Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Pottery forming technology"

This paper examines ceramic evidence from Middle Minoan Knossos in an attempt to chart the introduction and development of wheel-throwing technology in Minoan pottery. The technique of wheel-throwing comes into its own in Middle Minoan I B, coeval with the construction of the first palaces and a number of other major changes. Although there are some indications that there could have been some degree of internal evolution towards this point, it also appears that outside contacts with the Near East may have contributed to the innovation process. The main aim is to elucidate the dynamics of choice that led to the adoption and subsequent development of the wheel-throwing innovation. Whilst the use of the wheel is generally considered as a technical development, it is argued here that, in the initial stages, its adoption by certain Minoan potters was as much influenced by socio-political as by technical factors.

The settlement of Mochishche contains materials from all the Bronze Age cultures of the Trans-Urals: Petrovka, Alakul, Fyodorovka, Cherkaskul, Mezhovka and Sargary ones. The study of Fyodorovka pottery showed that its forms and ornamentation could not be derived from the Alakul tradition. However, technological research yielded a different result: a significant part of clays and inclusions had parallels in the Alakul pottery of the settlement, but potters also started to use silty clay, which had been probably introduced by the Fyodorovka population of the Lower Tobol region. The number of polished ware decreased sharply, the use of grog increased to some extent, and there is no evidence of ware forming techniques with form-models characteristic of Alakul, but this may be due to the small number of items studied. Nevertheless, their vessels, like the Alakul ones, were formed with the spiral patching method following the bottom and lower part of wall formation on the model. Therefore, the pottery technology of the Fyodorovka population of Mochishche reflects the contacts of potters, bearers of two traditions: the local Alakul and Fyodorovka ones, probably from the Lower Tobol region. However, in the pottery shape and ornamentation, they were guided by Fyodorovka stereotypes, which began to dominate for some social reasons.

Ceramic studies have been crucial to the development of archaeology. This paper is concerned with a re-examination of the pottery, and the potters, of Tell Ahmar (ancient Til Barsib), Syria. It focuses on the ceramics from the Australian excavations in the Middle City (Area C), especially the more than 250,000 items from the 7th-century BCE Neo-Assyrian Stratum 2. The Stratum 2 assemblage was readily grouped into seventeen ware types. The various wares reflect different production systems: some hand-made products were manufactured locally, possibly by individual households; other wares, characterised by high rates of uniformity, were probably produced by large-scale, centralised pottery industries; another ware group exhibits considerable investment in the application of different surface treatments, indicating specific uses. The Area C assemblage provides a rare opportunity to examine a large and relatively complete well-dated corpus. Observations and explanations relating to the technology of preparing, forming, decorating, and firing these ceramic vessels casts light on the circumstances of their manufacture and, in turn, on the potters behind the pots of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.

Indonesia is a rich and diverse country for crafts and creative industries. In supporting the creative industry, it is necessary to have skills through learning creative crafts in the community of Rangdumulya Village, Pedes District, Karawang. The problem that occurs is that currently, the younger generation is less interested in creative crafts such as pottery, ceramics, and batik. In making pottery and ceramics, turntable equipment is needed to make pottery products that can be formed into jugs, teapots, glasses, and jars. The lack of digital turntable tools is helping the work of pottery craftsmen in the process of making and forming pottery, which can be used to accelerate the production process. The purpose of this research is to create, design, and implement to have a positive impact on the emergence of new technological products and the creation of pottery technology, which is considered very necessary to help the learning process of creative crafts in the village to become an independent village. The focus of this research is the development of internet-of-things-based ceramic decorative rotary tool technology as a learning medium to support creative industries. The result of this research is that Internet-of-Things-Based Ceramic Decorative Rotary Tool Technology can work, have a positive impact on pottery craftsmen, and increase the productivity of youth skills in the field of creative crafts, especially in making pottery or ceramics.

The article presents the results of technical and technological analysis of ceramics from the settlement of the Beloyarka culture Barsova Gora III/66. There are three groups of pottery. Group 1 includes ceramics of the Beloyarka culture. It is characterized by the use of low-sand ferruginous natural clays, possibly pre-treated. The main forming mass recipe is unmixed: clay + chamotte. Group 2 includes pottery of a mixed appearance with an admixture of grit. It could have been made in the settlement by potters with mixed pottery skills, which were formed as a result of integration (possibly marriage) contacts between the bearers of the Beloyarka culture and the bearers of other pottery traditions, probably the Kulma and Itkul cultures. Group 3 includes an imported vessel with an artificial addition of metallurgical slag. It reflects the contacts of the Beloyarka population of Barsova Gora with groups of other cultures, from whom a metal could be imported for the production of various items. The selected groups may reflect active integration processes and intercultural contacts between the bearers of the Beloyarka culture on Barsova Gora and representatives of other cultures. These links could be both trade and exchange in nature, when the Beloyarka people imported metal for the production of items, and marriage, when some carriers of pottery traditions found their way to the Beloyarka settlements, as a result of which there was a mixture of skills in technology, shaping and ornamentation of ceramics.

This paper presents the Early and Late Neolithic pottery of Ifri Oudadane, a littoral shelter in Northeast Morocco containing both Epipalaeolithic as well as Neolithic deposits. The transition is indicated by the appearance of domesticated plant and animal species, pottery and diverse changes in lithic technology. A domesticated lentil dated to 7.6 ka cal BP may mark the onset of this transitional process. With the help of 22 14C-ages the Early Neolithic deposit can be subdivided in three phases (ENA, ENB, ENC). In addition, the ENC phase contained the remains of a sporadic Late Neolithic occupation. Pottery decoration of the initial ENA phase (7.6–7.3 ka cal BP) is dominated by single Cardium impressions forming horizontal and vertical bands of impressions arranged vertical, horizontal or oblique. The successive ENB phase represents the main occupation phase between 7.1 and 6.6 ka cal BP. By means of statistical methods its assemblage, which consists of 243 vessel units, could be further subdivided (ENB1, ENB2). While ENB1 (7.1–6.9 ka cal BP) is still characterised by single Cardium impressions, the transition to ENB2 is marked by the appearance of Cardium and, later, comb impressions made using rocker stamp technique as well as a few impressions of points and spatulas, striations and modelled applications. Thus the pottery assemblage of Ifri Oudadane offers insights into the first occurrence of pottery in Mediterranean Northwest Africa and opens up the possibility for an internal classification of the Early Neolithic.

