Literatura académica sobre el tema "Procedure parlamentari"

IntroduzionePer la prima volta nel 1989 le elezioni europee potrebbero essere regolate da un'unica legge elettorale, valida per tutti gli stati membri∗. In precedenza, nel 1979 e nel 1984, le elezioni si svolsero in base a norme elettorali nazionali, in genere molto simili a quelle utilizzate in ciascun paese per le elezioni parlamentari nazionali, anche se dei tentativi di uniformare le procedure furono compiuti anche nel corso della prima legislatura.

¿Pueden las Cámaras tramitar las iniciativas de reforma constitucional aplicando simultáneamente los procedimientos parlamentarios de reforma constitucional y procedimientos legislativos abreviados? Más específicamente, ¿puede considerarse que los métodos de lectura única y urgencia son procedimientos adecuados para tramitar la revisión de la Constitución? En el Auto 9/2012 el Tribunal Constitucional parece haberse decantado por la tesis de la simultaneidad procedimental, conforme a la cual los procedimientos de reforma constitucional podrían aplicarse transversalmente junto a las técnicas procedimentales de lectura única y de urgencia. Sin embargo, haciendo una interpretación sistemática de las normas constitucionales y parlamentarias que regulan el modo de producción legislativa, es posible deducir que dichas modalidades abreviadas actúan como límites procedimentales en la tramitación parlamentaria de la revisión de la Constitución.Can the Parliament process constitutional reform initiatives applying the procedures of constitutional reform and abbreviated legislative procedures simultaneously? More specifically, can it be considered that the method of single reading and the urgent procedure are adequate for processing the revision of the Constitution? In the decision ATC 9/2012 the Constitutional Court seems to have embraced the thesis of procedural simultaneity, according to which the procedures of constitutional reform could be applied transversally along with the legislative techniques of single reading and urgency. However, making a systematic interpretation of constitutional and parliamentary rules governing the lawmaking process, it might be argued that these kind of abbreviates procedures act as procedural limits in the parliamentary processing of the constitutional revision.

La reforma constitucional del artículo 135 de la CE nos ha situado ante la evidencia de que el procedimiento parlamentario con que contamos para dichos cambios es totalmente inadecuado. Una reforma constitucional del calado y relevancia del artículo 135 de la CE no se puede tramitar en el Congreso de los Diputado reduciendo los plazos a la mínima expresión y en una única lectura del Pleno de la Cámara. La importancia de una reforma constitucional requiere de un escrupuloso respeto a los principios que orientan el procedimiento parlamentario: derecho de enmienda, tiempo de negociación, debate y máxima publicidad. Como las previsiones reglamentarias vigentes no se garantizan plenamente estos principios. Por eso, este trabajo propone una reforma de los preceptos correspondientes para asegurar unos procedimientos parlamentarios más adecuados a los importantes objetivos del cambio constitucional.The constitutional amendment of article 135 of the Spanish Constitution has shown that the current parliamentary procedure for constitutional reform is totally inadequate. A constitutional reform of the importance of the one approved of the article 135 of the Spanish Constitution should not have been passed with such a significant reduction of procedural deadlines, and with just a single reading in the full Chamber. Such an important constitutional reform requires a scrupulous respect of the principles that surround parliamentary procedure: right of amendment, negotiation, terms of debate and maximum publicity. The current regulatory provisions do not fully guarantee these principles. Therefore, this essay proposes a change of the relevant regulations in order to ensure parliamentary procedures more adequate in terms of fulfilling the important purposes of constitutional reform.

Mapping the power of women MPs in the Serbian Parliament, through the analysis of the membership and the leadership of the Parliament and parliamentary committees, indicates that women MPs dominate the socio-cultural cluster of the committees, as well as foreign affairs and European integration committees. Women MPs are increasingly more visible in legislative-judiciary committees, while interior, defence and security affairs committees and minimally open to their membership. There is a growing trend of engaging women MPs in committees for ecology, then in trade and finance and, to a lesser extent, in infrastructure. Institutional gender sensitivity of the Serbian Parliament is still inadequate, and changes to the Rules of Procedure and the Code of Conduct are necessary in order to introduce gender-sensitive rules and procedures.

