Artículos de revistas: "Politisk vold"

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Holen, Øyunn. "Politisk vold og partnervold". Tidsskrift for Den norske legeforening 130, n.º 12 (2010): 1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.4045/tidsskr.10.0424.

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Folkvord, Magnhild. "Trine Rogg Korsvik: Sex, vold og feminisme. Hvordan voldtekt og porno ble politisk på 1970-tallet". Historisk tidsskrift 97, n.º 03 (7 de septiembre de 2018): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.1504-2944-2018-03-09.

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Lindtner, Synnøve Skarsbø. "Trine Rygg Korsvik: Sex, vold og feminisme – hvordan voldtekt og porno ble politisk på 70-tallet". Norsk sosiologisk tidsskrift 2, n.º 05 (5 de noviembre de 2018): 434–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.2535-2512-2018-05-07.

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Leira, Halvard y Benjamin de Carvalho. "Innledning: Privat vold i internasjonal politikk". Internasjonal Politikk 69, n.º 03 (31 de octubre de 2011): 437–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1757-2011-03-05.

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Essahli, Nora C. Warholm. "Aggressiv ikke-vold for vår tids politiske kamper". Agora 38, n.º 01-02 (18 de agosto de 2021): 395–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1500-1571-2021-01-02-20.

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6

Luyten, Dirk. "Ondernemer tussen volk en staat. Tony Herbert: enkele historiografische ankerpunten vanuit biografisch perspectief". WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, n.º 3 (10 de septiembre de 2013): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i3.12196.

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Dit artikel schetst een biografisch profiel van Tony Herbert. In het eerste deel wordt Herberts levensloop op hoofdlijnen beschreven. In het tweede deel wordt ingegaan op zijn betekenis voor de geschiedenis van de Vlaams beweging. Die is nauw verbonden met zijn ondernemerschap, van waaruit Herbert een groot deel van zijn politiek engagement gestalte gaf. Kenmerkend zijn, een cultus van de staat, het afwijzen van elke vorm van autonome werkenemersvertegenwoordiging en een sterke belangstelling voor ideologie, die via de pers verspreid wordt. Bekeken vanuit het perspectief van de praktische politiek, was Herberts optreden echter niet bijzonder succesvol.________Entrepreneur between nation and state. Tony Herbert: some historiographical points of reference from a biographical perspective.This article sets out a biographical profile of Tony Herbert. The first part of the article describes the outlines of Herbert’s life. The second part deals with his significance for the history of the Flemish movement. This is closely connected to his entrepreneurship, from which Herbert put a large part of his political commitment into practice. Characteristic aspects are the cult of the state, the rejection of any type of autonomous representation of workers and a clear interest in ideology that is distributed by the press. Viewed from the perspective of practical politics however, Herbert’s performance was not particularly successful.

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Tho, Tzuchien. "Politics and the Void". Radical Philosophy Today 4 (2006): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphiltoday2006426.

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Mittertrainer, Mina y Barbara Thiessen. "»Ich würd‘ dann glaub ich voll untergehen…«". Blätter der Wohlfahrtspflege 166, n.º 6 (2019): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-8574-2019-6-210.

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Junge Frauen interessieren sich nicht für Politik - oder? Im Projekt »FRIDA - Frauen in die Kommunalpolitik« an der Hochschule Landshut wird dieser Frage auf den Grund gegangen. In sechs Gruppendiskussionen berichten junge Frauen über ihr Verhältnis zu Politik und was sie davon abhält, sich politisch zu engagieren.

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Albinus, Lars. "Når værk bliver til vold". K&K - Kultur og Klasse 36, n.º 105 (22 de agosto de 2008): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v36i105.22041.

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When Work is Violence:Drawing on examples as divergent as current Muslim responses to the Danish cartoons and German terrorism in the 70s, this article aims to show how a closed alliance between art, politics and religion carries the risk of inducing violence which, among other things, annuls the function of art as being inherently ambiguous.It is argued that the function of art in Islam is bound up with the inviolable authority of the prophet and is therefore basically unable to fulfil satiric purposes. Although satire and laughter were also confined to unofficial activities under the Roman Church in medieval times, it is claimed, along the lines of Bakhtin, that a ‘culture of laughter’ actually did survive in the European history of art and paved the way for the appreciation of the potential of satirical critique. Following Benjamin, it is further claimed that the post-auratic function of art joined up with the revolutionary hope for a new aesthetics of life contrary to the fragmentary world of urban capitalism. Finally, as its major case, the article discusses the sliding of aesthetic provocation into political activism in 70s Germany resulting in Urban terrorism. In this case, the function of art once again falls back into a totalitarian critique which merely acknowledges a singular picture of the world. In conclusion, it is pointed out that aesthetic expressions are only imbued with an anti-violent vitality due to a non-condemning, ambiguous openness.