The development of technology for the application of enamels on pieces of red pottery, in the handicraft sector, is an alternative to improve the quality of the ceramic body forming a waterproof layer that serves as a protection when used for foods and also to add a decorative effect and increase commercial value. This work develops an enameling technique in the production conditions of the artisans in the village of Icoaraci-PA/Brazil. The characterization of raw materials was performed by X-ray fluorescence, X-ray diffraction, particle size analysis, Thermogravimetric and Differential Thermal Analysis. Steps for enamel preparation using commercial transparent frit and bottle glass, and the technique for applying the glaze and firing are presented. The results for the test pieces were very good with the application of transparent frit fired at 900 ° C for 3 hours.

Zharkovo 3 settlement is located in the south of Western Siberia in the steppe Altai. The site was studied by archaeologists of the Altai State University and they discovered two building horizons: one of the Andronovo time (one house was studied) and the other of the Late Bronze Age (two structures and a soot pit). The paper presents the results of a comprehensive analysis of the Andronovo (Fedorovo) ceramics of the Zharkovo 3 settlement. Fragments of 74 different vessels were used to analyze the ornamentation. The method of V.F. Gening was used. The authors conducted the analysis of shapes and ornamentation of the ancient tableware, and analysis of the technology of its manufacture. It has been established that the collection contains vessels of cap- and pot-shaped forms, the predominant technique of ornamentation of which is stamping. The ornamental compositions mainly consist of four or more different motifs. A series of 49 samples, apparently from 47 vessels, was subjected to technical and technological analysis. The method of study of ceramics, developed by A.A. Bobrinsky and follow-ers of his school within the framework of the historical and cultural approach, was used. The potters of the village preferred medium-plastic clay of medium iron content as the raw material. The main recipe for the paste composi-tion was ‘clay + chamotte + organics’. Research into the construction of the pottery has revealed consistent skills in its manufacture. The patchwork-lumpy and spiral-patchwork methods of forming the vessel hollow body, recorded in the settlement, are characteristic of the Andronovo ceramics throughout its distribution area. It can be stated that the Andronovo population, who left the pottery of the Zharkovo 3 settlement, achieved a certain unity of cultural traditions in selection of the raw materials and paste composition. Almost all vessels of the site exhibited the use of the same type of mineral additives — chamotte. Deviations in concentration and dimension of its particles are associated with individual differences in the skills of the potters of the settlement. The presence on the site of individual vessels with pronounced differences in manufacturing technology should be regarded as examples of imports.

Abstract: Bumijaya pottery is a traditional terracotta ceramic craft product located in Serang, Banten. As a result of the development of technology, Bumijaya's pottery products have decreased, so that Bumijaya's pottery products remain sustainable and known to many people, an in-depth study of Bumijaya pottery related to the production process and decoration is needed. These pottery products are unique in terms of the manufacturing process, the design of the pottery shapes, and the variety of pottery decorations so that these pottery products are unique with the characteristics of Banten. The purpose of this study is to describe: (1) Understanding the process of making, producing pottery in Bumijaya Banten, (2) Understanding the design of the shape and decoration of Bumijaya Banten pottery, namely jars, padasan, flower pots related to shapes, colors, and motifs that describe product designs. ceramics with a typical Banten decorative motif. To examine this, a qualitative descriptive research method was established. The data will be collected using the interview process, observation, and document analysis to strengthen the main data. The results of this study are in the form of a description of the process of making Bumijaya pottery which has 5 stages, namely, preparing tools and materials, forming pottery, drying pottery, burning pottery, and perfecting pottery. As well as the shape, color and analysis of the decoration of the Terwengkal Artifacts in Bumijaya earthenware jars, padasan, and flower pots. Bumijaya pottery has advantages in the manufacturing process which still uses traditional techniques, namely rotary, press, and cast techniques. And also the raw material of clay originating from the rice fields of Bumijaya village makes the quality of the pottery to be strong and sturdy, as well as the unique motif of Bumijaya pottery which comes from the Terwengkal Artifacts of Banten. Keywords: ceramic; terracota; Bumijaya; production process; decoration Abstrak: Gerabah Bumijaya merupakan produk kerajinan tradisional keramik terakota yang terletak di Serang Banten. Akibat dari kurangnya publikasi gerabah Bumijaya itu sendiri dan banyaknya industri gerabah yang ada di Indonesia mengakibatkan industri gerabah Bumijaya Banten kurang dikenal masyarakat umum. Agar produk gerabah Bumijaya lebih dikenal oleh masyarakat maka diperlukan kajian mendalam terhadap gerabah Bumijaya terkait proses produksi serta ragam hias. Produk gerabah tersebut memiliki keunikan dari segi kualitas gerabahnya yang kuat dalam proses pembu­atannya serta ragam hias gerabah, sehingga produk gerabah ini menjadi unik berciri khas Banten. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah: (1) Memahami proses pembuatan gerabah di Bumijaya Banten, (2) Memahami ragam hias gerabah Bumijaya Banten yaitu guci, padasan, dan pot bunga. Untuk mengkaji hal tersebut ditetapkan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Data yang telah dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi, selanjutnya akan dideskripsikan dan dibuat tabel analisis mengenai ragam hias gerabah. Dari hasil analisis tabel ragam hias gerabah Banten, data direduksi dan dideskripsikan secara kualitatif. Guna memperkuat keabsahan data, dilakukan trianggulasi data. Hasil dari penelitian ini berupa deskripsi proses pembuatan gerabah Bumijaya yang memiliki 6 tahapan yaitu, mempersiapkan alat dan bahan, proses pengolahan bahan, pembentukan gerabah, penjemuran gerabah, pembakaran gerabah, dan proses penyempurnaan gerabah. Serta analisis ragam hias artefak Terwengkal yang ada pada gerabah Bumijaya guci, padasan, dan pot bunga. Gerabah Bumijaya memiliki keunggulan pada proses pembuatannya yang masih menggunakan teknik tradisional yakni teknik putar, press dan cor. Dan juga bahan baku tanah liat yang berasal dari sawah Desa Bumijaya membuat kualitas gerabah menjadi kuat dan kokoh, serta keunikan motif gerabah Bumijaya yang berasal dari artefak Terwengkal Banten. Kata Kunci : keramik; gerabah; Bumijaya; proses produksi; ragam hias