Resumen:La presente investigación trata de analizar el uso que se hizo del artículo 81.3 del Reglamento del Parlamento de Cataluña para alterar el orden del día y aprobar tanto la proposición de ley de referéndum como la de transitoriedad. Para ello, primero se ha examinado tanto el contenido que posee dicho artículo como aquellas cuestiones dudosas sobre el mismo. En segundo lugar, se ha resumido tanto la interpretación que se le dio a dicho precepto por la mayoría parlamentaria catalana para poder introducir ambas proposiciones de ley como las consecuencias que ello tuvo en forma de recursos de amparo. En tercer lugar, se ha contrastado la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional con las diferentes cuestiones planteadas durante el procedimiento de aprobación de ambas proposiciones de ley. En cuarto lugar, se ha intentado realizar una propuesta de resolución de aquellos recursos de amparo presentados por el grupo parlamentario de Ciudadanos sobre los que el Tribunal Constitucional todavía no se ha pronunciado. Y, en quinto y último lugar, se han analizado las SSTC 10/2018 y 27/2018 que resuelven los recursos de amparo sobre los acuerdos de la Mesa por los que se desestimaba la solicitud de dictamen del CGE.Una vez realizado todo ello, seis han sido las principales conclusiones. Uno: que la Mesa del Parlamento de Cataluña tenía tanto la obligación de realizar un análisis más allá de la estricta verificación de los requisitos formales por existir unos incidentes de ejecución que le obligaban expresamente a ello, como el deber de acordar su inadmisión por ser las proposiciones de ley palmaria y evidentemente inconstitucionales. Dos: que el Tribunal Constitucional debería fallar en contra de la parte del recurso de Ciudadanos donde se pedía anular los acuerdos del Pleno mediante los cuales se alteró el orden del día, pero debería resolver a favor de aquella otra parte del mismo recurso donde se pedía anular los acuerdos del Pleno mediante los cuales se creó un procedimiento legislativo ad hoc a través del art. 81.3 RPC. Tres: que las SSTC 10/2018 y 27/2018 estiman positivamente los recursos de amparo del grupo parlamentario Socialista en los que se pedía declarar la nulidad tanto de los Acuerdos de la Mesa de los días 6 y 7 de septiembre por los que se desestimaba tramitar la solicitud de dicho dictamen como de sus efectos. Cuatro: que no parece ser manifiestamente inconstitucional que a través del art. 81.3 RPC se pueda modificar el orden del día para incluir el debate y votación de una proposición de ley, afirmación esta que bien puede ser ampliable a todos aquellos preceptos de los demás reglamentos parlamentarios cuyo contenido sea similar. Cinco: que ni el art. 81.3 RPC ni ningún otro precepto que desarrolle la alteración del orden del día en los demás reglamentos parlamentarios, habilita para que a su través la mayoría parlamentaria cree un procedimiento legislativo ad hoc gracias al cual posteriormente se puedan aprobar proposiciones de ley. Y seis: que el motivo principal por el cual se acabaron tramitando las proposiciones de ley de esa manera no es otro que la voluntad de la mayoría parlamentaria (y, por ende, del Gobierno catalán) de tramitar y aprobar con apariencia de legalidad dos proposiciones de ley que eran ya en su origen evidentemente inconstitucionales.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. The content of article 81.3 Of the standing orders of the parliament of catalonia. 3. The consequences of the use of article 81.3 Rpc to introduce the laws of referendum and transitoriness on the agenda. 4. The jurisprudence of the constitutional court on the questions raised during the procedure to approve both bills. 4.1 The problem of whether the Parliamentary Bureau could have inadmitted to process both bills. 4.2 The problem of whether art. 81.3 RPC allows through it to develop that legislative procedure that was eventually used to approve both bills. 4.3 The problem regarding the suppression of the possibility of requesting a Dictum from the Council of Statutory Guarantees. 5. A possible resolution of the appeal submitted by the ciudadanos parliamentary group. 5.1 In relation to the plenary agreements by means of which the agenda was changed to introduce the bills of the referendum and of transitoriness. 5.2 In relation to the agreements of the Plenary throughwhich an ad hoc legislative procedure was created to proceed to the debateand definitive voting of the bills of the referendum and of transitoriness.6. The SSTC 10/2018 and 27/2018 that solve the appeal in relation to theagreements of the parliamentary bureau that rejected the request for theCGE’s dictum. 7. Conclusion.Abstract:The present investigation tries to analyse the use that was made of article 81.3 of the Catalan Parliamentary rules of procedure to alter the order of the day and approve both the Referendum Law and the Transitoriness Act. For this, first the content of the article as well as the dubious questions about it have been examined. Secondly, the interpretation given to this precept by the Catalan parliamentary majority in order to introduce both bills as well as the consequences that it had in the form of appeals has been summarized. Thirdly, the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court has been contrasted with the different issues raised during the approval procedure of the Referendum and Transitoriness Acts. Fourthly, an attempt has been made to make a proposal for a resolution of the appeals filed and on which the Constitutional Court has not yet ruled. And fifthly, analyse the STCC 10/2018 and 27/2018 that solve the appeal in relation to the agreements of the Parliamentary Bureau that rejectedthe request for the CGE’s dictum.Once all this has been done, six have been the main conclusions. One: that the Catalan Parliament Bureau was so obliged to carry out an analysis beyond the strict verification of the formal requirements because there were some execution incidents that expressly obliged it, as well as the duty to agree on its inadmissibility because the proposals were of obvious law and evidently unconstitutional. Two: that the Constitutional Court should rule against the part of the Citizens’ appeal where it was requested to annul the agreements of the Plenary by means of which the agenda was altered, but it should resolve in favour of that other part of the same resource where it was requested cancel the agreements of the Plenary through which an ad hoc legislative procedure was created through art. 81.3 RPC. Three: that the SSTC 10/2018 and 27/2018 positively estimate both the appeal of the Socialist parliamentary group and one of the parties to the appeal for protection of Citizens, in which it was requested to declare the nullity of both the Agreements of the Bureau of the 6th and September 7 for which it was rejected to process the request for such opinion and its effects. Four: it does not seem to be manifestly unconstitutional that, through art. 81.3 RPC, the agenda can be modified to include the debate and vote on a proposed law, an affirmation that may well be extended to all those precepts of the other regulations parliamentarians whose content is similar. Five: that neither art. 81.3 RPC nor any other precept that develops the alteration of the agenda in the other parliamentary regulations, enables the parliamentary majority to create an ad hoc legislative procedure through which subsequent proposals can be approved. Of law. And six: that the main reason why they ended up processing the proposals of law in this way is none other than the will of the Catalan parliamentary majority (and, thus his government) to process and approve with appearance of legality two propositions of law that were already in their origin evidently unconstitutional.