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Sørensen, William Østerby y Eva Bertelsen. "Betydninger af køn i dansk «kønsneutral» politik, der adresserer intim vold". Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning 47, n.º 2-3 (27 de octubre de 2023): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/tfk.47.2.2.

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Sunjaya, Angga Putra Manggala. "Menggagas Perbandingan antara Konsep Eksklusivisme Agama dalam Teologi Gereja Bethel Indonesia dengan Konsep Pluralisme Politik Miroslav Volf". KHARISMATA: Jurnal Teologi Pantekosta 6, n.º 1 (31 de julio de 2023): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47167/kharis.v6i1.195.

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This article discusses the comparison between the theological concept of religious exclusivism of the Indonesian Bethel Church (GBI) and the concept of political pluralism of Miroslav Volf. A comparative study is the method used to explore this study. This article argues that the religious exclusivism of GBI has similarities to the concept of political pluralism in Miroslav Volf's view. These similarities were found in both's characters, such as biblical, revelational, and visionary. However, the concept of political pluralism in Miroslav Volf's view is unique compared to the religious exclusivism of GBI. This comparative study will also produce several useful contributions for GBI.Artikel ini membahas perbandingan antara konsep eksklusivisme agama dalam teologi Gereja Bethel Indonesia (GBI) dengan konsep pluralisme politik dalam pandangan Miroslav Volf. Studi komparasi adalah metode yang dipakai untuk mengeksplorasi kajian ini. Argumentasi dalam artikel ini adalah bahwa konsep eksklusivisme agama dalam teologi GBI memiliki kemiripan-kemiripan dengan konsep pluralisme politik dalam pandangan Miroslav Volf. Kemiripan-kemiripan tersebut terdapat dalam karakternya, antara lain sama-sama bersifat biblikal, revelasional, dan visionaris. Meskipun demikian, konsep pluralisme politik dalam pandangan Miroslav Volf memiliki ciri khas tersendiri dibanding konsep eksklusivisme agama dalam teologi GBI. Studi komparasi ini juga diharapkan dapat menghasilkan beberapa kontribusi yang bermanfaat bagi GBI.

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G. Arenas, Julio y Peter Berliner. "TORTUR OG ORGANISERET VOLD – PSYKOLOGI OG POLITIK I ET GLOBALT PERSPEKTIV. Indledning". Psyke & Logos 25, n.º 1 (31 de julio de 2004): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pl.v25i1.8658.

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1. Den faglige baggrund For to år siden var der et møde i en international gruppe under Røde Kors. Emnet var, hvordan vi kan organisere hjælpearbejde på måder, der støtter den psyko-sociale genopbygning af lokalsamfund, hvor mange, måske alle, lider under reaktioner på de voldsomme oplevelser, som de har været udsat for under krig og forfølgelse. Det viste sig i løbet af mødet, at der ganske vist var mange bud på, hvad der måske kunne gøres, men ingen fælles begreber og ingen gennemprøvede og evaluerede metoder. Men der blev givet udtryk for, at der var et stort behov for hjælp til mennesker, der er voldeligt undertrykte og fattige – og at der var en mangel på egentlig viden inden for området. Med dette nummer af Psyke & Logos ønsker vi at bidrage til udviklingen af denne viden – samt til at gøre opmærksomhed på denne udfordring til psykologien, således den ikke blot bliver brugt som endnu en form for imperialistisk eksport af viden – og forskning i de fattige og undertrykte som objekter, som data – men i stedet som en psykologi, der kan medtænke de politiske vilkår, der vedligeholdes gennem organiseret vold.

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Budäus, Dietrich, Martin Junkernheinrich y Marc Gnädinger. "Glaubwürdige Politik erfordert transparente und voll ständige Informationen". Verwaltung & Management 15, n.º 2 (2009): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9856-2009-2-66.

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Indrawan, Jerry, Efriza y Anwar Ilmar. "KEHADIRAN MEDIA BARU (NEW MEDIA) DALAM PROSES KOMUNIKASI POLITIK". MEDIUM 8, n.º 1 (19 de junio de 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/medium.2020.vol8(1).4820.

