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1
Michalski, Jonathan James. "Nietzsche's Aristocratic Radicalism". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1341595745.
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Wickström, David. "Dawn of the radicals : The connection between economic growth and political radicalism". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-47340.
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This thesis explores how economic performance, measured as real GDP-growth per capita, affects the vote share of parties which relies on radical ideological platforms. Using a fixed effect model with panel data, based on real electoral outcomes of 18 western European democracies, the result reveals an ambiguous reality. The overall conclusion implies that low growth rates benefit the electoral success of radical-right parties and holds for robustness checks. No solid evidence of the relationship is found on the radical-left side.The result further reveals that the individuals decision to vote radical is relative more affected by the ongoing business cycle trend between the elections rather than sudden changes close to the election day. The relationship also appears to be stronger among nations of southern Europe.
3
Vivian, Steven D. Scharton Maurice. "English studies, poststructuralism, and radicalism". Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9835920.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.Title from title page screen, viewed July 6, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Maurice Scharton (chair), Bruce Hawkins, Janice Neuleib. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 251-260) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Taylor, Miles. "Radicalism and patriotism 1848-1859". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315872.
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Lawrence, Mark Richard. "Popular radicalism in Spain, 1808-1844". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494269.
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Lawrence, Mark Richard. "Popular radicalism in Spain, 1804-1888". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494215.
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This thesis explains how and why a popular radical movement developed in Spain during 1808-1844. It shows how this movement was characterised both by the demand that the liberal revolution take on a social agenda, and by the unpopularity of unreconstructed and adventurous elites. The first half (chapters 1 and 2) shows how radical elites appealed to the crowd in a 'vertical' manner, thereby bringing the people into the political process whilst failing to satisfy their grievances. The second half (chapters 3 and 4) shows how the radical crowd became an agent in its own making by calling its leadership to account and asserting its own 'social-liberal' agenda.
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Amir, Hassan. "Islamism and radicalism in the Maldives". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10724.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis aims to explore the rise of Islamism and Islamic radicalism in the Republic of Maldives. It analyzes the causes and grievances which have fueled the rise of political Islam, as well as its radical elements, and the main groups operating in both the political and social space (as well as on the fringes), including an analysis of their main ideological drivers and their social and political outlook. The closed and conspiratorial nature of the Maldivian political environment, as well as the use of repression to quell political dissent and the manipulation of Islamic religious ideals to cement political position was one factor that led to the rise of Islamism and Islamic radicalism. Another was the rapid modernization that introduced alien concepts and values into Maldivian society. These militated against the traditional norms and cultures and wrought havoc on the social structures, causing intense alienation and social dislocation. All these changes were taking place in a context where Maldives was being infiltrated by radical elements, both local and foreign. They made ample use of the social conditions to craft and narrative that was conducive to their recruitment and radicalization efforts.
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Groth, Eileen Lesley. "Christian radicalism in Britain, 1830-1850". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386653.
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Ballantyne, Katherine Jernigan. "Student radicalism in Tennessee, 1954-1970". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267983.
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This dissertation examines student radicalism in Tennessee between Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954) and the national backlash against the Kent State University shootings in Kent, Ohio in May 1970. As the first statewide study of student activism, and one of the few examinations of southern student activism, it broadens the understanding of New Left student radicalism from its traditionally defined hotbeds in the Northeast and the West Coast. It also argues for a consideration of student radicalism that incorporates white and black accounts, assessing issues surrounding civil rights, labour, the renegotiation of student roles on campus, and Vietnam on black and formerly all-white campuses. Three main arguments drive this dissertation. First, the notion of the New Left inhabiting only a brief moment in time, rising and falling in the 1960s—years of hope, days of rage, in Todd Gitlin’s influential telling—is problematic in the context of Tennessee. The location of Highlander Folk School in Tennessee created a strong connection to Old Left labour activism for the state’s New Left. Student movements both developed more slowly in Tennessee and fractured more slowly. My second argument is that forms of radicalism in Tennessee were distinctly southern. The region’s political order was more stifling than its counterpart in the North, and could easily turn more deadly. Students radicals in the South grasped this difference. Any left in the South had to address issues of race, but, in light of the danger, had to do so gingerly. Thirdly, race mattered a great deal to southern leftists, black and white, at first bringing them together and later driving them apart. Both black and white students viewed attempts to establish personal autonomy within campus and community organising as centrally important to their activities. Black and white students understood personal autonomy in a broad sense, conceptualised of as ‘student power’: it covered immediate concerns over universities’ assumption of parental power over students, as well as apparent infringements of civil rights and civil liberties. This dissertation reconstructs this pursuit of student power, both within campuses and beyond, and details the growing rift between black and white student interests.
