Literatura académica sobre el tema "Rangatiratanga"

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Rangatiratanga"

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Nikora, Linda Waimarie. "Rangatiratanga-Kawanatanga: Dealing with Rhetoric". Feminism & Psychology 11, n.º 3 (agosto de 2001): 377–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353501011003008.

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Paora, Ropata, Teanau Tuiono, Te Ururoa Flavell, Charles Hawksley y Richard Howson. "Tino Rangatiratanga and Mana Motuhake". AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 7, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2011): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/117718011100700305.

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Webb, Danielle. "A Socialist Compass for Aotearoa". Counterfutures 8 (1 de marzo de 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v8i0.6362.

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In this article, I argue that both tino rangatiratanga and socialism lie at the heart of emancipatory politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. For Māori, the economy has always been a dynamic site of interaction with the state and corporate bodies, and today the Māori economy is celebrated by some as a space where tino rangatiratanga can be realised. For the most part, though, the capitalist economy has been a site of exploitation for Māori. Given the inextricable relations between capitalism and colonialism, I present the case for Māori socialism as an emancipatory response to both. To do so, I employ Erik Olin Wright’s socialist compass, a conceptual tool that points to a variety of economic pathways towards socialism. But there is a major problem with Wright’s compass: it only has three points (state power, economic power, and social power). I extend Wright’s vision for socialism by completing the compass, adding to it a much needed fourth point: tino rangatiratanga. The resulting ‘Aotearoa socialist compass’ can be used to orient us towards Māori socialism—a socialist economy in which tino rangatiratanga is realised.
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Schulte-Tenckhoff, Isabelle. "Te tino rangatiratanga : substance ou apparence ?" Articles 23, n.º 1 (25 de noviembre de 2004): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/009508ar.

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Résumé Les termes de rangatiratanga (« souveraineté ») et kawanatanga (« gouvernorat ») occupent une place centrale dans le Traité de Waitangi (1840), instrument bilingue dont les deux versions officielles (anglaise et maorie) divergent significativement toutefois. Après avoir rappelé le contexte historique et juridique, l’auteure explore les champs sémantiques respectifs de kawantanga et rangatiratanga dans la double optique du droit interne et du droit international. Sur le plan interne, le débat tourne actuellement autour de l’accommodement de te tino rangatiratanga dans le cadre de l’ordre juridique néo-zélandais. Sur le plan international, le Traité de Waitangi symbolise surtout une relation de type nation-à-nation entre les Maoris et la Couronne britannique. Le lien entre ces deux niveaux d’analyse est assuré par le paradigme de l’internalisation en vertu duquel les dispositions du Traité ne sont plus vues aujourd’hui qu’à la seule luière de leur rôle en droit public interne. Il s’ensuit qu’elles ne sont justiciables que selon les termes établis par la partie étatique. Celle-ci étant juge et partie à la fois, toute possibilité de réconciliation de te tino rangatiratanga avec la souveraineté légale de la Couronne se heurte à des limites importantes.
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Hope, Simon. "The Roots and Reach of Rangatiratanga". Political Science 56, n.º 1 (junio de 2004): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870405600103.

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Manning, Suzanne. "Democracy meets rangatiratanga: Playcentre's bicultural journey 1989-2011". History of Education Review 43, n.º 1 (27 de mayo de 2014): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-10-2012-0033.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to trace the implementation of biculturalism in the New Zealand Playcentre Federation between 1989, when a public commitment to The Treaty of Waitangi was made, and 2011, when Tiriti-based co-presidents were elected. Design/methodology/approach – The data were drawn from the Playcentre Journal and papers from Playcentre National meetings, as well as from the author's experience as a Pākehā participating in Playcentre. The events are analysed using democratic theory. Findings – Despite a willingness to encompass biculturalism, the processes of democracy as originally enacted by Playcentre hindered changes that allowed meaningful rangatiratanga (self-determination) by the Māori people within Playcentre. The factors that enabled rangatiratanga to gain acceptance were: changing to consensus decision making, allowing sub groups control over some decisions, and the adult education programme. These changes were made only after periods of open conflict. The structural changes that occurred in 2011 were the result of two decades of persistence and experimentation to find a way of honouring Te Tiriti within a democratic organisation. Social implications – The findings suggest that cultural pluralism within a liberal democratic organisation is best supported with an agonistic approach, where an underlying consensus of world view is not assumed but instead relies on a commitment by the different cultures to retaining the political association within the structure of the organisation. Originality/value – Many organisations in New Zealand, especially in education, struggle to implement biculturalism, and the findings of this study could be useful for informing policy in such organisations. This history of Playcentre continues from where previous histories finished.
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Broughton, D., (Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti, Taranaki, Ngā, K. McBreen y (Waitaha, Kāti Māmoe, Ngāi Tahu). "Mātauranga Māori, tino rangatiratanga and the future of New Zealand science". Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand 45, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2015): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03036758.2015.1011171.