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Pola komunikasi politik di era multimedia ini sudah sangat mengandalkan kehadiran media baru yang berbasis internet, seperti Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Line Today, dll. Penguasaan teknologi informasi adalah bagian dari munculnya kekuatan media baru, di mana hal ini tentunya membawa perubahan di dalam masyarakat. Siapa pun, termasuk pengguna media baru tersebut, sekarang juga bisa terlibat langsung dalam proses tersebut. Perubahan dalam masyarakat inilah yang ingin penulis teliti karena dampaknya dalam pola komunikasi politik sangat terasa. Interaksi antara pemilih dengan yang dipilih sudah tidak terhambat lagi oleh jarak dan waktu, sehingga kualitas komunikasi politik dalam demokrasi seharusnya dapat meningkat. Komunikasi politik dapat berjalan dua arah atau bahkan lebih, sehingga feedback dari masyarakat dapat langsung diterima. Atas dasar itulah, media baru memiliki signifikansi yang penting terkait aktivitas-aktivitas komunikasi politik saat ini. Penulis melakukan analisa kualitatif deskriptif dengan mengumpulkan data dan informasi sekunder melalui kajian pustaka. Hasil penelitian penulis menunjukkan bahwa kehadiran media baru memberikan dampak signifikan terhadap aktivitas politik, khususnya proses komunikasi politik. Penulis merekomendasikan agar kegiatan komunikasi politik harus dilakukan lebih banyak melalui medium siber, agar memiliki dampak yang lebih luas.

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15

Bobic, Nikolina. "Belgrade (de)void of identity: Politics of time, politics of control and politics of difference". Cultural Dynamics 29, n.º 1-2 (febrero de 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709228.

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This paper examines the complex entanglement of national and international violence and control in Belgrade. In particular, the ways in which the identity of the city has been affected in the aftermath of NATO’s 1999 Operation Allied Force as manifest in the hollowness of the unreconstructed Generalstab complex. The notion of hollowness presents an oppportunity to reformulate and reconsider the identity of Belgrade and Serbia as well as proffer an opening towards reconceptualising post-war reconstruction.

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Dronkers, Pieter. "Alleen een Lutheraan weet religie en politiek te scheiden: Over Deens exceptionalisme". NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 66, n.º 1 (18 de febrero de 2012): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2012.66.001.dron.

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Religie speelt een nieuwe rol in de nationalistische golf die Europa overspoelt. In Denemarken, bijvoorbeeld, is het luthers secularisme zowel een identiteitskenmerk van het Deense volk als een manier om religie en politiek te scheiden. Dit luthers secularisme is problematisch omdat het in strijd is met liberaal-democratische basisprincipes en omdat het botst met het lutherse idee van godsdienstvrijheid. Tot slot, de overtuiging dat politiek alleen gebaseerd moet zijn op redelijke argumenten schiet tekort in een nationalistische context. Deense, maar ook Nederlandse theologen zouden juist inhoudelijk moeten bijdragen aan het debat over nationale identiteit.

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Sinner, Rudolf von. "Populismus, Volk und Politik als Herausforderungen für eine Öffentliche Theologie". Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 65, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2021): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2021-650104.

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Hidayat, Hidayat. "POLITIK EKONOMI DAN KEMISKINAN (STUDI KOMPARATIF POLITIK EKONOMI KAPITALIS, SOSIALIS, DAN ISLAM)". WEDANA: Jurnal Kajian Pemerintahan, Politik dan Birokrasi 5, n.º 1 (24 de abril de 2019): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/wedana.2019.vol5(1).5555.

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Poverty is a condition when the inability to fulfill basic needs such as clothing, food, shelter, education, health, security. Poverty is a classic problem that is increasing day by day. Even though the news conveyed has decreased in average (aggregate), in fact poverty has always increased. A fundamental solution is needed in overcoming the problem of poverty, because the existing poverty condition is the background for the birth of other social problems, such as crime, violence, and even committing kufr (apostasy). The application of the Capitalist-Liberal Political System and Socialism-Communist has proved to be a failure in solving the problem ofpoverty. Even from the application of this system, it creates structural poverty in the community. A different reality from the application of the Islamic Political Economy system, in which the State guarantees the fulfillment of the basic needs of each person as a whole, as well as the possibility of himself fulfilling his secondary and tertiary needs, according to the level of ability as an individual who lives in a society that has a lifestyle ( life style). Guarantee the fulfillment of primary needs (clothing, food, shelter, education, health, and security) is carried out through various mechanisms, either directly or indirectly. So, by implementing it will minimize the poverty rate, and also allow the poverty rate to be zero percent. It has been historically proventhat at the time of the Caliph Umar Ibn Abdul Aziz radhiallahu 'anhu, state officials had difficulty finding the poor / poor in distributing zakah assets.

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Cosgrove, Ken. "Encyclopedia of government and politics. Vols. 1 and 2". International Affairs 69, n.º 1 (enero de 1993): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621139.

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Landau, Jacob M. "Zakī Mubārak on the Arabic Language". Arabist: Budapest Studies in Arabic 24-25 (2002): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.58513/arabist.2002.24-25.3.

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To anyone interested in language politics, it seems rather strange that the contribution of Zakī Mubārak is almost universally ignored. This article intends to fill this void by presenting his contributions on the Arabic language.

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Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, Sabine. "Hugo Preuß zum 150. Geburtstag – Das deutsche Volk und die Politik". Recht und Politik 46, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2010): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rup.46.4.242.