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Pentland, Gordon Neil. "Radicalism and reform in Scotland, 1820-1833". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1789.
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This thesis investigates radicalism and reform in Scotland, from the collapse of the post- 1815 popular movement for parliamentary reform in 1820, to the achievement of parliamentary reform in 1832, and burgh reform in 1833. It focuses on the ideologies and languages that were used in contesting issues of political reform, both by elites and by popular movements. One of its aims is to explore the debate over the position of Scotland within Britain that was facilitated by the reform of political institutions and the system of representation. Chapter one examines the broad critique of Scottish institutions and society that had developed from the 1790s, and particularly following the end of the Napoleonic Wars. This was apparent in parliament, in three attempts to amend various aspects of Scotland's system of representation, and outside parliament, in numerous reform campaigns with both political and religious objectives. Chapter two investigates the political context of the 182Os, focusing on the reaction in Scotland to the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828. Catholic Emancipation in 1829 and the revolution in France in 1830. Chapter three provides a narrative of the drafting and passing of the Reform Act (Scotland), and of the popular movement outside parliament. It identifies the key stages in the development of the legislation, and the various problems its architects had to surmount. Chapter four looks at the debate on reform among Scotland's political elites and, in particular how this debate was prosecuted in parliament. Chapter five investigates the popular movement for reform in Scotland, briefly considering the functional factors that contributed to its creation and the maintenance of unity. It argues that while reformers and radicals made claims using a number of different languages, the reform movement after 1830 was characterised by the appeal to 'popular constitutionalism'. This language provided a coherent and flexible critique of the unreformed political system and allowed the reform movement to monopolise the language of patriotism and loyalty. The final chapter considers the consequences of parliamentary reform. It had a major influence on the languages and strategies used to contest issues in Scottish politics, and the patriotic consensus that had been achieved between 1830 and 1832 began to deteriorate. Finally, the consequences of parliamentary reform were sectarian as well as political. Changes made in the constitution and the state bolstered calls for changes to be made in the church. Movements calling for the end of religious establishments, or for their improvement, emerged during and after the agitation for parliamentary reform, and the 'Ten Years' Conflict' and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843 should be seen in the context of the reforms of 1829 to 1833.
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McSharry, P. T. "The religious radicalism of Lord George Gordon". Thesis, University of York, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516411.
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Boyle, Catherine. "Shelley in 1819 : poetry, publishing and radicalism". Thesis, Roehampton University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267363.
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Ghelani, Divya. "The 'radical' in the classroom in British school stories from the 1950s to the present day". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B48199175.
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This thesis is a study of a recurring figure or trope of post-war British school stories wherein a ‘radical’ character enters a school or classroom setting to introduce an alternative concept of learning or education.
The radical may be a teacher or a student. Teacher types include the tyrannical pedagogue; the ostentatious but ultimately self-serving teacher-sophist; the charismatic, benevolent Master; and the predatory teacher. Representations of the pupil include the loving disciple; the disloyal pupil; the autodidact; and the student-creator whose steals the Master’s knowledge and runs, fashioning new worlds from it.
While these types vary from story to story, all modern classroom radicals challenge the way teaching and learning are practised in their educational institutions. In doing so, they reflect on the purpose of schools and the political ambitions behind knowledge construction. The post-war British school story classroom radical asks perennial questions about the modern site of pedagogy. What gives one the right to teach? Why must one be taught? What is true teaching? How should one educate and to what end?
This thesis begins with a historical overview of British school story fiction, and argues that this flamboyant school-story character emerges from the debris of World War Two. My thesis moves on to focus on eight key novels, plays and autobiographies: Lord of the Flies (William Golding, 1954), To Sir, With Love (E.R. Braithwaite, 1959), Forty Years On (Alan Bennett, 1968), Black Teacher (Beryl Gilroy, 1976), The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie (Muriel Spark, 1981), Another Country (Julian Mitchell, 1981), The History Boys (Alan Bennett, 2004) and Never Let Me Go (Kazuo Ishiguro, 2005).
