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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Pronominal binding"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 11 de marzo de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Pronominal binding"

1

Witkoś, Jacek, Dominika Dziubała-Szrejbrowska y Paulina Łęska. "Binding as agree and index raising: The case of Polish accusative object experiencers". Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 54, n.º 4 (27 de noviembre de 2018): 469–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2018-0020.

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Abstract This paper aims to account for peculiar binding properties of non-nominative arguments of Polish psychological predicates focusing on accusative Object Experiencers (hence, OE). It has been observed that although Polish anaphors are subject oriented, they can be bound by accusative experiencers (Bondaruk and Szymanek 2007; Tajsner 2008; Wiland 2016). At the same time, these arguments, unlike nominative subjects, are also proper antecedents for both reflexive and pronominal possessives. This mixed behaviour poses a puzzle for the traditional formulation of Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986; Manzini and Wexler 1987; Rappaport 1986; Willim 1986/1989; Reinders-Machowska 1991), which assumes complementarity between anaphors and pronominals in their local domains and plainly states that the subject is the privileged binder in Slavic. We base our analysis on a number of recent proposals, including Hicks (2009), Safir (2014) and Nikolaeva (2014), following Hestvik (1992). The proposal implements the concept of binding as (upward) Agree as well as Index Raising (IR), where the head of the anaphoric/pronominal element (henceforth the index) is (covertly) moved and adjoined to v or T. Lexicalisation and distribution of anaphoric and pronominal elements is determined by two factors: the movement of the index and the case position of the binder.

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2

Goodluck, Helen, Kofi K. Saah y Danijela Stojanović. "On the Default Mechanism for Interrogative Binding". Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 40, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1995): 377–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016121.

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AbstractThe difference between the two mechanisms for wh-question binding (i.e., sucessive cyclic movement and pronominal binding) is characterized, inter alia, by the presence of island constraints (subjacency effects) in movement but not pronominal constructions. Using experimental data from child and adult speakers of Akan (pronominal binding) and Serbo-Croatian (movement and pronominal binding), it is argued that: 1) Previous experiments on English-speaking children’s knowledge of the block on extraction from within adjuncts do not positively support early use of a movement grammar in English; 2) Apparent sensitivity to movement constraints may arise as a consequence of processing preferences; 3) The evidence to date is nonetheless compatible with movement as the default hypothesis for wh-binding; 4) The parsing preference for non-island locations for a wh-word may have utility for the learner, helping to correct overly permissive grammars.

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3

Al Mahmoud, Mahmoud S. "R-Expressions and the Interrogative Use of Anaphora in Najdi Arabic". International Journal of Linguistics 12, n.º 5 (7 de septiembre de 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i5.17503.

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This paper endeavors to explain how Najdi Arabic (NA), one of the dialects spoken in the central region of the Arabian Peninsula, diverges from Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) in its anaphoric treatment of R-expressions and pronominals. Data from a native Najdi Arabic informant suggest that only a subset of NA verbs allow proper names to be referentially bound by their antecedent pronouns in interrogative structures. Although this property is characteristic of Najdi Arabic not MSA, it yields certain challenges to the basic tenets of the Binding Theory. While Principle C of the Binding Theory requires R-expressions to be free, a referential reading of the NA data, which syntactically binds proper names with their pronominal referents, violates such principle.

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4

Dong, Hongyuan. "An LFG analysis of pronominal binding in Mandarin Chinese". Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (12 de junio de 2016): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3646.

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Pronominal binding in Mandarin Chinese can be affected by different embedding verbs. For example, verbs like “gǎnxiè” (“to thank”) impose a negative constraint that requires the embedded subject pronoun not to be bound by the matrix subject DP. On the other hand verbs like “zhīdào” (“to know”) do not have such a requirement, thus conforming to the Binding Principle B. Importantly, binding relations of pronouns in sentences with verbs like “gǎnxiè” (“to thank”) cannot be accounted for within the framework of the standard Binding Theory. It cannot be explained by the control theory that involves PRO, either, although there is indeed some similarity between such negative constraints and control structures. Therefore I propose to add a negative constraint in the lexical entries of such verbs, based on how control is handled in LFG. This proposal has both theoretical and application advantages.