The problem of the relationship impresso-barbotine has been chosen here, as an excellent example to illustrate the tendencies and shortcomings of the Yugoslav/Serbian archaeology during the major part of the 20th century, as well as the results forming the base for future research and new conclusions. The impresso-barbotine problem has been recognized as one of the important aspects of research into the Early Neolithic as early as in the 1950s, and formed the base for the formation of several relative chronological system. However, although the culture-historical approach is based upon detailed description and stylistic-typological analyses, these phenomena are defined and described in a number of different ways (if at all), causing great confusion. The highly simplified notion about the production and usage of ceramic ware, as well as the negligence for the functional and technological aspects, resulted in the absence of a clear statement if these techniques are in fact a form of decoration or surface treatment. On the other hand, paradoxically, these "elusive" phenomena have been taken as very precise chronological markers. The conclusions are not questionable even today, since the recent research has proven the chronological primacy of impresso over barbotine. Here, however, the shortcomings of the culture- historical method are most obvious: after the establishment of the relative chronological sequence and the identification of a change in the material culture, the reasons that induced the changes are not considered – interpretation is completely absent. However, the current archaeological trends focus upon the processes leading to changes in the material culture, the ones that cannot be explained without considering technology – from forming techniques to modes of usage. Bearing in mind that impresso, and afterwards barbotine appear on the same functional classes of pottery (storage, transportation), it may seem that the same idea motivated both manners of surface treatment – roughening so as to facilitate handling. In order to explain the reasons for the changes it is necessary to consider the forming techniques, with the most reliable indication in the chronological sequence impresso – relief impresso (plastic wheat-grain motif) – barbotine. The production of pottery with uneven surfaces rendered by impressing an instrument (impresso) and applying plastic bands, additionally fastened by impressing sharp instruments (relief impresso), is a time-consuming technique, requiring a lot of attention. It is therefore no wonder that the technique takes over of applying a layer of clay over a semi-dry surface and then arranging it with fingers – barbotine, since it is simpler and requires less work for the same effect. Current archaeological analyses of technology prove that the process of improvement of pottery forming techniques (leading to craft specialization) above all leads to simplification of procedure, in order to increase the number of vessels produced. Thus the typical assumption of traditional archaeology needs to be questioned, that the "development of culture" may be seen through the "evolution" of shapes and modes of decoration (treatment of surface), inevitably leading from simpler to more complex forms.

In the Low Volga region, the diversity of cultures seems to have manifested itself particularly evident in such transition periods as the Neolithic and the Eneolithic when metallurgy and domestication appeared. However, a reliable source base must support these suggestions. Recently discovered sites characterized by clear stratigraphy as well as settlements with a single cultural layer give more additional information. A marker of the Later Neolithic in the pottery typology is the influx inside of vessel corolla. The combing technique in the ornamentation of vessels is an indicator of non-local culture. Stone maces can be a marker of the Later Neolithic. The lack of copper items makes it difficult to attribute the complexes to the Early Eneolithic. The morphological features of pottery could not be clearly a criterion of belonging to the Early Metal epoch. Syncretic signs can be explained by both transition features and coexistence. Quantitative indicators of stone tools do not indicate the attribution to later stages like vestigial Neolithic or Neo-Neolithic periods. Forming radiocarbon dates array makes the question about the coexistence of Neolithic and Eneolithic cultures clearer. It is possible to determine the transition periods. A criterion of that can be a change of raw material base, the technique of an enhanced push-up for stone tool production, the arrow points with double-sided retouching, preservation of liner technology, the change of vessel shapes and system of pottery ornamentation, development of domestication. The paleoclimatic factors influenced the transition from the Neolithic to the Early Eneolithic as well.

AbstractThe necropolis at Malbork-Wielbark was excavated from 1927 to 1936 and 2008 to 2019. This burial ground is the eponymous site of the Wielbark culture. To date, over 2000 burials, both inhumation and cremation (pit and urn graves), have been recorded at this site, attesting to its continuous use from the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age (phase A1) to the early Migration Period (phase D1), with particular emphasis on the Roman Period. The cemetery site partially overlies and damages an earlier Iron Age settlement of the Pomeranian culture.Laboratory analyses were carried out on 113 pottery sherds. The series of samples chosen for analysis reflected, as far as was possible, all relative chronological phases and vessel shapes. The pottery was analysed using a step by step strategy built on the results of MGR-analysis (i. e. the classification of samples based on their matrix type) and on a macroscopic assessment of clastic material. In addition, an estimation of chemical composition by portable energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence (pXRF) was available for each sample. After they had been classified, samples were selected for chemical analysis by wavelength-dispersive X-ray fluorescence (WD-XRF), estimation of physical ceramic properties (open porosity, water absorption and apparent density), Kilb-Hennike analysis (K-H analysis), thin-section studies using a polarising microscope, a study of surface phenomena by RTI (Reflectance Transformation Imaging), thermal analysis (TG-DTG-DTA), X-ray diffraction analysis and functional properties analysis (water permeability and thermal shock resistance), as well as experimental estimation of magnetic properties.The results of MGR-analysis carried out on ceramic samples taken from 113 potsherds revealed that all of the pottery was made from various non-calcareous clays with fine-grained iron compounds homogeneously distributed in the matrix. It was decided not to carry on determining/using MGR-groups, as nearly every sherd represents a different MGR-group. This means that these vessels were made during different production cycles. The differences in thermal behaviour between samples were attributed only to matrix-type groups. It can be concluded that 85 % of the total sherds were made from plastic raw materials of the same provenance, and that the same matrix-type groups occurred in all chronological phases. The percentage of vessels made of particular raw materials indicates a significant difference in the preferences of Pomeranian Culture potters and those of Pre-Roman Iron Age, Early Roman Period and those of the Late Roman Period, when one type of raw material disappears from use. This last period is also characterized by an increase in the number of vessels fired in a reducing atmosphere. Standardization is also evident in vessel-wall thickness, which falls within a narrow range of values, on the other hand combined with a large variety in grain sizes up to very large ones and with a wide range of open porosity values, which in turn points to a lack of care in the preparation of the ceramic body. Vessels that may have been non-local origin are noted in all chronological phases. Analysis of functional properties (water permeability and thermal shock resistance) revealed that the pottery deposited in graves included fully functional wares, such as cooking pots, as well as vessels intended solely as grave goods.More than a few samples evidence the use of a slow-rotating potter’s wheel, and it is also possible that a template was used for forming vessel rims. However, there are very few examples of truly technologically advanced vessels. The technology is generally tailored to the desired type or form of vessel.