Chapter One focuses on radical dissent in the 1930s classroom, using Spark’s and Mitchell’s retrospective accounts. Chapter Two considers black teacher radicalism from the late 1950s to the 70s, using Braithwaite’s To Sir, With Love and Gilroy’s Black Teacher. Chapter Three takes the reader up to the 1980s, analysing the containment of radicalism in the figure of Alan Bennett and his work. Chapter Four discusses the limitations of classroom radicalism and the future of the school story radical in contemporary fiction, by examining the earliest and latest of the school stories selected for attention, Golding’s Lord of the Flies (1954) and Ishiguro’s Never Let Me Go (2005). In the former radicalism is punished but idealised. The latter imagines a future of such a level of institutionalisation that radicalism in the classroom or elsewhere will have been rendered simply unthinkable.
This thesis demonstrates that the radical in the classroom narrative trope is always didactic. Whether or not one is encouraged to agree with the radical, the implicit role of the radical character in the British school story is to educate the reader to think critically about the world and their place within it.
Paradoxically, repeated textual examples of the radical’s failure and/or incorporation into the establishment point a type of critical pedagogical radicalism that is inherently conservative. This summation is supported by a brief genealogy of educational discourses and debates in Britain post-World War Two.published_or_final_version
English
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Dyton, Simon Charles. "Fabricating radicalism : Ephraim Pagitt and seventeenth-century heresiology". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251814.
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Many godly polemicists in seventeenth-century England 'fabricated' the religious radicalism which they claimed to describe. This means that many of the heresies in heresy-lists and related polemics (what I have called 'heresiology') were embellished and exaggerated through a variety of verbal and metaphorical strategies. This thesis describes sectarianism as it existed, how that sectarian environment gave rise to the polemical claims which were made in so much heresiology, the extent to which those claims were salacious inventions or polemically advantageous accusations, and precisely how such accusations operated to 'fabricate' religious radicalism. Chapters One and Two provide primarily historical insights into religious radicalism in seventeenth-century England (and especially London) and the life of the most prolific heresiologist in the period, Ephraim Pagitt (1574-1646). Chapter One includes new research on the only prison for heretics in England, the New Prison, Maiden Lane. This shows how judicial and penal discourse listed and labelled heresies in the same way that heresiology popularised in print. Together with a detailed biography of Pagitt's life in Chapter Two, this permits a broader discussion of heresiological writing in subsequent chapters: Ephraim Pagitt's work provides an exemplary instance of the characteristics and methods of seventeenth-century heresiology. Chapters Three and Four provide disciplinary insights into seventeenth-century heresiology: they contextualise Pagitt's writings amongst genuinely investigative and scholarly polemics as well as the spurious pamphlets and broadsides which often imitated heresiological techniques to the point of parody. Thomas Edwards, Daniel Featley, Samuel Rutherford, Alexander Ross and innumerable pamphleteers, both anonymous and named, are included as his peers and competitors; patristic heresiology, early scientific taxonomy, nomenclature and natural history are discussed as contexts in which to understand the heresiology of the time. Chapter Five draws upon the discussion of taxonomy and nomenclature and assumes a linguistic focus: it examines how heresiological labels turned names into things and what kinds of accusation such labels conveyed. Chapter Six, with a literary focus, draws upon a discussion of early natural history and metaphor to examine why some heresiologies appeared to be natural histories of heresy, closely related to bestiaries, and why heresiological metaphors represented sectaries as dangerous beasts rather than as religious zealots.
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Miller, Michael. "Ultimate engine : the British Army and popular radicalism". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530009.
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Oke, Tayo. "The influence of radicalism on Nigeria's foreign policy". Thesis, Keele University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302270.
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Ryland, Glen Peter. "Peasant radicalism in early nineteenth century Norway: the case of Hans Nielsen Hauge (1771-1824) /". Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2407.
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Klump, Andreas. "Neuer politischer Extremismus? eine politikwissenschaftliche Fallstudie am Beispiel der Scientology-Organisation /". Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53098400.html.
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Kwoba, Brian. "The impact of Hubert Henry Harrison on Black radicalism, 1909-1927 : race, class, and political radicalism in Harlem and African American history". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0b4a7787-ae07-4131-b051-be0edef5ffca.
