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Tesis sobre el tema "Protest movements in art"

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Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

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1

Kolb, Felix. "Protest and opportunities : the political outcomes of social movements /". Frankfurt : Campus Verl, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41250227k.

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Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Berlin--Free university, 2006. Titre de soutenance : Protest, opportunities, and mechanisms : a theory of social movements and political change.
Bibliogr. p. 295-329.

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2

au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu y Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest". Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of peoples protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawas enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three waves of a post-war Okinawan struggle against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawas annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united Okinawan struggle, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawas distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers unions and political parties, is consistent with the new social movement theory. This theorys emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an Okinawan struggle has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an Okinawan struggle, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an Okinawan struggle would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

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3

Mallik, Basanta Kumar. "Paradigms of dissent and protest : social movements in Eastern India, c. AD 1400-1700 /". New Delhi : Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401407728.

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4

Bhuyan, Md Mahbub Or Rahman Bhuyan. "Threads of Protest and Resistance: The Impact of Social Movements on the Development of Laws Protecting Women’s Rights in Bangladesh". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1597329273763621.

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5

Malalepe, Keagile. "The legitimacy of violence as a political act: an investigation of vandalism surrounding service delivery protests in South Africa". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18113.

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This study aimed at investigating the legitimacy of violence as political act, especially the issue of vandalism surrounding service delivery protests in South Africa. The investigation was conducted in a small township around Soweto called Kliptown as a case study. This study was necessitated by the increasing number of violent service delivery protests around all provinces in the country. The statement of the problem provided a foundation within which the aims of the study were explained. The importance of this research cannot be justified enough especially given the mounting daily protests witnessed over service delivery by different communities from different provinces around the country.

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6

Chen, Yen-Hsin. "Protests in China: Why and Which Chinese People Go to the Street?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984256/.

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This research seeks to answer why and which Chinese people go to the street to protest. I argue that different sectors of Chinese society differ from each other regarding their tendencies to participate in protest. In addition to their grievances, the incentives to participate in protest and their capacities to overcome the collective action problem all needed to be taken into account. Using individual level data along with ordinary binary logistic regression and multilevel logistic regression models, I first compare the protest participation of workers and peasants and find that workers are more likely than peasants to participate in protests in the context of contemporary China. I further disaggregate the working class into four subtypes according to the ownership of the enterprises they work for. I find that workers of township and village enterprises are more likely than workers of state-owned enterprises to engage in protest activities, while there is no significant difference between the workers of domestic privately owned enterprises and the workers of foreign-owned enterprises regarding their protest participation. Finally, I find that migrant workers, which refers to peasants who move to urban areas in search of jobs, are less likely than urban registered workers to participate in protests.
ix, 193 pages

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7

Kryzhanouski, Yauheni. "Contester par la musique sous régime autoritaire : rock et politisation en Biélorussie". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG040.

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Cette thèse examine la politisation dans un régime autoritaire à travers l’étude de deux mouvements rock contestataires en Biélorussie. Le rock « national » s’est constitué en tant que mouvement artistique dans les années 1980 autour de la production de la musique contemporaine d’inspiration occidentale chantée en langue biélorusse et de la promotion d’une vision hétérodoxe de l’« identité nationale ». Le tournant autoritaire des années 1995-1996 a provoqué la repolitisation contestataire de ce mouvement artistique. Les acteurs du rock « national » continuent de revendiquer le statut « underground » tout en aspirant à la professionnalisation dans le cadre du système de production commercial. C’est aussi au milieu des années 1990 qu’un autre mouvement contestataire se constitue – le rock anarcho-punk DIY imprégné des conventions du modèle Do it yourself internationalisé. Ce mouvement proche des groupements anarchistes prône l’amateurisme, la production artistique restreinte et le radicalisme des prises de position. Sur l’exemple de ces deux mouvements artistiques, la thèse étudie les logiques de politisation et les modes de contestation
Based on a study of two protest rock movements in Belarus, this thesis examines the phenomenon of politicisation in an authoritarian regime. The “national” rock emerged in the 1980s as a modern artistic movement inspired by Western music conventions. Singing in Belarusian, this scene aspired to promote a heterodox vision of “national identity”. The authoritarian turn in 1995-1996 provoked protest re-politicisation of this artistic movement. “National” rock musicians continued to claim the “underground” status, while aspiring to professionalisation and commercial production. Against the backdrop of the authoritarian change, another protest movement emerged in the mid-1990s. Following the internationalised Do-It-Yourself model, the DIY anarcho-punk is closely linked to anarchist groups and promotes amateurism, limited artistic production and radical political expression. Based on the example of the two artistic movements, this thesis studies the logics of politicisation and the modes of political protest

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8

Middlebrooks, Justin M. Mr. "The Intersection Between Politics, Culture, and Spirituality: An Interdisciplinary Investigation of Performance Art Activism and Contemporary Societal Problems". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1333397676.