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5

Culy, Cristopher y Kungarma Kodio. "Dogon pronominal systems their nature and evolution". Studies in African Linguistics 23, n.º 3 (15 de junio de 1994): 315–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v23i3.107411.

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The Dogon language family has received little attention in the linguistics literature to date. In this paper we examine the binding properties of the pronominal systems of three Dogon languages, Donno S:>, T:>r:> S:>, and Togo Ka. We also posit the pronominal system of their common ancestor, and the changes from the common ancestor to the contemporary languages. In doing so, we find two ways in which languages can lose logophoricity: (1) the logophoric pronoun becomes a subject oriented reflexive, and (2) the logophoric pronoun is lost without any reflex. The Dogon languages thus give us insight into the nature of pronominal systems and how they evolve.

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6

DILIP, Mayuri J. y Rajesh KUMAR. "Clitic or Agreement Restriction in Santali: A Typological Analysis". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 10, n.º 1 (30 de enero de 2020): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.10.1.9-33.

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This paper investigates the syntactic configuration of pronominal number marking in Santali. Syntactic, morphological and prosodic restrictions show that pronominal number markers have properties of an affix as well as a clitic. A marker is an affix due to the fact that it cannot participate in a binding relation with other arguments. A pronominal number marker also functions as a clitic since it is attached to prosodically the most prominent constituent. The arguments that trigger object agreement do not manifest one particular case, but instead indicate a dissociation between a case and object agreement. On the other hand, the argument with subject agreement manifests nominative case only, indicating an association between nominative case and subject agreement. Both subject and object agreement are sensitive to case that indicates a property of an affix. Keeping in view the distribution of the pronominal number markers, we analyze feature checking of the two parameters, namely agreement and case in Santali.

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7

Kim, Soo Jeong, U. Pyong Hong, Ki Hyo Park, Sun Kyoung Lee, Sara Ok, Ga Young Kang y Yun Ju Nam. "Psychological reality of binding principles for pronominal anaphors in Korean". Journal of the Humanities for Unification 90 (30 de junio de 2022): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21185/jhu.2022.06.90.255.

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8

WALTZMAN, DAVA E. y HELEN S. CAIRNS. "Grammatical knowledge of third grade good and poor readers". Applied Psycholinguistics 21, n.º 2 (junio de 2000): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014271640000206x.

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The relationship between grammatical knowledge and reading ability in third grade good and poor readers was investigated. Two aspects of grammar – binding and control – were assessed to determine whether poor readers had syntactic deficits. These principles both relate to the interpretation of pronominal elements. Interpretations were assessed through a sentence–picture matching task in which picture depictions of all the possible interpretations of pronominal elements in verbally presented sentences were included. The only sentence type that differentiated the two reading groups was performance on sentences related to one of the binding principles, Principle B. Since obedience to Principle B probably involves pragmatic as well as syntactic principles, this finding suggests another way that good readers may differ from poor readers.

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9

Kanno, Kazue. "The acquisition of null and overt pronominals in Japanese by English speakers". Second Language Research 13, n.º 3 (julio de 1997): 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026765897673070746.

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This article reports on an experimental study that examines the role of UG in the L2 acquisition of Japanese by English speakers. The study focuses on the acquisition of the principle that prevents overt pronouns from having quantified NPs as antecedents in languages (such as Japanese) that have null pronouns. A group of 28 English speakers taking a fourth semester course in Japanese were asked to interpret the null and overt pronominal in the Japanese equivalent of patterns such as Everyone i thinks he/Øi is smart.Not only did the L2 learners exhibit a statistically significant difference in their interpretation of null and overt pronominals with respect to binding by a quantified NP, consistent with the UG principle, but their performance was not significantly different from that of a native-speaker control group.

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10

Lohnstein, Horst. "Sentence mood constitution and indefinite noun phrases". ZAS Papers in Linguistics 23 (1 de enero de 2001): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.23.2001.118.