The article is dedicated to the subject of the parliamentary faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The author describes the form of organization of members of the Ukrainian parliament, the history of the regulation, the political goals of the amendments and the parliamentary practice. The article tries to point a regulation which mark the Ukraine out in the other states: such as constitutional level of the provisions alongside parliaments’ internal rules of procedure, criterion for formation of associations of members of parliaments, the principle of autonomy, the essence of party discipline and a specific solution intended to reduce the problem of members of fractions leaving them during the term of the parliament.

This article discusses the parliamentary method, which is one of the modern methods of government formation. The views of legal scholars in this area are revealed and the constitutional and legal foundations for the formation of the highest executive body of foreign parliamentary countries, and its specific features are studied. Also, thanks to the analysis of legal documents on the formation of the government of the Republic of Uzbekistan, its important aspects are identified. A theoretical conclusion is made that the formation of the government of the Republic of Uzbekistan should be carried out on the basis of a parliamentary approach. The author’s conclusions about the establishment and implementation of constitutional procedures and principles for the resignation of the government and its members in parliamentary states are based on the following: the use of two methods of forming a government in foreign countries, namely parliamentary and non-parliamentary; the order of formation of the government and the ownership of the executive power depends primarily on the form of government of a particular state; fixing in the constitution important provisions for the formation of the government; government accountability to parliament and the head of state.

Il contributo esamina la configurazione e il ruolo svolto dalle istituzioni fiscali indipen-denti nella governance economica multilivello, con particolare riferimento al caso dell'Ufficio parlamentare di bilancio italiano, e ai profili di criticità che si riscontrano circa l'indipendenza d'azione e l'effettività delle loro funzioni rispetto alle procedure democra-tiche che dovrebbero presidiare le decisioni di bilancio.