Roman building materials, especially brick and tiles (tegulae and imbex) marked a new era in the architecture of Roman Dalmatia. While imported materials seem to still form the bulk of the evidence, recently identified and definitely located local productions provide the possibility to place these products within a technological and economical framework. The in-depth analysis of the array of ceramic building materials (CBM) of the workshop of Sextus Me(u)tillius Maximus in Crikvenica (north-eastern Adriatic) evidences their forming methods and production technology, while some distribution aspects and their role within the rural economy indicate their relevance within the regional CBM market. This paper will highlight such aspects and place them within a wider debate on the onset of production, the organisation of rural property, and the transmission of technology and knowledge through the adoption of “Roman style” architectural solutions.

With the rapid development of 3D (three-dimensional) printing technology, it has been widely used in the field of ceramic arts and crafts. However, due to the complexity of 3D printing technology, it will face complex modeling and calculation when designing ceramic art crafts. To this end, the artificial intelligence algorithm is introduced, and using the data measured by the built-in modeling instruction of LAMMPS of the artificial intelligence algorithm, the program is used to reset its coordinates, length, width, height, and focal length. The obtained data are modified by postprocessing to correct its coordinates and the size of the simulation frame, so that the nanopowder model is placed in the center, forming a solid ellipsoidal aluminum nanopowder and cutting it into a three-dimensional model of teapot, which is transformed into the STL file of two-dimensional cross section, and the finished product is printed out to the 3D printer. Finally, the RTM model is used to test the quality of tourist souvenirs. The results show that the homogeneity of variance is much greater than 0.10. It can be inferred that the tourist souvenirs of pottery teapots have met the requirements of national technological quality standards.

ABSTRACTDecorative, polychrome ceramics from Corinth, Greece, produced during the 8th-6th centuries B.C.E. were luxury goods widely traded throughout Greece and the Mediterranean. Corinthian pottery is the first 5-color polychrome ceramic technology, having slip-glazes in distinctive white, black, red, yellow, and purple colors, and in a variety of surface finishes from glossy, to semi-matte, to matte. The firing temperature range, 925-1075°C, was determined experimentally to be to be higher than previously reported, similar to the Corinthian amphorae and other ceramic products. This firing range is higher than that of the better known, more prestigious Athenian Black-figure and Red-figure ceramics. In this study three examples of Corinthian and one example of Athenian Black-figure ceramics from the Marie Farnsworth collection at the University of Arizona were tested and compared to thirteen clays from Corinth. Analytical techniques included Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), scanning-electron microscopy with energy-dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS), micro-Raman spectroscopy, and wavelength-dispersive electron microprobe (EPMA with BSE-SEM).Artisans in Corinthian workshops experimented to change the colors of the slips by varying the type and amount of iron-rich raw material, as well as the composition of the clay used as a binder and the amount of flux used as a sintering aid to promote glass formation. Corinthian artisans developed not only different recipes to produce the various colors, but also they were able to control raw-material particle size and composition to produce variations in surface luster (matte, semi-matte and glossy). This research suggests that Corinthian polychrome-slip technology was based on careful control of particle processing, of compositional control of raw materials and their admixtures, and of firing temperature. The behavior or practice of adding different ratios of pigments and glass-forming fluxes to form various optical effects implies a detailed knowledge of what happens when these are heated and fired. This is a process of experimentation focused on developing a distinctive craft practice, which produced a distinctive and highly valued material. The Corinthians developed a more complex, easily recognizable, and culturally distinctive ceramic technology that was intentionally established as a cultural brand, and probably as a luxury brand of high socio-economic value. This research deepens our understanding of the complex pigment processing and firing technologies employed in the production of Corinthian ceramics.

In the article is expounded the first results of the special technological research of eneolithic ceramics from excavation of the settlement of novoilyinka iii from northern Kulunda that is dated by the first half of the iii millennium Bc. the research of ceramics is conducted within historical and cultural approach by a.a. Bobrinskys technique by the steps of potters technology relating to a preparatory stage of production.the author recorded an existing on novoilyinka iiis settlement of carriers of different potters traditions in skills of selection and preparation of initial raw materials and drawing up forming mass of ceramics. the most peculiar feature of noboilynkas iii ceramics is an addition of a big quantity of fluff to the moldind mass. the similar cultural tradition in southern siberia isnt revealed yet. as a result of the analysis were revealed 9 different places of mining of initial raw materials. there were allocated 4 different cultural traditions of drawing up forming mass of ceramics. among the 4 allocated recipes of forming masses the most mass - clay + fluff + organic (75, 1%) that talks about a high degree of uniformity of carriers of potters traditions. there was a case where clay + chamotte+ gruss + organic were used by potters and that reflects the mixture of cultural traditions in the field of drawing up forming masses