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Sentence mood in German is a complex category that is determined by various components of the grammatical system. In particular, verbal mood, the position of the finite verb and the wh-characteristics of the so called 'Vorfeld'-phrase are responsible for the constitution of sentence mood in German. This article proposes a theory of sentence mood constitution in German and investigates the interaction between the pronominal binding of indefinite noun phrases which are semantically analyzed as choice functions. It is shown that the semantic objects determined by sentence mood define different kinds of domains which have to be uniquely accessible as the range of the choice function. The various properties of the pronominal binding of indefinites can be derived by the interplay of the proposed theoretical notions.

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Más fuentes

Tesis sobre el tema "Pronominal binding"

1

Golde, Karin Elisabeth. "Binding theory and beyond : an investigation into the English Pronominal System /". The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488192960166361.

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2

Song, Hee-Jeong. "Second language acquisition of pronominal binding by learners of Korean and English". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2012. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/367037/.

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This thesis presents a new study on the L2 acquisition of pronominal binding in Korean and English in order to examine accessibility to Universal Grammar (UG) (Chomsky 1981, 1986, 2000, 2001) in adult L2 acquisition. Specifically, the study examines the L2 acquisition of grammatical knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (OPC) (Montalbetti 1984) by English learners of Korean and the L2 acquisition of anaphoric binding by Korean learners of English. The first study investigates L2 speakers’ knowledge of the OPC, typically regarded as a universal constraint and a poverty-of-the-stimulus phenomenon. Previous L2 acquisition studies have only explored OPC effects when the pronoun is in subject position but not in object position. The current study aims to address this gap by investigating whether English learners of Korean can obtain nativelike knowledge of the OPC in subject and object positions. 41 English learners of Korean (intermediate and advanced) completed a co-reference comprehension task and a story-based translation task. Results from the experiment show that L2 speakers can successfully achieve nativelike knowledge of the OPC regardless of pronoun position and the study confirms the prediction that universal constraints need not be learnt. The second study focuses on L2 speakers’ knowledge of feature-based languagespecific constraints of anaphoric binding, following Hicks (2009), to examine the L2 acquisition of locality and orientation. 70 Korean learners of English (low-intermediate, intermediate, and advanced) completed a picture verification task and the results show that neither locality nor orientation constraints are properly acquired by most learners. This finding reveals that L2 speakers have difficulty in acquiring new feature configurations of the target grammar. This study also provides new evidence to support the view that cross-linguistic differences in this domain are derived from the interaction between language-specific feature specifications and universal reflexivisation mechanisms. In accordance with the results from the two studies, this thesis argues that while UG plays a significant role in explaining L2 speakers’ convergence to the L2 grammar, consistent with Full Access to UG (Schwartz & Sprouse 1994, 1996), divergence in L2 acquisition is caused by a failure to reconfigure new feature specifications. This is a result which supports the relevant role that Feature Assembly plays in second language acquisition (Lardiere 2008, 2009).

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Libros sobre el tema "Pronominal binding"

1

Lappin, Shalom. Pronominal binding and coreference. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1987.

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2

Menuzzi, Sergio. Binding theory and pronominal anaphora in Brazilian Portuguese. The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics, 1999.

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3

From syntax to discourse: Pronominal clitics, null subjects and infinitives in child language. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 2002.

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4

From syntax to discourse: Pronominal clitics, null subjects and infinitives in child language. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2002.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Pronominal binding"

1

Kenesei, István. "On pronominal binding in Hungarian". En Configurationality, editado por László Marácz y Pieter Muysken, 223–36. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110884883-012.

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2

Harper, Robert, Daniel R. Licata y Noam Zeilberger. "A Pronominal Approach to Binding and Computation". En Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 3–4. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-02273-9_2.

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3

Corbalán, María Inés. "Binding Domains: Anaphoric and Pronominal Pronouns in Categorial Grammar". En Formal Grammar, 1–19. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-56343-4_1.

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4

Eguren, Luis. "Binding: Deixis, Anaphors, Pronominals". En The Handbook of Hispanic Linguistics, 557–77. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118228098.ch26.