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This thesis focuses on Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927), a Caribbean-born journalist, educator, and community organizer whose historical restoration requires us to expand the frame of Black radicalism in the twentieth century. Harrison was the first Black leader of the Socialist Party of America to articulate a historical materialist analysis of the "Negro question", to organise a Black-led Marxist formation, and to systematically and publicly challenge the party's racial prejudices. In a time of urbanization, migration, lynching, and segregation, he subsequently developed the World War I-era New Negro movement by spearheading its first organisation, newspaper, nation-wide congress, and political party. Harrison pioneered a new form of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, coloured internationalism. He also inaugurated the socio-cultural tradition of street corner speaking in Harlem, which formed the institutional basis for developing a wide-ranging, working-class, community-based, Black modernist intellectual culture. His people-centred and mass-movement-oriented model of leadership catalysed the rise to prominence of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey movement. Meanwhile, Harrison's African identity and epistemology positioned him to establish an African-centred street scholar tradition in Harlem that endures to this day. Despite Harrison's wide-ranging influence on a whole generation of Black leaders from W.E.B. Du Bois to A. Philip Randolph, his impact and legacy have been largely forgotten. As a result, unearthing and recovering Harrison requires us to rethink multiple histories - the white left, the New Negro movement, Garveyism, the "Harlem Renaissance" - which have marginalized him. Harrison figured centrally in all of these social movements, so restoring his angle of vision demonstrates previously invisible connections, conjunctures, and continuities between disparate and often segregated currents of intellectual and political history. It also broadens the spectrum of Black emancipatory possibilities by restoring an example that retains much of its relevance today.
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Veitch, Karen Elizabeth. "The poetry of female radicalism in Depression-Era America". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43051/.
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This thesis examines womens' poetry of the radical Left and organised labour movement of the Depression-Era United States and investigates the relationship between poetry and politics during this period. In so doing, it shows that women poets were concerned with precisely that problem: of poetry's political function. The work of individual poets and the acts of collective cultural production explored in this thesis articulate a radical, politically transformative poetics at a time when the continued existence of poetry was perceived to be under threat from scientific advance and wider cultural changes. Juxtaposing analysis of Left modernist poets with poets of the labour movement, the chapters focus on three individual poets including Muriel Rukeyser (1913-1980), Genevieve Taggard (1894-1948) and Miriam Tane (1916-2007). To provide an understanding of the role of poetry within a specific political movement and to establish the context in which Tane's poetry was produced, two chapters are included which analyse the educational culture and the collective cultural production of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. One chapter focuses on the history of the ILGWU's educational and cultural activities and the other analyses collections of poetry which the union produced. This thesis challenges the existing paradigm in which the study of American radical Left and labour poetry has been isolated from any broader enquiry about its relationship to class, American political history and also to literary modernism. This thesis advances two main arguments: that the poets considered in this thesis conceived of poetry as a politically transformative force; that these politically transformative understandings of poetry were rooted in in an engagement with the ideological and material contexts of the social movements to which these writers belonged. Furthermore, this thesis considers poetry in terms of the material context of its publication, and the political uses to which it was put.
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Cooper, Timothy. "The politics of Radicalism in suburban Walthamstow, 1870-1914". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615025.
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Brewitt-Taylor, Samuel. "'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England, 1957-1970". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1a19573-6e94-46d7-92d7-d27e8f9f3458.
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This thesis is the first study of 'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England between 1957 and 1970. Radicalism grew in influence from the late 1950s, and burst into the national conversation with John Robinson’s 1963 bestseller, Honest to God. Emboldened by this success, between 1963 and 1965 radical leaders hoped they might fundamentally reform the Church of England, even though they were aware of the diversity of their supporting constituency. Yet by 1970, following a controversial turn towards social justice issues in the late 1960s, the movement had largely reached the point of disintegration. The thesis offers five central arguments. First, radicalism was fundamentally driven by a narrative of epochal transition, which understood British society in the late 1950s and early 1960s to be undergoing a seismic upheaval, comparable to the transition between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Secondly, this led radicals to exaggerate many of the social changes occurring in the period, and to imagine the emergence of a new social order. Radicals interpreted affluence as an era of unlimited technology, limited church decline as the arrival of a profoundly secular age, and limited sexual shifts as evidence of a sexual revolution. They effectively created the idea of the ‘secular society’, which became widely accepted once it was adopted by the Anglican hierarchy. Third, radical treatment of these themes was part of a tradition that went back to the 1940s; radicals anticipated many of the themes of the secular culture of the 1960s, not the other way round. Fourth, far from slavishly adopting secular intellectual frameworks, radical arguments were often framed using theological concepts, such as Christian eschatology. Finally, for all these reasons, Christian radicals made an original and influential contribution to the elite re-imagination of British society which occurred in the 1960s.