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Herskowitz, Daniel. "In the Name of the Volk". Heidegger Circle Proceedings 52 (2018): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/heideggercircle2018525.

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In this paper I focus on the specific communal setting within which Heidegger places Dasein’s authentic co-historicizing, namely, the Volk. Section §74 of Being and Time, with its invocation of the charged Volkish notions of fate, destiny, heritage, and struggle, has long been in the center of the debates over the possible connections between Heidegger’s philosophy and his early affiliation with National Socialism. In my paper I wish to intervene in this debate by looking at the early Jewish receptions of Heidegger’s philosophy in the 1930s and expose a strand in this reception that did not disapprove of the Volkish terminology put to use in the Dasein analytic, and at times even found it particularly fitting for the Jewish case. Exposing this strand allows for a better understanding of the historical and conceptual context within which Heidegger’s Volkish terminology was put to use, indicating that claims regarding a necessary ‘cause and effect’ connection between his early philosophy and fascist politics are simplistic.

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Holm-Hansen, Jørn. "Vold i nære relasjoner som tema i russisk og polsk politikk – De nasjonalkonservative utfordres i kjernesak". Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning 44, n.º 04 (11 de diciembre de 2020): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.1891-1781-2020-04-02.

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Freeman, Kirrily. "‘Filling the Void’: Absence, Memory and Politics in Place Clichy". Modern & Contemporary France 18, n.º 1 (febrero de 2010): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480903504250.

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JOHNSON, NICHOLAS E. "Language, Multiplicity, Void: The Radical Politics of the Beckettian Subject". Theatre Research International 37, n.º 1 (26 de enero de 2012): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883311000757.

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This article re-examines the legacy of modernist aesthetics, with special focus on Samuel Beckett and his radical critique of subjectivity, language and ontology. The problem of language as a fundamental agent of difference pervades both the content and form of literary modernism. Beyond conventional semantic and aesthetic function, language acts in Beckett's works to construct a subject that is at once multiple in expression and voided at its core. Drawing on performance and philosophy to explore an ethical dimension of Beckett's praxis already sensed by Theodor Adorno and Alain Badiou, this study recalls the political implications of what are sometimes dismissed as ‘mere’ aesthetic questions, by looking deeper into the modernist attitude toward language, subjectivity, and void. This research suggests that the full radicality of the Beckettian subject has yet to be fully absorbed in philosophy and culture, devastating as it is to the postmodern focus on identity and difference.

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Vetzo, M. J. "De zaak Gündoğan/Volt: rechter, politiek en de zoektocht naar institutionele grenzen". Tijdschrift voor Constitutioneel Recht 13, n.º 2 (junio de 2022): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/tvcr/187966642022013002003.

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Bryant, Jesse Callahan. "Ecos, Ethnos, and Fascism". Contexts 21, n.º 3 (agosto de 2022): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042221114992.

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In many documents left behind by recent white domestic terrorists we see the re-emergence of a national identity that fuses people and land. From Christchurch to El Paso, old articulations "the people" which came to a head most famously in the Nazi sense of the volk and the politics of blood and soil are today resurfacing. This article traces the broad contours of this politics that fuses ethnos and ecos in order to morally justify political exclusion, genocide, and today terrorism via mass shooting.

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Ho Chung, Jae. "Studies of Contemporary Chinese Politics in Korea: An Assessment". China Quarterly 194 (junio de 2008): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000441.

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AbstractGiven the extraordinary pace of across-the-board expansion in Korea–China relations, the lack of assessments on the state of studies of contemporary Chinese politics in Korea is a crucial void to be filled. This evaluative article first offers a socio-demographic sketch of the Korean scholarly community of contemporary Chinese politics. More specifically, it examines how the epistemological community has evolved over the last half century in terms of generational and orientational changes. The second section assesses scholarly outputs in the field of contemporary Chinese politics by looking at monographs, refereed journal articles and doctoral dissertations produced by Korean scholars. The article concludes with some suggestions for further advancement of the studies of contemporary Chinese politics, which may be applicable to Korea as well as to the peer communities in other countries.

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Herrera, Patricia. "Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes, Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance". Modern Drama 65, n.º 3 (1 de octubre de 2022): 454–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md-65-3-br03.

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Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance examines the creative works, aesthetic practices, and lives of gender-nonconforming people, filling an important void in trans studies. Documenting the creative knowledge production of trans and drag performers produces a much-needed living archive that has been historically suppressed and erased.

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Rhodes, James. "Filling the void: Burnley and the everyday politics of the BNP". Soundings 44, n.º 44 (25 de marzo de 2010): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/136266210791036881.

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Giesen, Bernhard. "Performing Transcendence in Politics: Sovereignty, Deviance, and the Void of Meaning". Sociological Theory 23, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2005): 275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2751.2005.00254.x.