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5

Nyombe, G. Bureng y Robert Fiengo. "Binding, Pronominals and Anaphors in Bari". En Publications in African Languages and Linguistics, editado por David Odden, 301–10. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110882681-023.

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6

"Adjunction and Pronominal Variable Binding". En Essays in Syntactic Theory, 59–74. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203454701-9.

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7

Arsenijević, Boban y Stefan Milosavljević. "THE PRONOUN SAM ‘SELF’ IN SERBO-CROATIAN AND BINDING THEORY". En JEZIK, KNJIŽEVNOST, ALTERNATIVE/LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, ALTERNATIVES - Jezička istraživanja, 57–66. Filozofski fakultet u Nišu, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/jkaj.2022.3.

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We explore the distribution of the pronoun sam ‘self’ with the reflexive sebe ‘oneself’ and the pronominal njega ‘him’ in Serbo-Croatian (SC), in contexts in which the resulting pronoun complexes sebe samog and njega samog are used as arguments in the (seemingly) local domain with their antecedent (e.g. Pera je kritikovao sebe/njega samog ‘Pera criticized himself’). We focus on the question of why the pronoun sam enables the use of the pronominal (njega in this case) in the local domain, in violation of Principle B of the canonical binding theory (Chomsky, 1981, 1986). Our analysis is based on the intensifying nature of the pronoun sam, as a result of which this pronoun imposes a focal status on the constituent it combines with, thus extracting it from its argument position into a higher hierarchical position in the structure. Following the proposal of Reinhart & Reuland (1993), binding conditions fail to apply in such contexts, as the pronoun no longer figures as a co-argument of its antecedent. We also look at the differences in the distribution of the pronoun complexes sebe samog and njega samog: the former combines only with (seemingly) local antecedents and passes tests that diagnose syntactic binding, while the latter combines with both local and non-local antecedents and passes tests that diagnose coreference. The observed and discussed facts favor Reinhart & Reuland’s (1993) theory of pronominal coreference to the classical approach proposed by Chomsky (1981, 1986).

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8

Katalin, É. Kiss. "The primacy condition of anaphora and pronominal variable binding". En Long Distance Anaphora, 245–62. Cambridge University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511627835.013.

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9

Dalrymple, Mary, John J. Lowe y Louise Mycock. "Anaphora". En The Oxford Reference Guide to Lexical Functional Grammar, 500–544. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733300.003.0014.

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This chapter presents LFG analyses for different types of anaphora. Section 14.1 discusses how incorporated pronominal elements behave differently from elements that alternate with agreement markers, and the ways in which these differ from morphologically independent pronouns. Anaphoric relations and binding patterns have been the subject of much research within the LFG framework; Section 14.2 discusses positive and negative constraints on anaphoric binding stated in terms of structural relations holding at f-structure, and Section 14.3 discusses prominence relations which hold between the anaphor and its potential antecedents stated at f-structure as well as other linguistic levels. A glue-theoretic treatment of the semantics of anaphoric binding is presented in Section 14.4, modeled using a version of Discourse Representation Theory. This semantic treatment will be drawn upon in subsequent chapters, particularly in the discussion of anaphoric control in Chapter 15.

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10

Baker, Mark C. "Agree without agreement in object clitic doubling constructions". En Angles of Object Agreement, 27–55. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897749.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter investigates the relationship between object clitic doubling and object agreement. It is shown that, in Amharic and similar languages, the clitic on the verb is a separate pronominal element, which can trigger weak crossover and binding theory violations. At the same time, it acts like it enters into an Agree relationship with the doubled object, even though it does not c-command the object. It is shown that this unusual cluster of properties can be explained by analysing object clitic doubling on the model of how switch-reference has been analysed in recent work—particularly object=subject switch-reference in Shipibo and Yawanawa. In both constructions, particular functional heads enter into Agree-Link relations with nearby nominals, and the pointers created by this are interpreted as referential dependency holding between non-c-commanding nominals at the level of LF.

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