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Lockie, Georgia. "Towards decolonising constitutionalism". Counterfutures 5 (1 de junio de 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v5i0.6398.

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2016 saw the publication of two important, but fundamentally divergent, works on Aotearoa New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements. Sir Geoffrey Palmer and Andrew Butler’s A Constitution for Aotearoa New Zealand and He Whakaaro Here Whakaumu Mō Aotearoa, the 2016 report of Matike Mai Aotearoa, the Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation. While Palmer and Butler’s vision is one of reforming and strengthening our current Westminster constitutional system, Matike Mai’s is one of transformational, creative change, in which there is room for tino rangatiratanga—substantive self-determination—to be realised. Here, after situating this work theoretically, I explore and contextualise these two texts as they represent, respectively, a modern ideal-typical Pākehā position on constitutionalism in Aotearoa New Zealand, and a critical, Māori constitutional discourse from which this orthodoxy can be interrogated. Through this comparison, I argue that Pākehā constitutional orthodoxy continues to talk past Māori constitutional aspirations because it fails to account for its own ideological and ontological biases, representing itself as occupying a space of reality and neutrality, rather than domination. Because this orthodoxy perceives tino-rangatiratanga claims through this lens of self-affirming bias, it perpetually misapprehends and mischaracterises these claims— as either seeking mere property and management rights (these being already constitutionally provided for), or, if something more substantial, as unrealistic, divisive, and extreme.
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Skerrett, Mere y Jenny Ritchie. "Te Rangatiratanga o te Reo: sovereignty in Indigenous languages in early childhood education in Aotearoa". Kōtuitui: New Zealand Journal of Social Sciences Online 16, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2021): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1177083x.2021.1947329.

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Taankink, Jasmine y Hugo Robinson. "Dispossession and Gentrification in the Porirua Redevelopment". Counterfutures 9 (7 de marzo de 2021): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v9.6776.

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Porirua East is currently undergoing a state-led gentrification project under the guise of ‘regeneration’. Residents of Porirua East saw what happened in other areas like Glen Innes and, anticipating this threat, formed Housing Action Porirua (HAP). Contextualising the Porirua redevelopment within a broader history of colonisation and racist exploitation, we outline the redevelopment to date and give a history of displacement and dispossession of iwi, and later migrant workers, in Porirua. We chart HAP’s struggle for the community and outline the group’s five demands for a true regeneration that honours te Tiriti o Waitangi, protects the earth, and ensures that no whānau are displaced. We urge that the expansion of state housing is a critical demand for working-class communities which, if guided by te Tiriti, also has the potential to concretely restore mana and rangatiratanga to tangata whenua.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Rangatiratanga"

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Highman, Alexandra Emma-Jane. "Te iwi o Ngai Tahu : an examination of Ngai Tahu's approach to, and internal expression of, tino rangatiratanga". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of Sociology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4669.