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husain, Shakeel. "GANDHIAN SWARAJ : A CONTINUOUS PROCESS". Research Expression 6, n.º 8 (31 de marzo de 2023): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_3.

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Gandhi was a political social activist rather than a philosopher or thinker. But the level of morality and purity in his politics was so high that it took politics to the spiritual and philosophical level.The same thing can be said for his political and social thoughts. The question of Swaraj was not just a political question for him, nor did Swaraj mean for him only the expulsion of the British from India, but for him Swaraj also meant political self-rule along with liberalism and self-control. Therefore his Swaraj is not only political but also spiritual because politics was a spiritual ( religious) work for him . Swaraj was not freedom from individuals but freedom from ideas. Swaraj was not the rule of one's own people but one's own rule over oneself, self control over body and soul. From this point of view, Locke, Mill and Rousseau are seen together in his Swarajist thoughts. From this point of view, Gandhian Swaraj goes beyond the concept of political sef rule and freedom. His Swaraj is as important a question in an independent country as in a colony or slave country. Therefore, for Gandhi, Swaraj is a continuous process and a desired goal .

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Barria-Asenjo, Nicol A., Simone A. Medina Polo, Wanyoung Kim, Dorotea Pospihalj, Daniel Bristow, Brian Willems, Gonzalo Salas. et al. "Naming and Fidelity of Truth: Rethinking Revolutionary Politics and Localizing, Delocalizing or Relocalizing the Void in Alain Badiou's Philosophy". Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 26, n.º 3 (20 de diciembre de 2023): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.92131.

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This article explores the philosophy of Alain Badiou from the vantage point of the concepts of the localization, delocalization, and relocalization of the void as thematized through literary arts, religion, emancipatory politics, and the subject of psychoanalysis. In short, these moments around the void characterize the processes through which truth is processed and seen through their full realization by a philosophical engagement across the various conditions in which these truths occur. The localization of a void is the naming of an indiscernible element that is incommensurable to the rubric of constructible knowledge, sense and meaning which could saturate the space of truth. Thus, the naming that localizes the void acts as a subtraction of the invariant in the variance of situation such that across various points in space and time, we are still able to subtract the universal as the invariant not just as the fidelity to the localized truth but also as the resurrection of truth upon its relocalization at a different place and a different time. At its core, this article is concerned with truth, why truth is persistent, and why we have to struggle to articulate the truth that we are trying to be faithful to again and again with each instance that truth risks being covered-over and obscured.

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Steinhardt, Paul. "Ist die EZB-Politik »voll normal«? Replik auf Jan Sparsam und Malte Flachmeyer". Leviathan 48, n.º 3 (2020): 484–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-0425-2020-3-484.

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Jan Sparsam und Malte Flachmeyer erachten die EZB als Teil einer „politisch-ökonomischen Formation“, die sie mit Lukas Oberndorfer als „autoritären Wettbewerbsetatismus“ bezeichnen. Es kann kein Zweifel bestehen, dass die EZB inzwischen die Funktion einer Wirtschaftsregierung usurpiert hat, die mit demokratischen Grundsätzen nicht zu vereinbaren ist. Keineswegs richtig aber ist, dass die sogenannte unkonventionelle Geldpolitik als „Fortführung der Vorkrisenpolitik mit anderen Mitteln“ beschrieben werden kann. Sparsam und Flachmeyer entgeht der enorme Machtzuwachs der EZB, weil sie außer Acht lassen, dass die Anleihekäufe sich nicht quantitativ, sondern qualitativ von den für die Geldpolitik üblichen Offenmarktgeschäften unterscheiden. Sie sind in Wahrheit als fiskalpolitische Maßnahmen zu werten. Da sie das nicht berücksichtigen, unterschätzen sie einerseits die Dimension des demokratietheoretischen Problems der Anleihekäufe und überschätzen gleichzeitig die Möglichkeiten einer Reform der Euro-Zone.

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Siregar, Muammar Kadafi. "Pondok Pesantren Antara Misi Melahirkan Ulama Dan Tarikan Modernisasi". Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam Al-Thariqah 3, n.º 2 (16 de noviembre de 2018): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/althariqah.2018.vol3(2).2263.

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Indonesia termasuk salah satu Negara yang mampu mempertahankan lembaga pendidikan tradisionalnya dari sentuhan modernisasi. Namun walaupun begitu pesantren tetap mendapat tantangan serius dari arus modernisasi. Tantangan itu adalah berkaitan dengan eksistensi pesantren sebagai lembaga pencetak ulama yang dihadapkan dengan tuntutan kehidupan global. Dengan pendekatan library research tulisan ini dapat menemukan bahwa sejarah pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, telah membuktikan bahwa pesantren merupakan lembaga pendidikan Islam tertua di Indonesia. Pesantren dengan sistem pendidikan Islam tradisional, telah memainkan peran yang sangat penting dalam meningkatkan sumber daya manusia Indonesia. Pada perkembangannya pesantren mencetak tokoh-tokoh agama dan sebagai pemelihara tradisi-tradisi keislaman. Selain itu pesantren juga berkembang sebagai lembaga sosial yang terlibat dalam proses perubahan sosial politik di Indonesia. Dalam peta politik, pesantren sering kali digambarkan sebagai kekuatan penekan (pressure force) dan dalam situasi lain pesantren diposisikan sebagai kekuatan (integrating force) ketika Negara dihadapkan pada kesulitan-kesulitan yang dilematis, doktrin“hub al-wathon min al-iman” mengorbankan semangat patriotik ke dada setiap anak bangsa.