The study focuses on ceramic production from Žďár nad Sázavou – Staré město, an agglomeration that formed in the third quarter of 13th century and was abandoned after the founding of the ‘new’ town in the early 14th century. The large pottery collection is well dated and captures changes in pottery production during the medieval transformation, tightly connected with the colonisation of the Bohemian-Moravian Highlands. The pottery assemblage from the 2004 excavation season was processed in this study. Material from the pottery kiln discovered in 2006 and found during the review of the research documentation was supplemented afterwards. The main part of study evaluates ceramic production technology, which was rapidly changing during this period. Pottery fragments were divided into ceramic classes according to the properties of the ceramic mass and firing. The descriptive system of technological marks is a part of the study, but it could be used for other medieval pottery collections. Detailed attention was paid to pottery-forming technique marks: coiling, wheel forming and wheel throwing. The analysis of pottery technology is based on the chaîne opératoire of medieval ceramic production. The macroscopic analysis of pottery-making technology is connected with the conclusions of natural science analyses. Their aim was to validate and specify the macroscopic description of ceramic classes and also detailed information about pottery provenance and technology. The analysis of the pottery provides information for the future productiondistribution model of pottery production in the area.

Malaysia is one of the countries known with works of art especially the invaluable handicraft. The earliest creation of works of art crafted by human in this country existed since prehistoric age. Discovery of artifacts such as potsherds, weapons, ornaments and cooking utensils was a proof that human at that time had begun producing pots from clay, involved in handworks, carving and boat making. This discovery was an indication that the earlier human inhabitants were closely related to environment, and they can create utilitarian items using their creative thinking, technology and material from nature. One of Malay heritage crafts produced using technology is pottery. There are 3 types of pottery namely Mambong, Labu Tanah (clay pitcher) and Terenang. The first pottery showing form which stresses the predisposition of clay material and hand forming technique in producing pottery for cooking and mostly produced in Mambong, Kelantan. The second pottery was inspired by a gourd or pumpkin and developed to various forms of clay pitchers produced in Sayong and Pulau Tiga, Perak. The third pottery on the other hand was similar to metal form such as Terenang from Tembeling, Pahang. To ensure the survival of art heritage, various technologies were used in the production. The question is, what technology being used to achieve the objective? To get the answer, the researcher used qualitative descriptive research method which involved written data collection or visual data collection such as interview and observation. The result of the research showed that technology is indeed the root to the survival of those potteries. This can be seen through 4 major manufacturing aspect; Firstly the preparation of clay using human strength and plunger machine. Secondly, pottery forming using hands and moulds. The third aspect is the decoration techniques using various tools. Last but not least is the firing technology using kiln and firing in open trenches. It is hoped that this research will explain that Malay pottery heritage of Malaysia had gone through invaluable process of technology. It is indirectly saying that no matter what technology being used, it is none other than for the everlasting identity of Malay heritage.

Ponorogo Regency is one of a centre for traditional pottery in East Java, Indonesia. Several problems faced by craftsmen have caused a lack of development of pottery craft businesses in the region. With a qualitative approach, this research was conducted to analyse the strategies and factors that influence the development of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME) traditional clay pottery in the region. The methods used in collecting data include 1) Observation, 2) in-depth interviews with pottery craftsmen, pottery traders, and local government, 3) documentation, 4) conducting focus group discussions (FGD). The research show that the underdevelopment of traditional pottery craft businesses has been carried out for generations due to various factors including lack of regeneration of business managers, monotonous results of pottery crafts, weak network marketing, small business capital, and low understanding of technology information and communication. The strategies carried out by pottery craftsmen and the government to develop pottery craft businesses include optimizing community empowerment activities through training and fostering innovative technology for marketing and product development for craftsmen, forming marketing networks through the pottery craftsmen association in Slahung, Ponorogo district, village pioneering tour and education of pottery crafts, and the government synergizes with craftsmen in seeking easy access to capital.