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This thesis establishes a comprehensive understanding of the contemporary exercise of tino rangatiratanga by Ngai Tahu. This is achieved by examining Ngai Tahu's approach to, and internal expression of, tino rangatiratanga. In 1996 the Te Runanga 0 Ngai Tahu Act was passed. This, for the first time since the Treaty of Waitangi and Pakeha colonisation, legally recognised an organisational structure that was tribally derived and, in turn, allowed for a new degree of self-determination. This qualitative research provides an insight into the directions Ngai Tahu is embarking upon under its new administration in the attainment of tino rangatiratanga. Ngai Tahu's new organisational structure, since its formal inception, has not operated without its problems. These arise from a transitional phase which indicates a shift in paradigm from grievance mode to development mode. Internally, this has created a time of tension. Some runanga struggle to reaffirm their rangatiratanga in the wake of its tribal collectivisation represented in Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu. During this phase, communication throughout the organisational structure is paramount. This will ensure the recognition of rangatiratanga at all its levels and, thus, maintain tribal cohesion. Within Ngai Tahu, tino rangatiratanga is approached differently by its beneficiaries depending upon what element of the tribal make-up is being emphasised. For some, tino rangatiratanga is that expressed by the administrative structure, where it is translated into the notion of achieving economic sovereignty for the iwi. For others, it is derived from an individual's whakapapa (genealogy), with its collective expression revolving around the hapu and runanga only. With knowledge of these two divergent approaches to tino rangatiratanga, Ngai Tahu can negotiate a course of future development that embraces both the tribal, runanga and individual elements inherent in them both.
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Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu y n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance". University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.
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Woods, Kirstin Roseanne G. "Rangatiratanga in the context of Lake Ellesmere/Te Waihora : identifying the conditions necessary for the exercise and expression of tribal authority over tribal resources". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of Resource Management, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2512.

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In a climate of administrative reform, the Government is attempting to address the Treaty of Waitangi and to give practical significance to its guarantees. This study assumes that without an understanding of terms used in the Treaty, attempts at its implementation face misunderstanding and confusion. Thus, the study begins by defining "rangatiratanga" as guaranteed in the Maori text of the Treaty. It proposes that rangatiratanga, within the framework of Maori tradition, is a process through which leadership is defined and decisions made. Fundamental to this process is a view of the world which recognises the interrelatedness} of all elements in nature. Findings from a study of Lake Ellesmere/Te Waihora and Ngai Tahu rangatiratanga suggest that Ngai Tahu face the task of reassessing their tribal structure after many years of European domination. Guarantees given in the Treaty suggest that the 'Government should actively support Ngai Tahu in this process but that the imposition of a uniform "tribal model" is inappropriate. In addition, if rangatiratanga is to be expressed in the context of Lake Ellesmere/Te Waihora, the interlocking nature of resource use within the lake's catchment points to the need for a partnership between all agencies involved in its management.- This can only occur where there is a convergence in attitude to environmental management on the part of both "partners".
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Lambert, Kelly Ann. "Calling the taniwha : Mana Wahine Maori and the poetry of Roma Potiki : a thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in New Zealand Literature /". ResearchArchive@Victoria e-thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10063/995.

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Head, Lyndsay. "Land, authority and the forgetting of being in early colonial Maori history : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori in the University of Canterbury /". 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070814.145706.

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O'Reilly, Denis Christopher. "Mahi whanau (2) : reflecting on the use of consensus cardsort as an effective process for whanau Maori to construct a future narrative. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Practice, Unitec New Zealand /". Diss., 2008. http://www.coda.ac.nz/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1000&context=unitec_tpkw_di.

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Thesis (M.SP)--Unitec New Zealand, 2008.
Cardsort is a generic name for any process that uses statements written on cards and has participants sieve, cluster or rank ideas or statements. When the participants themselves create the statements in question this process is consensus cardsort. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-145).
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Huygens, Ingrid. "Processes of Pakeha change in response to the Treaty of Waitangi". 2007. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20080815.151820/index.html.

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Libros sobre el tema "Rangatiratanga"

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McCarthy, Mārie Barbara. He hinaki tukutuku: Rangatiratanga, whare wananga, and the state. Wellington: Dept. of Education, Victoria University, 1995.

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Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies. Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, ed. Devolution in the 1980s and the quest for Rangatiratanga: A Māori perspective. Wellington, N.Z: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2008.

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Mitchell, Hilary. Foreshore and seabed issues: A Te Tau Ihu perspective on assertions and denials of Rangatiratanga. Wellington, N.Z: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2006.

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Patete, Anthony. Māori political activism and the quest for rangatiratanga in the 1970s and 1980s: A Māori perspective. Wellington, N.Z: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2007.

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Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies. Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, ed. Men of authority: The New Zealand Māori Council and the struggle for rangatiratanga in the 1960s-1970s. Wellington, N.Z: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2007.