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Jahnsen, Synnøve Økland. "Hva skal vi med en kjønnsnøytral boligsosial politikk? Kjønn og vold som blindsoner for forskning og tiltaksutvikling mot bostedsløshet". Nordisk välfärdsforskning | Nordic Welfare Research 8, n.º 2 (13 de octubre de 2023): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/nwr.8.2.3.

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Breman, Jan. "Ethische politiek verbeeld als de christelijke beschavingsmissie". BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 138, n.º 3 (29 de septiembre de 2023): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.12778.

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Dit recensieartikel is gewijd aan een beoordeling van de biografie van Hans van der Jagt over de Nederlandse antirevolutionaire politicus en koloniale functionaris Alexander Willem Frederik Idenburg (Engelen uit Europa, 2022). Van der Jagt portretteert Idenburg ten onrechte als het boegbeeld van de ethische politiek, die aan het begin van de twintigste eeuw werd ontvouwd, en schetst daarvan een te rooskleurig beeld. Deze ethische politiek, zo wordt in dit artikel betoogd, is veeleer als een schaamlap gebruikt, waarachter de voortzetting van het koloniale oogmerk schuilging, namelijk de handhaving van Nederlands gezag met vergaande uitbuiting van land en volk. Voortgekomen uit sociale bewogenheid over de verarming van de Indonesische bevolking diende de vergaarde rijkdom tot lastenverlichting van de kolonie en mondigheid van haar inwoners te leiden. Hoewel de verwezenlijking van deze politieke opdracht uitbleef had de volgehouden verwijzing ernaar, zowel in het laatkoloniale als postkoloniale tijdperk, als doel de voortgaande Nederlandse heerschappij te rechtvaardigen. Mijn betoog brengt de ontluisterende praktijk van de erbij betrokken partijen en hun belangen in beeld. In dit relaas evalueer ik de rol van Idenburg als de politieke spilfiguur van de ethische politiek. Op de hoge koloniale posten hem toevertrouwd vertolkte hij de antirevolutionaire leer in het gevoerde beleid. Maar ook andere spelers, voor- en tegenstanders van ethische politiek met hun beweegredenen, komen aan bod, vanaf het trage en zuinige begin tot de vroege eclips ervan.

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Vlasova, Tetiana. "POSTMODERNITY, SEXUALITIES AND CULTURE: FEMINIST SCRIPTS AND GENDER POP-ICONS (Review of the book: Gaga Feminism. Sex, Gender, and The End of Normal. J. Jack Halberstam. Boston : Beacon Press, 2013. 157 p.)". Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, n.º 26 (2020): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.26.16.

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Lady Gaga as a postmodern cultural icon manipulating with images and symbols has created in her “performances” a kind of new “post”-postmodern feminism, in which she followed the line of feminine anarchists – in politics, arts and culture. “Gaga ideology”, which in fact “embraces a void”, nowadays is vividly presented across alternative forms of popular culture with the subsequent great impact on the generation of millennials.

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Najjar, Sherzad Ahmad y Idrees Omar Mustafa. "Antagonism and Radical Politics in the Philosophy of Slavoj Žižek". Journal of University of Raparin 10, n.º 1 (29 de marzo de 2023): 397–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(1).paper19.

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The relationship between truth and politics in Slavoj Žižek’s political philosophy is a problematic relationship, particularly in post-modern discourse and global liberal order, because in the context of this discourse, the relative truth has a direct impact on politics as a subordinate filed leading to the fragmentation of the society. Žižek believes that within the dominant system and its ideology, which finds itself in consumer capitalism, there are always possibilities of resistance, especially as he defines politics as a manifestation of class struggle in its economic dimension. The perpetrator of this struggle appears as a historical subject and manifests in the form of deprived and excluded groups, or marginalization of society. This will become an empty hole or group that the system does not embrace or include. In return, this will remain as a permanent crack or hole in the system and will not allow the system to be completely closed or reach absolute integration. In addition, this will remain as a possibility of revolution and protest and become a dynamic element in a dialectic relationship that moves politics at its radical level. This article is divided into two parts. In the first part, the article talks about the politics of truth and events, universal truth, representation, event and change, and holes in the system. The second part of the article is dedicated to analyzing the concept of antagonism and highlighting the tensions between anthos, demos, polis and politics. Then, the article refers to class struggle as the core of politics by Žižek, and focuses on the concept of revolution and the role of historical subject in the process of change.