There is a moment in Al Gore’s 2006 documentary An Inconvenient Truth devised to expose the sheer audacity of fossil fuel lobby groups in the United States. In their attempts to address significant scientific consensus and growing public concern over climate change, these groups are resorting to what Gore’s film suggests are grotesque distortions of fact. A particular example highlighted in the film is the Competitive Enterprise Institute’s (CPE—a lobby group funded by ExxonMobil) “pro” energy industry advertisement: “Carbon dioxide”, the ad states. “They call it pollution, we call it life.” While on the one hand employing rhetoric against the “inconvenient truth” that carbon dioxide emissions are ratcheting up the Earth’s temperature, these advertisements also pose a question – though perhaps unintended – that is worth addressing. Where does life reside? This is not an issue of essentialism, but relates to the claims, materials and technologies through which life as a political object emerges. The danger of entertaining the vested interests of polluting industry in a discussion of climate change and its biopolitics is countered by an imperative to acknowledge the ways in which multiple positions in the climate change debate invoke and appeal to ‘life’ as the bottom line, or inviolable interest, of their political, social or economic work. In doing so, other questions come to the fore that a politics of climate change framed in terms of moral positions or competing values will tend to overlook. These questions concern the manifold practices of life that constitute the contemporary terrain of the political, and the actors and instruments put in this employ. Who speaks for life? And who or what produces it? Climate change as a matter of concern (Latour) has gathered and generated a host of experts, communities, narratives and technical devices all invested in the administration of life. It is, as Malcom Bull argues, “the paradigmatic issue of the new politics,” a politics which “draws people towards the public realm and makes life itself subject to the caprices of state and market” (2). This paper seeks to highlight the politics of life that have emerged around climate change as a public issue. It will argue that these politics appear in incremental and multiple ways that situate an array of actors and interests as active in both contesting and generating the terms of life: what life is and how we come to know it. This way of thinking about climate change debates opposes a prevalent moralistic framework that reads the practices and discourses of debate in terms of oppositional positions alone. While sympathies may flow in varying directions, especially when it comes to such a highly charged and massively consequential issue as climate change, there is little insight to be had from charging the CPE (for example) with manipulating consumers, or misrepresenting well-known facts. Where new and more productive understandings open up is in relation to the fields through which these gathering actors play out their claims to the project of life. These fields, from the state, to the corporation, to the domestic sphere, reveal a complex network of strategies and devices that seek to secure life in constantly renovated terms. Life Politics Biopolitical scholarship in the wake of Foucault has challenged life as a pre-given uncritical category, and sought to highlight the means through which it is put under question and constituted through varying and composing assemblages of practitioners and practices. Such work regards the project of human well-being as highly complex and technical, and has undertaken to document this empirically through close attention to the everyday ecologies in which humans are enmeshed. This is a political and theoretical project in itself, situating political processes in micro, as well as macro, registers, including daily life as a site of (self) management and governance. Rabinow and Rose refer to biopolitical circuits that draw together and inter-relate the multiple sites and scales operative in the administration of life. These involve not just technologies, rationalities and regimes of authority and control, but also politics “from below” in the form of rights claims and community formation and agitation (198). Active in these circuits, too, are corporate and non-state interests for whom the pursuit of maximising life’s qualities and capabilities has become a concern through which “market relations and shareholder value” are negotiated (Rabinow and Rose 211). As many biopolitical scholars argue, biopower—the strategies through which biopolitics are enacted—is characteristic of the “disciplinary neo-liberalism” that has come to define the modern state, and through which the conduct of conduct is practiced (Di Muzio 305). Foucault’s concept of governmentality describes the devolution of state-based disciplinarity and sovereignty to a host of non-state actors, rationalities and strategies of governing, including the self-managing subject, not in opposition to the state, but contributing to its form. According to Bratich, Packer and McCarthy, everyday life is thus “saturated with governmental techniques” (18) in which we are all enrolled. Unlike regimes of biopolitics identified with what Agamben terms “thanopolitics”—the exercise of biopower “which ultimately rests on the power of some to threaten the death of others” (Rabinow and Rose 198), such as the Nazi’s National Socialism and other eugenic campaigns—governmental arts in the service of “vitalist” biopolitics (Rose 1) are increasingly diffused amongst all those with an “interest” in sustaining life, from organisations to individuals. The integration of techniques of self-governance which ask the individual to work on themselves and their own dispositions with State functions has broadened the base by which life is governed, and foregrounded an unsettled terrain of life claims. Rose argues that medical science is at the forefront of these contemporary biopolitics, and to this effect “has […] been fully engaged in the ethical questions of how we should live—of what kinds of creatures we are, of the kinds of obligations that we have to ourselves and to others, of the kinds of techniques we can and should use to improve ourselves” (20). Asking individuals to self-identify through their medical histories and bodily specificities, medical cultures are also shaping new political arrangements, as communities connected by shared genetics or physical conditions, for instance, emerge, evolve and agitate according to the latest medical knowledge. Yet it is not just medicine that provokes ethical work and new political forms. The environment is a key site for life politics that entails a multi-faceted discourse of obligations and entitlements, across fields and scales of engagement. Calculating Environments In line with neo-liberal logic, environmental discourse concerned with ameliorating climate change has increasingly focused upon the individual as an agent of self-monitoring, to both facilitate government agendas at a distance, and to “self-fashion” in the mode of the autonomous subject, securing against external risks (Ong 501). Climate change is commonly represented as such a risk, to both human and non-human life. A recent letter published by the Royal Australasian College of Physicians in two leading British medical journals, named climate change as the “biggest global health threat of the twenty-first century” (Morton). As I have argued elsewhere (Potter), security is central to dominant cultures of environmental governance in the West; these cultures tie sustainability goals to various and interrelated regimes of monitoring which attach to concepts of what Clark and Stevenson call “the good ecological citizen” (238). Citizenship is thus practiced through strategies of governmentality which call on individuals to invest not just in their own well-being, but in the broader project of life. Calculation is a primary technique through which modern environmental governance is enacted; calculative strategies are seen to mediate risk, according to Foucault, and consequently to “assure living” (Elden 575). Rationalised schemes for self-monitoring are proliferating under climate change and the project of environmentalism more broadly, something which critics of neo-liberalism have identified as symptomatic of the privatisation of politics that liberal governmentality has fostered. As we have seen in Australia, an evolving policy emphasis on individual practices and the domestic sphere as crucial sites of environmental action – for instance, the introduction of domestic water restrictions, and the phasing out of energy-inefficient light bulbs in the home—provides a leading discourse of ethico-political responsibility. The rise of carbon dioxide counting is symptomatic of this culture, and indicates the distributed fields of life management in contemporary governmentality. Carbon dioxide, as the CPE is keen to point out, is crucial to life, but it is also—in too large an amount—a force of destruction. Its management, in vitalist terms, is thus established as an effort to protect life in the face of death. The concept of “carbon footprinting” has been promoted by governments, NGOs, industry and individuals as a way of securing this goal, and a host of calculative techniques and strategies are employed to this end, across a spectrum of activities and contexts all framed in the interests of life. The footprinting measure seeks to secure living via self-policed limits, which also—in classic biopolitical form—shift previously private practices into a public realm of count-ability and accountability. The carbon footprint, like its associates the ecological footprint and the water footprint, has developed as a multi-faceted tool of citizenship beyond the traditional boundaries of the state. Suggesting an ecological conception of territory and of our relationships and responsibilities to this, the footprint, as a measure of resource use and emissions relative to the Earth’s capacities to absorb these, calculates and visualises the “specific qualities” (Elden 575) that, in a spatialised understanding of security, constitute and define this territory. The carbon footprint’s relatively simple remit of measuring carbon emissions per unit of assessment—be that the individual, the corporation, or the nation—belies the ways in which life is formatted and produced through its calculations. A tangled set of devices, practices and discourses is employed to make carbon and thus life calculable and manageable. Treading Lightly The old environmental adage to “tread lightly upon the Earth” has been literalised in the metaphor of the footprint, which attempts both to symbolise environmental practice and to directly translate data in order to meaningfully communicate necessary boundaries for our living. The World Wildlife Fund’s Living Planet Report 2008 exemplifies the growing popularity of the footprint as a political and poetic hook: speaking in terms of