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Melbourne, Hineani. Maori sovereignty: The Maori perspective. [Auckland]: Hodder Moa Beckett, 1995.

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Māori and the state: Crown-Māori relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, 1950-2000. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009.

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Doutré, Martin. The Littlewood Treaty: The true English text of the Treaty of Waitangi. Auckland, N.Z: Dé Danann Publishers, 2005.

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Doutré, Martin. The Littlewood Treaty: The true English text of the Treaty of Waitangi. Auckland, N.Z: Dé Danann Publishers, 2005.

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The meeting place: Māori and Pākehā encounters, 1642-1840. Auckland, New Zealand: Auckland University Press, 2012.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Rangatiratanga"

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Robertson, Natalie. "Activating Photographic Mana Rangatiratanga Through Kōrero". En Animism in Art and Performance, 45–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66550-4_3.

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Parsons, Meg, Karen Fisher y Roa Petra Crease. "Decolonising River Restoration: Restoration as Acts of Healing and Expression of Rangatiratanga". En Decolonising Blue Spaces in the Anthropocene, 359–417. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61071-5_9.

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AbstractWe argue that it is important to acknowledge that river restoration (both in theory and practice) still remains largely located within the realm of the hegemonic Western knowledge systems. In this chapter we challenge the Eurocentrism of dominant ecological restoration projects by documenting the different framing and approaches to restoration being employed by Māori (the Indigenous of Aotearoa New Zealand). We focus our attention on the collective efforts of one tribal group (Ngāti Maniapoto) who are working to decolonise how their ancestral river is managed and restored through the use of Indigenous Knowledge, augmented by Western scientific techniques. A key focus is on restoration that is underpinned by the principle of kaitiakitanga (environmental guardianship) and devoted to healing fractured relationships between humans and more-than-humans.
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Looser, Diana. "Revisiting “Tino Rangatiratanga in Action”". En Remaking Pacific Pasts, 111–62. University of Hawai'i Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824839765.003.0003.

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Tomas, Nin. "Maori Concepts and Practices of Rangatiratanga". En Sovereignty, 220–50. University of Hawai'i Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824835637.003.0011.

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Walker, Ranginui y Tracey McIntosh. "Kāwanatanga, Tino Rangatiratanga and the Constitution". En New Zealand and the World, 201–19. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813232402_0013.

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Hu, Lingyun. "The Need Towards Bicultural Social Services in Supporting Senior Chinese Migrants Towards Their Pursuit of Mauri Ora in Aotearoa New Zealand". En Handbook of Research on Indigenous Knowledge and Bi-Culturalism in a Global Context, 120–35. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6061-6.ch007.

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On the basis of growing interest in a proportion of the aging population and a significantly increased number of immigrants in New Zealand (NZ) in recent years, this chapter tries to identify and describe the value of Mauri Ora. Mauri Ora included many Maori methods, such as takepu taukumekume, whakakoha rangatiratanga, kaitiakitanga, tino rangatiratanga, manaakianga, and ahurutanga, which in shaping practice is reflected in social services for old people. More importantly, these Maori methods can efficiently guide social practice and help senior Chinese immigrants to blend in a new country. A good understanding of the aged social wellbeing is regarded as a method of evaluating the modern society's grade of maturity, and the social services should be the key to help communities to achieve their main goal. This chapter tries to compare and contrast the old NZ people's social wellbeing that depicts their different living places, mainly focusing on the rest home and the own elderly home.
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"11 Maori Concepts and Practices of Rangatiratanga: “Sovereignty”?" En Sovereignty, 220–50. University of Hawaii Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824865764-012.

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Orange, Claudia. "Kāwanatanga and Rangatiratanga: Government Authority and Chiefly Authority". En The Story of a Treaty, 42–65. Bridget Williams Books, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7810/9781927131442_3.

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"9. Neoliberalisrn and Tino Rangatiratanga: Welfare State Restructuring in Aotearoa/New Zealand". En Western Welfare in Decline, 147–63. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9780812202472.147.

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"Chapter 10. Maori Concepts Of Rangatiratanga, Kaitiakitanga, The Environment, And Property Rights". En Property Rights and Sustainability, 219–48. Brill | Nijhoff, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004182646.i-415.74.

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