In the last years, there is a gradually participation of the Judicial Branch in the Congress competences and functions to supervise and inquire into issues of public interest. As a result, it has questioned the separation of powers principle. In that context, this article focuses on analyzing what the judicial supervision limits of the due process in the procedures before the inquiry commissions in the Congress are.
Durante los últimos años se observa una paulatina intervención del Poder Judicial en las competencias y atribuciones del Parlamento para fiscalizar o investigar asuntos de interés público, llegando a cuestionarse el propio principio de separación de poderes. En dicho contexto, el presente artículo busca analizar cuáles son los límites del control judicial del debido proceso sobre los procedimientos que se desarrollan a través de las comisiones de investigación del Congreso de la República.

Podstawowym celem rozprawy była analiza reguł postępowania w ramach działalności Sejmu pod kątem funkcjonowania w nim zwyczajów. Analizie poddane zostały również normy zawarte w ustawach i regulaminie Sejmu. Badania skoncentrowane zostały wyłącznie na jednej izbie parlamentu – Sejmie. Wynika to z dwóch założeń przyjętych w pracy. Po pierwsze polska konstytucja przyjęła model dwuizbowości niesymetrycznej, przyznając Sejmowi rolę izby silniejszej, wyposażonej w więcej kompetencji niż Senat. Po drugie rozległość tematyki zwyczajów parlamentarnych wymagała przyjęcia pewnych ograniczeń zarówno w stosunku do izby parlamenty jak i ram czasowych. Dlatego też analiza zwyczajów parlamentarnych została zamknięta w okresie od I do VIII kadencji Sejmu. Praca podzielona jest na dwie części zawarte w pięciu rozdziałach. Pierwsze rozdziały mają na celu przedstawienie założeń i rezultatów badań w zakresie części teoretycznej odnoszącej się do zdefiniowania i wskazania roli i znaczenia zwyczaju i prawa zwyczajowego w polskim prawie parlamentarnym. Druga część stanowi wynik empirycznego podejścia do założeń przedstawionych w pierwszej części poprzez przedstawienie funkcjonujących w Sejmie zwyczajów parlamentarnych. Praca składa się wstępu, pięciu rozdziałów i zakończenia. Pierwszy rozdział stanowi teoretyczny przegląd stanowisk doktryny odnoszący się do normy prawnej. Aby określić rolę zwyczaju w polskim prawie parlamentarnym niezbędna jest, dokonana w tym rozdziale, analiza teoretyczna normy prawnej. Podobny charakter ma rozdział drugi, który dotyczy form powstawania prawa. W polskim systemie to stanowienie jest procesem, który prowadzi do powstania prawa. Trzeci rozdział dotyczy prawa parlamentarnego i jego źródeł. Kolejny rozdział odnosi się do źródeł poznania zwyczajów parlamentarnych. W tym celu analizie poddane zostały akty prawne, akty stosowania prawa, materiały i dokumenty urzędowe oraz poglądy doktryny. Ostatni rozdział ma charakter praktyczny. Każdy z podrozdziałów odnosi się do innego rodzaju zwyczajów. Zwyczaje zostały podzielone ze względu na swój charakter, który jest realizowany na różnych płaszczyznach. Rozważania zakończone są podsumowaniem, w którym wskazane są wnioski dotyczące roli i znaczenia zwyczajów w polskim prawie parlamentarnym.
The aim of the dissertation is to analyze the role and place of parliamentary customs in the Polish legal system. According to the Polish Constitution, custom and customary law cannot be recognized as a source of law. Therefore, there is a need to explore the influence and a force of customs on internal parliamentary procedure. Furthermore, a central issue regarding the recognition of custom determines what practices and norms actually constitute customary law. For this reason, the analysis conducted for the purpose of my dissertation includes the legal norms of the constitution, bills, Standing Orders and their application in the parliamentary practice. The research is focused on one chamber of the parliament – the Sejm. The analysis of parliamentary custom has been restricted to the period from the first to the eight term of the Sejm. The phenomenon of parliamentary customs has not been widely studied in the law doctrine. Neither, this problem has been the topic of a comprehensive study in the domestic law literature. The doctrine contains solely analysis of individual customs. For this reason - and also because of the practical aspect of the study – my dissertation contributes not only to the development of the doctrine on the role of parliamentary customs, but also increases awareness of MP’s in this area. The analysis of the issues covered by the dissertation was carried out using the dogmatic method, by analyzing normative material and judicature of the Constitutional Tribunal. The historical method was used to outline evolution of shaping specific parliamentary customs. Dissertation consists of introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. The first two chapters are focused respectively on: (1) definitional and systemic issues of legal norms and normative acts and (2) a review of the concept of a legal norm. The interaction between the legal norms and customs was also analyzed. It also presents a typology of normative acts in the Polish legal system. The third chapter discusses parliamentary law and its sources. The sources of parliamentary law are presented with particular consideration given to the Standing Orders of the Sejm. The fourth chapter analyzed the concept of parliamentary custom and parliamentary custom law and the relationship between them. It also discusses the exceptions to the application of the custom law in the parliamentary practice. The study for the purpose of this chapter used not only legal acts but also Sejm papers, shorthand reports and committee bulletins. As a result of the research conducted in the fourth chapter, the catalog of existing and currently used parliamentary customs is compiled in the last chapter. Customs have been distinguished according to their role and place of their application.