our “ecological overshoot,” and the move from “ecological credit to ecological deficit”, the report urges an attendance to our “global footprint” which “now exceeds the world’s capacity to regenerate by about 30 per cent” (1). Angela Crombie’s A Lighter Footprint, an instruction manual for sustainable living, is one of a host of media through which individuals are educated in modes of footprint calculation and management. She presents a range of techniques, including carbon offsetting, shifting to sustainable modes of transport, eating and buying differently, recycling and conserving water, to mediate our carbon dioxide output, and to “show […] politicians how easy it is” (13). Governments however, need no persuading from citizens that carbon calculation is an exercise to be harnessed. As governments around the world move (slowly) to address climate change, policies that instrumentalise carbon dioxide emission and reduction via an auditing of credits and deficits have come to the fore—for example, the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme and the Chicago Climate Exchange. In Australia, we have the currently-under-debate Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, a part of which is the Australian Emissions Trading Scheme (AETS) that will introduce a system of “carbon credits” and trading in a market-based model of supply and demand. This initiative will put a price on carbon dioxide emissions, and cap the amount of emissions any one polluter can produce without purchasing further credits. In readiness for the scheme, business initiatives are forming to take advantage of this new carbon market. Industries in carbon auditing and off-setting services are consolidating; hectares of trees, already active in the carbon sequestration market, are being cultivated as “carbon sinks” and key sites of compliance for polluters under the AETS. Governments are also planning to turn their tracts of forested public land into carbon credits worth billions of dollars (Arup 7). The attachment of emission measures to goods and services requires a range of calculative experts, and the implementation of new marketing and branding strategies, aimed at conveying the carbon “health” of a product. The introduction of “food mile” labelling (the amount of carbon dioxide emitted in the transportation of the food from source to consumer) in certain supermarkets in the United Kingdom is an example of this. Carbon risk analysis and management programs are being introduced across businesses in readiness for the forthcoming “carbon economy”. As one flyer selling “a suite of carbon related services” explains, “early action will give you the edge in understanding and mitigating the risks, and puts you in a prime position to capitalise on the rewards” (MGI Business Solutions Worldwide). In addition, lobby groups are working to ensure exclusions from or the free allocation of permits within the proposed AETS, with degrees of compulsion applied to different industries – the Federal Government, for instance, will provide a $3.9 billion compensation package for the electric power sector when the AETS commences, to enable their “adjustment” to this carbon regime. Performing Life Noortje Mares provides a further means of thinking through the politics of life in the context of climate change by complicating the distinction between public and private interest. Her study of “green living experiments” describes the rise of carbon calculation in the home in recent years, and the implementation of technologies such as the smart electricity meter that provides a constantly updating display of data relating to amounts and cost of energy consumed and the carbon dioxide emitted in the routines of domestic life. Her research tracks the entry of these personal calculative regimes into public life via internet forums such as blogs, where individuals notate or discuss their experiences of pursing low-carbon lifestyles. On the one hand, these calculative practices of living and their public representation can be read as evidencing the pervasive neo-liberal governmentality at work in contemporary environmental practice, where individuals are encouraged to scrupulously monitor their domestic cultures. The rise of auditing as a technology of self, and more broadly as a technique of public accountability, has come under fire for its “immunity-granting role” (Charkiewicz 79), where internal audits become substituted for external compliance and regulation. Mares challenges this reading, however, by demonstrating the ways in which green living experiments “transform everyday material practices into practices of public involvement” that (118) don’t resolve or pin down relations between the individual, the non-human environment, and the social, or reveal a mappable flow of actions and effects between the public realm and the home. The empirical modes of publicity that these individuals employ, “the careful recording of measurements and the reliable descriptions of sensory observation, so as to enable ‘virtual witnessing’ by wider audiences”, open up to much more complex understandings than one of calculative self-discipline at work. As “instrument[s] of public involvement” (120), the experiments that Mares describe locate the politics of life in the embodied socio-material entanglements of the domestic sphere, in arrangements of humans and non-human technologies. Such arrangements, she suggests, are ontologically productive in that they introduce “not only new knowledge, but also new entities […] to society” (119), and as such these experiments and the modes of calculation they employ become active in the composition of reality. Recent work in economic sociology and cultural studies has similarly contended that calculation, far from either a naturalised or thoroughly abstract process, relies upon a host of devices, relations, and techniques: that is, as Gay Hawkins explains, calculative processes “have to be enacted” (108). Environmental governmentality in the service of securing life is a networked practice that draws in a host of actors, not a top-down imposition. The institution of carbon economies and carbon emissions as a new register of public accountability, brings alternative ways to calculate the world into being, and consequently re-calibrates life as it emerges from these heterogeneous arrangements. All That Gathers Latour writes that we come to know a matter of concern by all the things that gather around it (Latour). This includes the human, as well as the non-human actors, policies, practices and technologies that are put to work in the making of our realities. Climate change is routinely represented as a threat to life, with predicted (and occurring) species extinction, growing numbers of climate change refugees, dispossessed from uninhabitable lands, and the rise of diseases and extreme weather scenarios that put human life in peril. There is no doubt, of course, that climate change does mean death for some: indeed, there are thanopolitical overtones in inequitable relations between the fall-out of impacts from major polluting nations on poorer countries, or those much more susceptible to rising sea levels. Biosocial equity, as Bull points out, is a “matter of being equally alive and equally dead” (2). Yet in the biopolitical project of assuring living, life is burgeoning around the problem of climate change. The critique of neo-liberalism as a blanketing system that subjects all aspects of life to market logic, and in which the cynical techniques of industry seek to appropriate ethico-political stances for their own material ends, are insufficient responses to what is actually unfolding in the messy terrain of climate change and its biopolitics. What this paper has attempted to show is that there is no particular purchase on life that can be had by any one actor who gathers around this concern. Varying interests, ambitions, and intentions, without moral hierarchy, stake their claim in life as a constantly constituting site in which they participate, and from this perspective, the ways in which we understand life to be both produced and managed expand. This is to refuse either an opposition or a conflation between the market and nature, or the market and life. It is also to argue that we cannot essentialise human-ness in the climate change debate. For while human relations with animals, plants and weathers may make us what we are, so too do our relations with (in a much less romantic view) non-human things, technologies, schemes, and even markets—from carbon auditing services, to the label on a tin on the supermarket shelf. As these intersect and entangle, the project of life, in the new politics of climate change, is far from straightforward. References An Inconvenient Truth. Dir. Davis Guggenheim. Village Roadshow, 2006. Arup, Tom. “Victoria Makes Enormous Carbon Stocktake in Bid for Offset Billions.” The Age 24 Sep. 2009: 7. Bratich, Jack Z., Jeremy Packer, and Cameron McCarthy. “Governing the Present.” Foucault, Cultural Studies and Governmentality. Ed. Bratich, Packer and McCarthy. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003. 3-21. Bull, Malcolm. “Globalization and Biopolitics.” New Left Review 45 (2007): 12 May 2009 . < http://newleftreview.org/?page=article&view=2675 >. Charkiewicz, Ewa. “Corporations, the UN and Neo-liberal Bio-politics.” Development 48.1 (2005): 75-83. Clark, Nigel, and Nick Stevenson. “Care in a Time of Catastrophe: Citizenship, Community and the Ecological Imagination.” Journal of Human Rights 2.2 (2003): 235-246. Crombie, Angela. A Lighter Footprint: A Practical Guide to Minimising Your Impact on the Planet. Carlton North, Vic.: Scribe, 2007. Di Muzio, Tim. “Governing Global Slums: The Biopolitics of Target 11.” Global Governance. 14.3 (2008): 305-326. Elden, Stuart. “Governmentality, Calculation and Territory.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 25 (2007): 562-580. Hawkins, Gay. The Ethics of Waste: How We Relate to Rubbish. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006. Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?: From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30.2 (2004): 225-248. Mares, Noortje. “Testing Powers of Engagement: Green Living Experiments, the Ontological Turn and the Undoability and Involvement.” European Journal of Social Theory 12.1 (2009): 117-133. MGI Business Solutions Worldwide. “Carbon News.” Adelaide. 2 Aug. 2009. Ong, Aihwa. “Mutations in Citizenship.” Theory, Culture and Society 23.2-3 (2006): 499-505. Potter, Emily. “Footprints in the Mallee: Climate Change, Sustaining Communities, and the Nature of Place.” Landscapes and Learning: Place Studies in a Global World. Ed. Margaret Somerville, Kerith Power and Phoenix de Carteret. Sense Publishers. Forthcoming. Rabinow, Paul, and Nikolas Rose. “Biopower Today.” Biosocieties 1 (2006): 195-217. Rose, Nikolas. “The Politics of Life Itself.” Theory, Culture and Society 18.6 (2001): 1-30. World Wildlife Fund. Living Planet Report 2008. Switzerland, 2008.