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Salioso, Herdi. "ASN, OTDA, POLITIK PILKADA SERENTAK DAN KORUPSI DI INDONESIA". SISI LAIN REALITA 1, n.º 1 (15 de junio de 2016): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/sisilainrealita.2016.vol1(1).1408.

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Corruption is not a new term in Indonesia, only recently started realizing ingrained and entrenched. The problem of corruption becomes increasingly macro and massive when regional autonomy (OTDA) and coloring Election Political Democratization in Indonesia. The phenomenon of corruption which delivers Indonesia as the most corrupt country in the world, increasingly gives the impression assured in order to prevent and overcome, when the instrument and the substance of the existing law is not able to give effect deterrence for perpetrators and potential perpetrators.

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Berliner, Peter. "SOCIAL ANSVARLIGHED OG PSYKOLOGI". Psyke & Logos 27, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2006): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pl.v27i2.8304.

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Psykologien kan bidrage væsentligt til social ansvarlighed gennem at forholde sig til den brug, der gøres inden for politik af psykologi, ligesom den kan bidrage til at synliggøre hvorledes ulighed, undertrykkelse, eksklusion og vold har en negativ indvirkning på mental sundhed og menneskelig værdighed. Dette kan ske ved (1) en videnskabeligt underbygget dokumentation af disse negative virkninger; (2) at vise de positive virkninger – på mental sundhed – af livsvilkår, der opfylder menneskerettighederne og derved giver mulighed for deltagelse og medindflydelse i samfundet; (3) at lade andre perspektiver end de dominerende diskurser blive hørt – med særligt henblik på de ekskluderende og undertryktes stemmer i et globalt perspektiv; og (4) at inddrage underprivilegerede grupper i forskningen som en mulighed for øgning af vores viden samtidigt med at det er en konkret omfordeling af ressourcer og magt. I denne indledning gives der en begrundelse for, at psykologien som videnskab må omfatte overvejelser over dens egen sociale ansvarlighed samt eksempler på, hvorledes dette kan gøres – med henvisning til artiklerne i dette temanummer.

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Thierstein, Alain y Roland Scherer. "Zwischen Effizienz und Ausgleich". Raumforschung und Raumordnung 58, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2000): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03182918.

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Kurzfassung Die Regionalpolitik ist in der Schweiz im Umbruch. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht im Kontext der regionalen Förderpolitik die Argumente aufzuzeigen, die für die strikt allokationsbezogene Perspektive knapper Ressourcen sprechen. Die empirische Welt aber widerspricht dieser Sichtweise. Der „fiskalische Föderalismus“ kann seine Überzeugungskraft wegen zahlreicher räumlicher Externalitäten nicht voll entfalten, was die Politik legitimiert, Ausgleichsmaßnahmen für benachteiligte Regionen vorzusehen. Ausgleich soll jedoch effizient geschehen. Vielfältige Verflechtungen und Wechselwirkungen zwischen ländlichen und städtischen Räumen machen es fast unmöglich, die bevorzugten und benachteiligten Räume und Regionen im Rahmen einer trennscharfen Kosten-Nutzen-Rechnung zu identifizieren.

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Broers, Laurence. "Filling the Void: Ethnic Politics and Nationalities Policy in Post-Conflict Georgia". Nationalities Papers 36, n.º 2 (mayo de 2008): 275–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990801934363.

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Of all the post-Soviet states, the challenge of managing ethnic diversity has perhaps been the most problematic in Georgia. Following the secessions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the early 1990s, Georgia has recent experience not only of the radicalization of ethnic relations but also of defeat in violent ethnic conflict. Current debates surrounding the conceptualization and management of ethnic diversity are thus inseparable from urgent questions concerning the future of the Georgian state, and explanations of the conflicts and questions of power and domination. Perceptions of the issue are further overshadowed by memories of the chauvinist rhetoric and illiberal policies of the early phase of sovereignty under President Zviad Gamsakhurdia. Abroad, perceptions of Georgia as a “micro-empire” continue to be fuelled by references to the Gamsakhurdia era, above all in the Russian press, and short-sighted recourse in Western sources to theories of “ancient hatreds.” Defeat also means that contrary to demographic evidence of a proportional expansion of the ethnic Georgian population, independence has not imparted to the Georgian majority a sense of security associated with majority status. As a result of Georgia's apparent inability to influence outcomes in either the peace processes or internal developments in the seceded territories, and the decline in the Georgian population in real terms, the attainment of sovereignty has not allayed Georgian fears of either permanent territorial fragmentation or ethnic “degradation.” Georgians consequently approach issues of majority-minority relations from a position of perceived weakness, coupled with as yet unfulfilled “post-colonial” desires for Georgianization.