Demokratizaciju razlikujemo od stabilne demokracije. U procesu demokratizacije koja je započela 1990. godine, Bosna i Hercegovina je prošla faze tranzicije, zamjene i premještanja autoritarnog, jednopartijskog sistema u višestranački sistem, čime su u velikoj mjeri prekinute ideje (ideologija), institucije i procedure bivšeg režima. Ipak, Bosnu i Hercegovinu još uvijek ne možemo definirati kao „stabilnu demokraciju“. Koji su uzroci ovakvog stanja? Prošlo je 30 godina od prvih višestranačkih izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini. Bio je to početak procesa tranzicije iz jednopartijskog u višestranački politički sistem. Od tada do kraja 2018. godine održano je osam predsjedničkih izbornih ciklusa i istovremeni izbori za nacionalno zakonodavstvo. Tokom tog perioda stvorene su, ali i nestale iz političke arene, brojne političke stranke različitih ideoloških smjerova, izborne podrške i organizacijske strukture. Neke političke stranke koje su 1990. izabrane u nacionalni parlament bile su „parlamentarne stranke“ i nakon parlamentarnih izbora 2018, a mnoge su u međuvremenu nestale s političke scene. Bosanskohercegovački izborni sistem pretrpio je nekoliko značajnih promjena tokom prijelaznog razdoblja. Sistem proporcionalne predstavljenosti (PR) za parlamentarne izbore uveden je na izborima 1990. godine. U međuvremenu su se dogodile strukturne promjene u tom sistemu, u svim glavnim elementima tog sistema: (1) u oblikovanju izbornih jedinica i njihovoj magnitudi; (2) u tipu glasačkog listića; (3) u matematičkoj formuli za preračun glasova u mandate. Također, promijenjena su neka svojstva većinskog sistema (FPTP) za predsjedničke i gradonačelničke izbore? Ove “tehničke” promjene u izbornom sistemu uz zadržavanje prevaziđenog ekskluzivnog etno-teritorijalnog političkog predstavništva izborne procese u BiH svode na puki elektoralizam. Ima li alternative takvom stanju? To su osnovna pitanja na koja će se pokušati odgovoriti u ovom radu.

Parliamentary control is the topic which has not received an extensive overview in legal literature, and parliament’s scrutiny is mostly understood as a natural prerogative of the parliament without further clarification of its nature, although parliamentary control has wide and complex system of tools and a legal mechanism, which ensures efficiency of the controlling state entities and officials. Moreover, parliamentary control can be implemented not just as a pure political control, bet as a legality control. Scrutiny over the central banks is one of the examples how parliament’s scrutiny can be restricted by external factors, such as legal constraints of European Union law, as well as legality control of the parliament’s scrutiny. The main reason for exploring such a specific topic is to demonstrate the versatility of parliamentary control and the circumstances in which parliament has a wide discretion in application of its scrutiny, and the occasions where such discretion is restrained by the legal formalities and procedures.