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. Craske, M. “Design and the Competitive Spirit in Early and Mid 18th Century England”, Journal of Design History 12.3 (1999): 187–216. Cullen, L. The Emergence of Modern Ireland. London: Batsford, 1981. Dawson, Graham. “Trauma, Memory, Politics. The Irish Troubles.” Trauma: Life Stories of Survivors. Ed. Kim Lacy Rogers, Selma Leydesdorff and Graham Dawson. New Jersey: Transaction P, 2004. De Bhaldraithe,T. Ed. Cín Lae Amhlaoibh. Cork: Mercier P, 1979. Ennis Chronicle. 12–23 Feb 1812. 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://astheywere.blogspot.ie/2012/12/ennis-chronicle-1812-feb-23-feb-12.html› Farmar, A. E-mail correspondence between Farmar and Dr M. Mac Con Iomaire, 26 Jan. 2011. Fenning, H. “The Cholera Epidemic in Ireland 1832–3: Priests, Ministers, Doctors”. Archivium Hibernicum 57 (2003): 77–125. Ferguson, F. “The Industrialisation of Irish Book Production 1790-1900.” The Oxford History of the Irish Book, Vol. IV The Irish Book in English 1800-1891. Ed. J. Murphy. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. Foster, R.F. Luck and the Irish: A Brief History of Change from 1970. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Gilbert, James William. The History of Banking in Ireland. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1836. Glasse, Hannah. The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy by a Lady: Facsimile Edition. Devon: Prospect, 1983. Gold, C. Danish Cookbooks. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2007. Herbert, D. Retrospections of an Outcast or the Life of Dorothea Herbert. London: Gerald Howe, 1929. Higgins, Michael D. “Remarks by President Michael D. Higgins reflecting on the Gorta Mór: the Great famine of Ireland.” Famine Commemoration, Boston, 12 May 2012. 18 Feb. 2013 ‹http://www.president.ie/speeches/ › Landed Estates Database, National University of Galway, Moore Institute for Research, 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://landedestates.nuigalway.ie/LandedEstates/jsp/family-show.jsp?id=633.› Lehmann, G. The British Housewife: Cookery books, cooking and society in eighteenth-century Britain. 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New Jersey: Princeton UP, 2009. O’Daly, C. E-mail correspondence between Colette O’Daly, Assistant Keeper, Dept. of Manuscripts, National Library of Ireland and Dorothy Cashman. 8 Dec. 2011. Potter, M. William Monsell of Tervoe 1812-1894. Dublin: Irish Academic P, 2009. Rees, Catherine. “Irish Anxiety, Identity and Narrative in the Plays of McDonagh and Jones.” Redefinitions of Irish Identity: A Postnationalist Approach. Eds. Irene Gilsenan Nordin and Carmen Zamorano Llena. Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. St. Canice’s. Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny. Kilkenny: Boethius P, 1983. Swift, J. The Works of the Rev Dr J Swift Vol. XIX Dublin: Faulkner, 1772. 8 Feb. 2013. ‹http://www.google.ie/search?tbm=bks&hl=en&q=works+of+jonathan+swift+Vol+XIX+&btnG=› Tennison, C.M. “The Old Dublin Bankers.” Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society 1.2 (1895): 36–9.