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Reed, Jordan Lewis. "American Jacobins revolutionary radicalism in the Civil War era /". Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/23/.
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Lanthier, Stéphanie. "L'impossible réciprocité des rapports politiques et idéologiques entre le nationalisme radical et le féminisme radical au Québec, 1961-1972". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ35692.pdf.
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Nash, David Stewart. "The Leicester Secular Society : unbelief, freethought and freedom in a nineteenth century city". Thesis, University of York, 1988. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10892/.
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Tillman, Kajsa. "Is it Islamic ideology that leads to radicalism, or is radicalism motivated by Islam? : A qualitative analysis of Taimour Abdulwahab’s and Rakhmat Akilov’s radicalization". Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Religionsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-34124.
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This study includes a comparative analysis of the two jihadists, Taimour Abdulwahab's and Rakhmat Akilov's radical uprising. The objective is to analyze their radicalization process based on two different theoretical approaches. The first theory of Oliver Roy embraces the social conditions under which Muslims think and act, and believes that radicalization leads to an increased radical religiosity. In contrast, the second theory of Gilles Kepel seeks to understand the intellectual history of Islam, and believes that it is the political developments that have led to radicalization. The study shows that the radicalization of Taimour Abdulwahab and Rakhmat Akilov is a complicated matter that shares aspects from both theoretical approaches. However, some factors of the theories apply better than others. These factors are often linked to a triggering event that causes an individual to turn to a violent ideology. Also, strong group affiliation is considered an essential emotional bond, where identification with other like-minded people is an important factor. Influences from different emotions are essential to the radical process, where feelings of significance and threatened identity is a factor for increased violence. It is proven through the analysis how the interpretation of an individual's background results in how the religious and political perspectives regarding radicalization are defined and understood. As a result, one can neither ignore Kepel's historical aspects or Roy's modern conditions. After all, our life is often affected by both old and contemporary experiences.
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Small, Stephen. "Republicanism, patriotism and radicalism : political thought in Ireland, 1776-98". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285408.
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Wali, Farhaan. "Radicalism unveiled : a study of Hizb ut-Tahir in Britain". Thesis, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542435.
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Padgett, Tammy. "The Three Rs of Militant Politics: Rhetoric, Radicalism and Realpolitik". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2003. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/691.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucfBachelors
Arts and Sciences
political Science
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Spence, Peter Edward. "The rise and fall of romantic radicalism : England 1800-1810". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385332.
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Andrews, Kehlinde Nkosi. "Back to Black : Black Radicalism and the Supplementary School Movement". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1457/.
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Black radical politics are comprehensively defined and the aim is to understand how such a political ideology can be used to overcome racial inequalities in contemporary Britain. A Black radical challenge to mainstream racial theory within the academy is outlined, along with an interrogation of the principle limitation of Black radical thought, that of essentialism and cultural authenticity. To illustrate how a Black radical approach can be understood, the position was applied to inequalities in schooling. Black radicalism argues for a Black independent education. Black supplementary schools are spaces organised by concerned members of the Black community and offer extra teaching of mainstream curricula and also Black studies. These are presented as potential spaces for Black radical independent education. A Black supplementary school was selected as a case study, where a critical participatory ethnography was undertaken. The researcher spent 7 months working as a teacher in the supplementary school, collecting extensive fieldnotes. Experiences in the programme revealed strengths in the relationships, diverse curriculum and empowering nature of the environment for students. A number of challenges also arose including structure, coordination and decline in attendance. Overall, the potential for a Black radical independent education exists within Black supplementary school movement.
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Kunka, Françoise. "French émigrés from the revolution of 1848 and British radicalism". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2014. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=226783.