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9

Grabarek, Kristin Elizabeth. "Protest activities in southern universities, 1965-1972". Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2006%20Spring/master's/GRABAREK_KRISTIN_16.pdf.

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10

Dasgupta, Srinanda. "Protest movements and the political process:a study of their implications in contemporary Indian politics". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/191.

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11

Saito, Suzanne. "Student protest in France, 1986-1999 : an interpretation using theories of protest and social movements". Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.427069.

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12

SaÌnchez, LuciÌa Buenrostro. "Essays in voting rules, voter turnout and protest movements". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406875.

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13

Hayes, Graeme. "Environmental protest and the State in France". Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York : Palgrave MacMillan, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol031/2002022421.html.

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14

Roman-Rivera, William J. "Silence and screams "Nueva Canción" and its impact on political movements in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay /". Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2008. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/383.

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15

SUBIRATS, Anna. "Opening the urban 'black box' : the role of the local context in the mobilisation of urban movements". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/66669.

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Defence date: 25 March 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI/SNS) (Supervisor), Laszlo Bruszt (EUI/CEU), Claire Colomb (UCL), Eduardo Romanos (Madrid Complutense)
This thesis analyses urban protest actions in the context of austerity urbanism in Southern Europe, attempting to better understand the conditions that lead to the mobilisation of urban protestors. To date, the literature on urban movements has tended to analyse the effect of macro-forces in transforming the urban environment, finding in them an explanation for protest. By contrast, local contexts – the political and institutional environments in which urban protest emerge – has been relatively unexplored. This is the case despite the fact that, empirically, we see significant variation in local protest despite similarity in the macro-problems effecting residents’ lives. Barcelona and Turin are examples of two cities that share many similarities in terms of large-scale processes and phenomena but nonetheless differ markedly in terms of the characteristics of their respective urban mobilisation. Both cities have transformed their economic model over recent decades, moving from an industrial base to the promotion of cultural and knowledge-based economic activity. Recently, both cities have been acutely affected by the financial crisis, suffering severe housing crises and being subject to fiscal constraints and austerity cuts. At the same time, both cities have a strong tradition of urban protest. Taking existing urban studies literature as a starting point, all of these factors would lead to an expectation of similar levels and forms of urban protest in Barcelona and Turin, but this thesis shows that urban mobilisation in the two cities differs in significant ways. This thesis explores the ways in which local contexts may be important in shaping expressions of urban protest. In doing so, I use protest event analysis and content analysis methodologies to collect, map and analyse 852 protest actions in Barcelona and Turin between 2011 and 2015. Drawing on the broader literature on social movements, I argue that the nature and structure of local institutionalised power are important and under-studied aspects of the dynamics of urban protest. More broadly, the thesis suggests that in order to understand urban protest, it is necessary to look beyond the particularistic qualities and fragmentation of a highly place-embedded activism and consider it in the deeper context of the local political process.

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16

Dural, Ramesh. "Leadership and protest movement dynamics : study in the context of Gorkhaland and Kamtapuri movements in West Bengal". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/207.

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17

Fong, Yik-lam Andy. "State and urban protest towards a theoretical model of state-urban protest interaction in the sphere of consumption in contemporary capitalist societies /". Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31975793.

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18

Einwohner, Rachel L. "The efficacy of protest : meaning and social movement outcomes /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8922.

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19

Blair, Wendy R. "Type Image and the Art of Protest". [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2004. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0916104-121219/unrestricted/BlairW112204f.pdf.

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Thesis (M.F.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004.
Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0916104-121219 Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.

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20

Williams, Dana M. "Cross-National Protest Potential for Labor and Environmental Movements: The Relevance of Opportunity". Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1239141317.

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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.
"May, 2009." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 11/18/2009) Advisor, Rudy Fenwick; Committee members, Karl Kaltenthaler, Jerry Lewis, Brent Teasdale; Department Chair, John Zipp; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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21

Landman, Todd. "Agents of change : the comparative impact of social movements". Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310084.

