cabarrus and julien ouvrard activities demonstrate

A la rupture de la paix d’Amiens, le Premier Consul retient en otage les Britanniques présents sur le sol de la France en réponse au gouvernement britannique qui détient aussi des Français. Mais la raison est avant tout économique. Les Anglais sont séparés des autres prisonniers de guerre et ne servent que dans les domaines où ils excellent comme les filatures. Leur dénombrement s’avère difficile, à cause de documents incomplets ou de mutations trop fréquentes. Les dépôts, au nombre de quatre en 1803, passent à douze en 1810, puis à quinze à de la fin des hostilités.La vie en société s’organise et les prisonniers ont tendance à recréer la vie « à l’anglaise » particulièrement festive dans divers dépôts. Mais les jeux d’argent sèment la discorde et entraînent les duels et les dettes. Les évasions nombreuses provoquent la colère du Ministère de la guerre. Les échanges sont rares et blessés et invalides font l’objet de tractations pour les échanges.La santé reste un problème majeur, la qualité de la nourriture est douteuse. La mortalité est importante.Hormis les mariages et les naissances, ils ont laissé peu de choses puisqu’ils n’ont rien bâti mais demeure le souvenir<br>After the breaking off of the Peace of Amiens, the Premier Consul keeps the British who were present on the French ground as hostages as a reply to the British Government who keeps also French prisoners. But the true reason is more economical. The British prisoners are treated differently from prisoners of war and are only used in what is useful, such as spinning factories.Having a precise census of the British population in the depots was difficult: the documents are incomplete and the transfers from depot to depot too often. There were four depots at the beginning but it went to twelve in 1810 and 15 by the end of the war.Social life is organized and the prisoners tend to recreate the “British way of life” with much rejoicing in the various depots. But money games bring quarrels and debts. Escapes arises hunger in the French War Ministry. Exchanges are seldom and wounded and disabled men are part of these exchanges. Health remains a major problem and food is of poor quality. Death rate is severe. Except weddings and births, they have not left anything as they did not build but remembrance is still there

Le travail entrepris, centre sur le PCF, se déploie sue les deux plans, national et international, politique et syndical, puisque l'étude de l'Internationale communiste va de pair avec celle du syndicalisme rouge. La chronologie événementielle courte est combinée avec l'obervation des évolutions sur le moyen terme. Les années vingt éclairent la situation du PCF dans les années trente. En 1933-34, le mouvement communiste retrouve des pratiques et des réflexions déjà constituées en 1926-27, puis éclipsées. La stratégie et l'activité communistes, insérées dans la société française mais partie prenante de l'Internationale communiste, sont au centre de la thèse. L'importance, méconnue, de la période 1926-27 est mise en valeur. L'élaboration et les conséquences de l'orientation classe contre classe sont étudiées dans leurs dimensions idéologiques et pratiques. Sont également examinés les modes d'organisation et de fonctionnement du PCF et de l'IC durant cette période. Une part importante est réservée aux analyses et aux théorisations économiques et politiques communistes. Enfin les activités des directions du PCF et de la CGTU sont étudiées, avec leurs imbrications, jusqu'en 1934<br>The study wich deals with french communist party, is developped on two different levels, national and international, unionistic and political. Short and middle times are mixed up. The twenties light up the situation of the FCP during the thirties. In 1934 the communist movement meets again reflexions and activities already set up in 1926 but vanished afterwards. The main point of the thesis consists in studying communist strategy and activity both among french society and Comintern. Communist organization as well as ideological productions concerning political and economical analysis and theory are considered