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The thesis reassesses the presence of French émigrés from the 1848 revolution within a British context. In particular, it investigates their role in the transfer of the wide-ranging and often contradictory wealth of revolutionary concepts and political doctrines among the small but influential coterie of Victorian radicals and journalists who welcomed them and disseminated their ideologies. The part played by the transmission of these ideas within the 'continuity thesis' regarding radicalism in Britain is thus re-examined, challenging the premise that there was a complete political hiatus between the Chartism of the 1840s and the advent of socialism at the end of the nineteenth century. The varied transnational spaces within which revolutionary ideas were exchanged, debated and promoted are explored together with the vectors through which they were transmitted to a British public by figures as diverse as G.J. Harney, Ernest Jones, John Ludlow and Charles Bradlaugh. The thesis shows how these connections stimulated a new political language inspired by different strands of French socialism, secularism, republicanism and Freemasonry, and how this exposed both divisions of class and political direction within British radicalism while paradoxically encouraging a sense of patriotism. The quarante-huitards are here firmly located between the previous French migration to Britain beginning in the 1830s and the subsequent arrival of Communard refugees in 1870- 71, as well as within the wider continental émigré community. Through biography, the backgrounds and lives of certain figures within both groups are traced including Louis Blanc and other 'chiefs' in exile, as well as members whose years in Britain, like that of Jeanne Deroin, have until now been obscured. The impact of influential figures with whom they associated such as Mazzini and Marx are also considered, during a distinct period that was witnessing the decline of Chartism and ushering in a new spirit of commercial liberalism as reflected in the Great Exhibitions of 1851 and 1862.
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Chen, Shuo. "Loyalty signaling and political radicalism in China's "great leap forward" /". View abstract or full-text, 2008. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202008%20CHEN.
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Jecmen, Timothy Gura Philip F. "Writing the revolution radicalism and the U.S. historical romance, 1835-1860 /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1465.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Apr. 25, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English." Discipline: English; Department/School: English.
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Jones, Sarah Lyndsey. "Constructing 'free love' : science, sexuality, and sex radicalism, c. 1895-1913". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19148.
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In the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, a broad community of radical men and women engaged in discussions about sex reform and what they termed ‘free love’. Much of this debate took place within a particular community of periodicals, as those interested in radical sexual reform read, contributed to, and corresponded with a small number of key sex radical journals such as The Adult, Lucifer, the Light-Bearer, and The Freewoman. Drawing upon their contributions to these journals, this thesis will examine the ways in which sex radical authors built and shaped their beliefs about sex and sex reform – in short, how they constructed ‘free love’ in their work. In particular my research will explore how sex radicals, despite holding diverse and often conflicting views, used similar theories and ideas drawn from a broad range of scientific disciplines to support their arguments. This thesis will show that radicals used a varied set of scientific ideas and theories in order to contend that mankind had a ‘natural’ and important sexuality that had been harmfully bound and distorted by contemporary social, cultural, and legal institutions. It will demonstrate that it was these scientific ideas that underpinned their criticisms of existing social institutions, and thus framed their varied calls for radical sexual reform. Despite the often contentious nature of sex radical debates, this thesis will therefore illustrate that radical authors throughout these journals shared a belief that a scientific understanding of sex was crucial to making sex ‘free’. Furthermore, by exploring links between sex radicals and other social reformers, research will illustrate that radicals were not isolated and should not be dismissed as a marginal group; instead it will show that they are better understood as active participants in part in a broad set of contemporary intellectual debates about issues related to sex, relationships, gender, and the body. As such, this thesis will show the importance of bringing radicals in from the fringe of historical accounts in order to gain a more in-depth understanding of such debates.
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Gopal, Priyamvada. "Literary radicalism in India : gender, nation and the transition to independence /". New York ; London : Routledge, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39928268p.
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Kar, Shiva Krishna. "Transitionalism and radicalism in Jane Austen : a study of her novels". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1166.
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Quinn, Adam. "The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era". ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2016. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/582.
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From 1919 to 1920 the United States carried out a massive campaign against radicals, arresting and deporting thousands of radical immigrants in a matter of months, raiding and shutting down anarchist printing shops, and preventing anarchists from sending both periodicals and personal communications through the mail. This period is widely known as the First Red Scare, and is framed as a reaction to recent anarchist terrorism, syndicalist unionizing, and the Bolshevik Revolution. Though the 1919-20 First Red Scare was certainly unprecedented in its scope, it was made possible through a longer campaign against radicals, throughout which the US government constructed legal, ideological, and institutional apparatuses to combat radicalism and terrorism. This project explores the longer conflict between the US government and anarchists, focusing on the period between 1900 and 1920. It argues that the government sought to suppress radicalism not just due to anarchist terrorism or class antagonism, but also due to a broader ideology of antiradicalism that framed anarchist counterculture and connected ideas like free love and internationalism as a threat to the nation-state and to traditional American values. In trying to suppress radical counterculture years before the First Red Scare, the US government built its capacity for federal policing. And, by tying the battle against anarchist terrorism to a broader project of suppressing any idea considered to be radical or nontraditional, the US government controlled the kinds of ideas and people allowed within American borders through force, demarcating political limits to American nationality and citizenship.