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22

Callais, Todd Michael. "Music and New Social Movements: Hip-Hop Culture as Social Protest". The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1391611174.

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23

Hassanein, Saffaa. "We will play: protest, performance, and physical activism". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12652.

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This paper explores the politically charged topic of sport and gender in Saudi Arabia. Banning women and girls in Saudi from participating in organized sport is largely, albeit erroneously, attributed to religion. This paper attempts to unravel some of the complex issues involved in the exclusion of women and girls from sport and physical education. We Will Play examines the intimate terrain of institutionalised discrimination and gender inequality, and the ways in which these are literally embodied. This project is a part of an ongoing series of protests and cultural activism that drive my art practice. We Will Play uses sport as a mode of entry into a much larger predicament. The studio component of this project entitled City for All references the proclaimed philosophy of ‘Sport for All’ in the way that both are yet to be globally realized. City for All is overtly critical of Saudi laws and social norms that discriminate against women and girls. While this project defies conformist thinking, it hopes to stimulate more dynamic and perhaps playful ways of looking at the issues facing Saudi women. Through this work I wish to inspire Saudi women and men to re-examine their own personal prejudices towards the pressing issues of gender discrimination in general and towards gender and sport specifically

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24

Simsa, Ruth. "Repression of the Spanish Protest Movement - Mechanisms and Consequences". De Gruyter, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0022.

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Based on longitudinal qualitative research, the paper analyses manifestations and mechanisms of the repression of activists of the Spanish protest movement 15M, and effects of this repression perceived by activists. To contextualize this, the background of the movement, its goals, and its achievements are described. The movement started in 2011, protesting the social crisis, the consequences of austerity policies, and corruption. It had viable effects on the framing of the current situation, in political attitudes and also, indirectly, on the political system. The Spanish government has responded to movement activities with repression and with new laws that interviewees characterize as a further restriction of the civil right to demonstrate and protest. Findings indicate that the combination of overt and covert repression have effects far beyond the manifest acts of the repression itself.

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25

Kaufmann, Laurel Jeanne 1966. "Creation of an identity: American Indian protest art". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291933.

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This thesis addresses and critically reviews American Indian protest art as a legitimate art genre. Brief discussions of the Studio (the first formal American Indian art school), the Institute of American Indian Arts (IAIA), and the American Indian protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s, as well as irony, satire, and humor in Indian art are included. The concept of the "Indian" identity as a motivating factor of the art, and the redundant use of stereotypical imagery as it relates to cultural conflicts are addressed. Descriptive interpretations of the art of David Bradley, Alex Jacobs, and Stan Natchez, and the three fundamental elements of this art style are presented in detail.

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26

Min, Jun Suk. "Movements for enjoyment /". Online version of thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/7790.

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27

Sutradhar, Avijit. "Environmentalism and social resistance : a study of two protest movements in India". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2598.

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28

Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.

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29

Biedermann, Richard Scott. "An analysis of the news media's construction of protest groups". Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/620.

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This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society

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30

Kelman, Peter. "Protesting the national identity: the cultures of protest in 1960s Japan". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2443.

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Action, agency and protest were notions that seeped through the social and political terrain of 1960s Japan. Opposition to the Vietnam War, disputes in the universities, environmental concerns and anticipation of the US-Japan Security Treaty’s renewal set down for 1970, saw the entire decade engulfed in activism and protest. This thesis explores these sites of activism revealing the disparate character of protest in the 1960s – the often competing tactics and agendas that were manifested within the burgeoning and dynamic cultures of protest. The shifting definitions of protest and the competing ideals that emerged from its various sites of articulation are crucial to our understanding of postwar Japan. Excavating these sites – reading the character of protest and the ideals expressed – exposes the notions of autonomy and activism that underpinned conceptions of the postwar national identity. In the aftermath of the Pacific War intellectuals and activists looked for new forms of political expression, outside the auspices of the state, through which to enact the postwar nation. The identity of postwar Japan was constructed within the spheres of protest and resistance as anti-Vietnam War activists, Beheiren (Betonamu ni Heiwa o! Shimin Rengō), student groups such as Zenkyōtō, and local citizens’ movements negotiated the discursive space of ‘modern Japan.’ Examining the conceptions of political practice and identity that manifested themselves in the protest and resistance of the period, provides insights into the shifting terrain of national identity in the 1960s.