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Scott, Iain Robertson. "From radicalism to conservatism : the politics of Wordsworth and Coleridge, 1797-1818". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24296.
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Wyma, Kathleen Lynne. "The discourse and practice of radicalism in contemporary Indian art 1960-1990". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2833.
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By the early 1980s the Department of Fine Arts and Aesthetics at the Maharaja
Sayajirao University in Baroda stood as the key institution for contemporary art in
India. Its reputation had been carefully cultivated over the last fifteen years by both K.
G. Subramanyan and Geeta Kapur. Under their careful artistic and theoretical tutelage,
the Facuhy of Fine Arts turned to narrative-figuration as a self-proclaimed polemical
stance against the materialist/determinist thrust of history. The narrative turn moved
beyond the regional locality of Baroda in 1981 with the exhibition Place for People.
Held in the cosmopolitan art centres of Delhi and Bombay the show included the work
of six artists variously affiliated with the school in Baroda: Bhupen Khakhar, Vivan
Sundaram, Gulammohammed Sheikh, Nalini Malani, Jogen Chowdhury, and Sudhir
Patwardhan.
The arrival of Place for People in the 1980s must be situated within the larger
frames of contemporary art in the post-colonial moment. In attending to the variegated
terrain spanning both theory and practice, my project has as its underlying concern the
interface between discursive formations, institutional structures, and sites of artistic
intervention. More specifically, I am interested the representational strategies that
emerged in the period between 1960 and 1990. In looking to the gaps in the discourse,
alongside the points of conflict or conciliation, I raise larger questions about the politics
of representation, and the productive or prohibitive possibilities of artistic intervention.
At the core of my argument is the rise of painterly narrative-figuration exemplified by Place for People and the challenge leveled against it by the Indian Radical Painters and
Sculptors Association. Both laid claim to radicalism as a polemical gesture; however,
the battle was waged across the historically contingent fields of artistic subjectivity,
regional difference and the capacity of art to function as an agent of social change.
Pivotal to my study is how certain approaches to both the theory and practice of
contemporary art in India have emerged as paradigmatic while others have gathered the
dust of disregard.
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Navickas, Katrina. "Redefining loyalism, radicalism and national identity : Lancashire under the threat of Napoleon". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b5cdcdf5-848f-4407-a36b-07ab687fa44b.
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Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.
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Lewis, Patrick (Patrick Joseph). "Asymmetry of will : the effect of religious radicalism on state military doctrine". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77830.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.DVD-ROM contains .mp4 video files, PDF and Word doc. files.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
How is a state's military doctrine affected by the presence of radical religious ideology in its military? Using analysis of satellite imagery, recent military exercises, and a series of source interviews, I examine the evolution of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In particular I explore the effect of religious radicalism on Iran's acceptable casualty rates for its naval operations. A successful ideologically based strategy appears to have three necessary components: terrorism as a tool for pursuing political objectives, religious ideology as a generator of potential violence, and a regime which exercises tight control over the military. Combined, these factors allow a military to mobilize a large cadre of troops that are willing to sacrifice themselves in suicide operations. Ideology overcomes conventional acceptable casualty rates for sustained military sorties. Finally, I compare the Iranian case to similar militaries in the Sudan and Yugoslavia to determine how the presence and absence of each factor affects the military's development.
by Patrick Lewis.
S.M.
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Petrie, Malcolm Robert. "Identities of class, locations of radicalism : popular politics in inter-war Scotland". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6321.
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This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.
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Potts, Adam Simon. "From active to passive noise : rethinking the radicalism of Japanese noise music". Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2720.
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In recent years noise has gained theoretical momentum as a concept used to consider the complexity of difference in both culture and art. Despite a great degree of variance between its authors, there is nevertheless a common insistence within noise theory that noise must be thought negatively. Particularly in accounts of Japanese noise music, noise is construed as oppositional to musicality and meaning traditionally understood. This thesis aims to reassess this claim with the argument that the true alterity of Japanese noise music cannot be reduced or essentialised to the categories of negativity and radicalism. It will be argued that the language of this music is predicated on a fundamental absence that makes any essential categorisation impossible. Drawing on twentieth-century continental philosophy, particularly the work of Maurice Blanchot, this thesis will develop an entangled relationship between two different, although fundamentally dependent, languages of noise. Chapter one will lay the theoretical groundwork for these languages by distinguishing between active noise and passive noise. If active noise names the language of negativity and radicalism through which we understand the materiality, sonority and performances of Japanese noise music, then passive noise names the way in which this language is problematised by Blanchot's challenge to atomistic and holistic thinking. Chapter two will demonstrate how an intentionless alterity, which constitutes passivity, accounts for a different idea of transgression than the kind frequently attributed to the erotic and sacrificial activities of Japanese noise music. Chapter three will continue this discussion by exploring Japanese noise music's relationship with death and impossibility. The conclusion will examine Blanchot's idea of community as a possible way of understanding the community centred around Japanese noise music. By way of summary, it will be argued that no unifying principle collectivises either the community or language of this music, because both are fundamentally predicated on an irreconcilable impossibility.