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31

Silvaggio, Anthony Vincent. "The forest defense movement, 1980-2005 : resistance at the point of extraction, consumption, and production /". view abstract or download file of text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3190548.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2005.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-302). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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32

Roseneil, Sasha. "Feminist political action : the case of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283148.

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The thesis is a sociological study of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp. It addresses the question of how it is possible for women to act collectively to promote social change: primarily, to resist and transform relations of male domination and female subordination, and, secondarily, to resist the forces of militarism. It highlights the importance for feminist sociology of theoretical and substantive attention to women's agency. The thesis offers an analysis of the origins of Greenham, thereby developing a critique of the gender-ignorance of previous theoretical work on social movements and arguing the importance of attention to macro-, ineso- and micro-level processes in the studying of the creation of collective politA.cal action. The particular character and ethos of Greenham as a form of feminist politics is explored, both in terms of the internal workings of the movement and in its actions confronting the outside world. The responses of the forces which were challenged by Greenham are analyzed, in order to assess its impact. Finally, the transformations in consciousness and identity experienced by women who had been involved with Greenham are discussed, contributing both theoretically and substantively to feminist understandings of women's consciousness and identity.

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33

Sola, Rose Capdevila. "'Socially involved' women : accounts, experiences and explanations". Thesis, University of Reading, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314252.

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34

Crowder, Craig Alan. "IDENTITY, SPECTACLE, AND EMBODIMENT IN SOCIAL PROTEST". UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/94.

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This dissertation examines the way rhetorical performances of identity function within a social movement. Examining the University of Kentucky chapter of a campus activist organization, United Students Against Sweatshops, I argue that embodied performances of identity often leverage spectacle in disruptive ways and work not only to solidify activists’ identities as part of a social movement but ultimately help to create solidarity within the movement, thereby working toward movement objectives. Historically under-examined in social movement literature in the rhetoric and composition tradition, identity performance examples are taken from an oral history project and archival materials to show how identity is constructed and reinforced in ways that make it an important tool with which to achieve social movement goals.

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35

Kazi, Rabeya Khatun. "Political Structure and Anti-dam Protest Movements: Comparing Cases of India and China". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-196564.

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In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.

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36

FitzGibbon, John. "Eurosceptic protest movements : a comparative analysis between Ireland, the UK, Estonia and Denmark". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39671/.

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The aim of this thesis is to add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism by providing an in-depth comparative study of groups in civil society that actively campaign against European integration in Denmark, Estonia, Ireland and the United Kingdom. This study labels these groups as ‘Eurosceptic Protest Movements' (EPMs). Five explanatory factors drawn from the literature on Euroscepticism and social movements are used to ask the research question of why EPMs are formed. These are namely, Euroscepticism in the party system, the number of referendums in each case study, the availability of resources, the openness of the policy making process, and the perceived pro-EU bias of the media. Empirically it proceeds on a case by case basis, providing an in-depth account of each state's relationship with the EU from party system, public opinion, referendums to case specific factors to allow for an appreciation of the environment in which EPMs are formed. Data is gathered primarily from interviews with the founders and both current and former members of EPMs, with additional information coming from EPM documents, referendum manifestos and posters. Contextual information is provided by interviews with academics, journalists and pro-European activists, and secondary literature in EU studies and social movements. The thesis comes to two key conclusions. Firstly, in relation to the literature on social movements, EPMs conform strongly to the political opportunity structure paradigm in that body of work. More specifically is the importance of referendums to EPM formation, an element of the political opportunity structure that has not been researched in relation to social movements. Secondly, with regard to Euroscepticism the thesis concluded that EPMs emerge because of a lack of available space for contestation on the EU issue and the inability of political parties to act as an interlocutor between the electorate and the EU.

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37

Zinser, William J. Jr. "Framing Protest: News Coverage of the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Movements". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1394725789.

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38

Zheng, Xiaowei. "The making of modern Chinese politics political culture, protest repertoires, and nationalism in the Sichuan Railway Protection Movement /". Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3379109.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed November 17, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 431-440).

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39

Johnson, Carina. "Men's experiences of participating in the silent protest". University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5641.