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Gillespie, Emmet. "Vanguard State: Labour, radicalism, and third-party politics in Minnesota, 1934-1944". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20708.
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This thesis examines the rise of industrial unions in Minnesota in the late 1930s and early 1940s by placing this within the broader context of state and local politics. In the 1930s, the influence of left-wing politics was at its nationwide peak in Minnesota. The state had elected two governors from the radical Farmer-Labor Party, while the 1934 Teamsters Strike had broken the power of employer’s organisations and paved the way for industrial unionisation nationwide. Minnesota also had one of the nation’s most influential Communist parties, while the Congress of Industrial Organisations successfully organised the resource-extraction areas surrounding Duluth. Though historians have tended to treat these groups separately, and have emphasised conflict rather than cooperation between them, this thesis argues that these groups worked together enough that they essentially formed a left movement. This movement enabled Minnesota’s version of the nationwide process in which the working class emerged as a political and economic actor, formed unions, and demanded better wages, fairer conditions, and access to the mainstream of American political and economic life. By incorporating Minnesota into the broader story of the emergence of America’s working class as a political and industrial actor, this thesis asserts that this process was shaped by regional and local political and economic contexts as much as it was by national forces. Moreover, this thesis also argues that ending casual and seasonal work was central to the process of securing a better standard of living for workers. While previous historians have tended to assume that seasonal work ended naturally in the 1920s, I find that it was a common feature of working-class life cycles throughout the 1930s. Unions and political actors explicitly made seasonal and casual work an issue and developed various strategies to end or mitigate job loss.
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Milka, Amy. "Reconsidering the Jacobin : representations of radicalism in England and France, 1790-1792". Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4815/.
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This thesis investigates the changing representations of Jacobinism in England and in France during the period 1790-1792, with a view to reconsidering the category of “English Jacobin” literature. It argues that Jacobinism has largely been considered in the light of the Terror in France and the Anti-Jacobin response in England. In the early years of the French Revolution, however, a more nuanced interpretation of Jacobinism is possible, and provides a fruitful way of studying “English Jacobin” authors. While it is important to appreciate the English foundations of Jacobin thought, this thesis addresses a second contributing factor to the concept of “English Jacobinism”: the influence of French Jacobinism itself. The events of the French Revolution, and the constantly changing representations of the Jacobins, demanded a continual renegotiation of the English Jacobins’ relationship with France. This was complicated in two main ways: on the one hand, the conservative backlash against French Jacobins and their “innovating” influence; and on the other hand, the continuation, during the early 1790s, of correspondence and communication between French and English Jacobins. The sense of a consensus between these groups was complicated by their different political and social origins, and often led the English Jacobins to be misrepresented. This thesis is concerned with both the representation and the reality of English interactions with Jacobinism. By considering the early years of the French Revolution and the formation of Jacobin thought, this study shows that there were certainly shared principles between French and English Jacobins, and that English Jacobins held true to original Jacobin ideology, both in their agitation for political change and in their writing. The thesis concludes with an investigation of how the principle of Jacobin citizenship was developed and explored in literature, and suggests the importance of French Jacobin ideology in understanding English Jacobin literature.
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McNassar, John L. "Sociopolitical radicalism : the making of martyrs, an assessment of past and current methods of recruitment and socialization applied by radical Islamic terror groups". Online access for everyone, 2007. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Spring2007/j_mcnassar_042707.pdf.
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Wright, N. P. "Radicals in English education 1960-1980 : A critical study". Thesis, Open University, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382730.
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Scott-Luckens, Carola Lyon. "Alpha and omega, the beginning and the end : women's millennialist prophecy 1630-1670". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242668.
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Wilson, Keith. "Political radicalism in the North East of England 1830-1860 : issues in historical sociology". Thesis, Durham University, 1987. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1680/.
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