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Magister Artium (Psychology) - MA(Psych)
This study aimed to investigate how male university students become involved in activism to end sexual violence against women. Historically, gender-based violence (GBV) prevention efforts have been a women's issue and men have not typically been part of this violence prevention picture. However, in the past two decades there have been increasing efforts to involve men. This has been motivated by growing recognition that, "while most men do not use violence against women, when violence does occur it is perpetrated largely by men and the ideas and behaviours linked to masculinity are highly influential in men's use of violence against women" (Flood 2011, p. 361). This project focuses on the Silent Protest, a campaign against sexual violence initiated in 2006 at Rhodes University. Since its inception the Silent Protest exclusively recruited women but, in 2011, men were actively invited and encouraged to participate as allies in activism to end sexual violence. This study aims to investigate the pathways through which male university students come to be involved in the Silent Protest and the meanings they derive from participation in protest activities. Men who participated in the Silent Protest were interviewed and the transcripts were analysed from an interpretative phenomenological framework. It was found that participation was motivated by an awareness of rape as a significant societal problem, a desire to make a difference, wanting emotional closure and as a result of the influence of family and friends. Participation resulted in both negative and positive experiences for male students. Positive experiences included a sense of accomplishment and pride and a sense of solidarity whilst negative experiences were feelings of helplessness, guilt and shock, feeling drained, and feeling grouped with rapists. Enhancing knowledge in this area can serve a critical role in informing outreach efforts on how best to engage and involve men in working towards ending sexual violence against women.

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40

Seel, Benjamin. "Strategic identities : strategy, culture and consciousness in the New Age and road protest movements". Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301167.

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41

Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.

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42

Fong, Yik-lam Andy y 方奕霖. "State and urban protest: towards a theoretical model of state-urban protest interaction in the sphere ofconsumption in contemporary capitalist societies". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975793.

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43

Weiss, Jessica Chen. "Powerful patriots nationalism, diplomacy, and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3316212.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 200-208).

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44

Bonilla-Puig, Alicia I. "Printmaking, Politics, and the Art of Protest in Modern Mexico". Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/310769.

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Art History
M.A.
My thesis seeks to establish a fuller, more nuanced historical account of socially and politically oriented printmaking during the long 20th century in Mexico. In order to remedy what is currently a fragmented and incomplete narrative composed of canonical artists, my project integrates recent studies that acknowledge the role of lesser-known artists from various moments of the 20th and 21st centuries. The broader approach of this thesis reveals that the history of politically oriented Mexican prints spans a longer period of time and a larger geographic area than previously thought. Mexico experienced several waves of political turmoil and social upheaval throughout the 20th century, beginning with the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), including the 1968 student movement, and extending to present day clashes between citizens and their government leaders. In this context, art and printmaking in particular served as persistent vehicles for Mexican artists to engage in social and political activism. Integrating the critical analysis of earlier research along with newer studies that recognize the impact of Mexican printmakers often overlooked in broad survey texts and exhibitions allows for further conclusions to be drawn regarding the multifaceted relationship between the print medium and the art of protest. My thesis introduces the notion that educational institutions in Mexico played an active part in this historical narrative, highlights the significance of Mexican artists' choice to work in collaborative environments versus individually, and notes modern activist printmakers' strong preference for the woodblock print.
Temple University--Theses

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45

Murphy, David James. "Beyond the barricade : liberation theology in the development of resistance in a Chilean población to the military regime of Augusto Pinochet between 1980 and 1986". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/15751.

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The general focus of the study is a shanty town (población) on the outskirts of Santiago in Chile during the military regime of Augusto Pinochet. The military coup of 11th September 1973 was the beginning of seventeen years of repression and violence. The specific focus of the research is the development of resistance against Pinochet amongst the people (pobladores) of that shanty town. The research is based on a six year period in the población where the candidate, being also a Catholic priest, had unique access through his role to the social and cultural life of the people. The implications of this role in terms of retrospective anthropology are examined in detail. The experience is studied in terms of the developments of attitudes and behaviour within a particular group especially in their movement from tentative protest and the creative use of ambiguity, to the use of barricades as the focus for direct confrontation with the authorities. The passing beyond the barricade is explored in terms of the expansion of the people's capacity to develop political agency. The thesis is a case study of Liberation Theology and its role in the development of resistance to the military regime. The street becomes a central focus as space of protest. A comparison is made between the private space of the house as refuge and the public space of the street as place of conflict and danger. It is suggested that the barricade may be understood as a dynamic boundary being partly constituted by the bodies of the protesters themselves. It is also didactic, insofar as the re-appropriation of physical space - the streets, the bridge upon which the key barricade is built, and by extension the entire población, parallel the occupation of the internal space in the minds of the protesters. The transformations of meaning being etched into the 'landscape' were being correspondingly etched into the 'inscapes' of the imagination. If space can be taken as analogous to language and the movement of bodies through the población understood, therefore, as an articulation of an alternative discourse, then the boundary/barricade can be seen as the focus for such a counter-discourse against the attempt by Pinochet to militarise civilian life. Liberation theology and the Basic Christian Community are explored in terms of the development of the potential of resistance to the military regime. It is suggested that these functioned by legitimating new public discourses, promoting new styles of leadership and empowering individuals and organisations. Here politics becomes part of the road to 'salvation' and religion becomes politics by other means. Finally the question of popular education is addressed in the context of an invasion of the University by the pobladores. A project of popular education is explored in its attempt to go beyond the question of protest against the Regime to addressing how political power is operated through appropriation of discourse. Power and knowledge are intricately intertwined. The focus moves to consider political violence as being exercised not just in military might but also through institutional structures. The conclusion recapitulates the main themes in the context of wider aspects of anthropology.

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46

Zhu, Lin. "Political opportunity and resistance : a study of migrant workers' protests in China /". View abstract or full-text, 2009. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202009%20ZHU.

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47

Chen, Wei. "The state and labour organisation in China: the dynamics of labour protest outcomes". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/391.

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Previous studies of Chinese labour resistance have largely focused on the institutions and actors involved in disputes, including worker activists, labour NGOs, and official trade unions. The focus has been on the emergence, evolutionary path, and strategies of labour protests. As a result, scant attention has been paid to the consequences of labour protests. Based on my fieldwork in Guangdong between 2013 and 2016, this study seeks to understand the outcomes of labour disputes, arguing that the organisational characteristics of labour protests and the use of disruptive action in strikes are two key factors shaping protest outcomes. To explain the dynamics of organisational factors in Chinese labour protests, three distinctive organisational patterns have been identified, relating to the actors involved in labour protests, which can be categorised as worker-led, union-led, and NGO-intervened. A worker-led protest involves a dispute initiated by workers' activists or leaders, and is generally a one-off action with weak core leadership. In an NGO-intervened protest, workers can build a more or less sustained leadership structure to organise collective actions and reach the stage of collective bargaining. A union-led protest is organised by a workplace trade union, which, while often confronting enormous institutional constraints, also creates opportunities for the success of the protest.. This research demonstrates that worker protests with different organisational structures tend to adopt different forms of disruptive action to achieve their goals; this, in turn, affects the various outcomes of labour protests. I argue that, when the protest structure is better organised, workers are less likely to resort to violent disruptive actions. In addition, their collective actions are more likely to lead to collective bargaining. When protests are less well organised, workers who lack resources and coordination are more likely to use forcefully disruptive tactics to gain more leverage from the outside.. I further contend that, in an authoritarian country like China, how the state responds to labour protests also greatly determines their favourable or unfavourable outcome for workers. This study regards protest policing as evidence of the state's attitude to labour strikes. My findings show that local governments are more likely to apply temperate and moderate protest policing to labour collective actions that are well organised, refraining from violent disruptions. Likewise, as less well organised protests and unorganised riots often lead to massive disorder and even violence, they are likely to trigger a harsh crackdown by the police force, as well as legal punishment. Hence, this study suggests that the interactions and reciprocal adaptations between protesting workers and the policing tactics of local governments have coefficient influences on the outcome of collective labour actions.. This study further argues that, in addition to outcomes that can be measured in economic terms, labour protests also have an enduring impact on institutions. Although it is not easy for protesters to achieve all of their goals, collective actions have played a role in generating incremental institutional changes in the labour relations system. Attempts by local governments and trade unions to experiment with collective bargaining and develop mechanisms for collective dispute resolution can be viewed as a consequence of protracted labour disputes in Guangdong.

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48

Brohaugh, Paul Christoper. "Partnership, dependence and protest the United States and El Salvador, seen through pockets of internationals /". Diss., [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-12272007-070233/.

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49

Ipema, Tim M. "The voices of protest in Uncle Tom's Cabin and Native Son /". View online, 1990. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211998880394.pdf.

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50

Boon, Kia Meng. "“No Time to Disperse...”: State Violence, Collective Memory and Political Subjects in the Time of Malaysia’s Bersih Protests (2011-12)". Kyoto University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/232399.

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