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Prozorov, Sergei. "What is the ‘world’ in world politics? Heidegger, Badiou and void universalism". Contemporary Political Theory 12, n.º 2 (21 de agosto de 2012): 102–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2012.14.

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Sadia Nazir y Dr. Mazhar Hayat Khan. "Politics of Resistance in Pakistan through Progressive Poetry: A Neo-Gramscian Study". sjesr 3, n.º 4 (25 de diciembre de 2020): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss4-2020(147-158).

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The article focuses on locating the politics of resistance in Pakistan through cultural and historical experiences which are materialized through progressive stance of poets especially Faiz (1971) and Jalib (2012). The basic theoretical standpoint of present research paper is Neo-Gramscian in nature. Politics of resistance in poetry is discussed with particular reference to authoritarian rule the Progressivists resisted against. Progressivists highlight the formation of a particular hegemonic process and resistance to it through Progressive poetry. The purpose is to bring to light certain debates by looking into the politics of resistance as counter-hegemony. Politics of resistance becomes a victim of intellectual and political hegemony created through state institutions. The methodology is new-historicist in nature which reinforces that culture and history are material realities. New Historicism evaluates literature through the social and cultural events and also the ways how these socio-cultural events help to build a larger event in creating possibilities for the making of hegemony. It aims at understanding intellectual history through literature and literature through the cultural context surrounding the historical event. The function of new-historicist is to bring home the facts which question the dominant historical functioning of text and bring to light the hidden and untold facts and stories. The basic point of departure of Neo-Gramscian study is to define the premises through which this political and intellectual stance of national politics is largely the part of Bourgeois political and intellectual framework through Progressive counter-hegemonic resistance.

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Jesse, Eckhard. "(Über-)Scharfe Kritik am „Versagen der Politik“ – Hans Herbert von Arnims „Volksparteien ohne Volk“". Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 19, n.º 3 (2009): 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2009-3-421.

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Millot, Cécile. "Celui qui prêche dans le désert. Sur l’utilisation de l’Ancien Testament dans Höre, Israel !" Austriaca 52, n.º 1 (2001): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/austr.2001.4343.

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Im Lyrikband Höre, Israel ! kritisiert der jüdische Agnostiker Erich Fried die Politik des Staates Israel ; in mehreren Gedichten greift er dabei auf das Alte Testament zurück. Dieser Beitrag analysiert zwei Kategorien von Texten, die zwei Modi der Auseinandersetzung Frieds mit der Bibel dokumentieren. Fried kritisiert die Verwendung der Bibel und mancher Episoden und Bilder aus der biblischen Geschichte als Gründungsmythos des Staates Israel. Er zeigt, wie die zionistische Propaganda das Volk Israel als ein heute noch „auserwähltes Volk“ stilisiert, das auf das „gelobte Land“ ein Anrecht hat. Er distanziert sich vom Gebrauch eines Jahrtausende alten religiösen Textes als Begründung der Ansprüche eines modernen Staates. Der von Fried angestellte Versuch, die Sprache der alttestamentarischen Propheten im Sinne seiner eigenen Stellungnahme neu zu beleben, führt zu problematischen Ergebnissen. Die Reaktualisierung dieser Figuren erweist sich erst dann als möglich, wenn sie auch modernisiert werden, wobei die Distanz, die Fried vom Alten Testament trennt, deutlich zum Vorschein kommt. Auffallend ist die Nähe von Frieds Prophetenfiguren zu einer eher neutestamentarischen moralischen und politischen Aufklärung.

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Wabel, T. "Leaving the Void Open: Forms of Remembrance in Civil Religion, Politics, and Art". Journal of Church and State 55, n.º 2 (7 de junio de 2012): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/css052.

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May, Christopher. "Book Review: Christian Volk, Arendtian Constitutionalism: Law, Politics and the Order of Freedom". Political Studies Review 15, n.º 2 (marzo de 2017): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917694644.

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Palazzolo, Daniel J. "Putting Trust in the U.S. Budget: Federal Trust Funds and the Politics of Commitment. By Eric M. Patashnik. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 231p. $54.95 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, n.º 1 (marzo de 2002): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402344320.

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Nearly four decades ago, in a path-breaking book, Aaron Wildavsky taught us, among other things, that “in the most integral sense the budget lies at the heart of the political process” (The Politics of the Budgetary Process, 1964, p. 5). Building on Wildavsky's study, many scholars have contributed to our understanding of various aspects of budget policy and politics. Some have discussed the role of trust funds in the federal budget, but none have made them the central focus of their research. Eric Patashnick fills an important void in the literature by explaining why trust funds are created and how they affect deliberation over tax and spending decisions. Using the trust fund mechanism as a point of reference, Patashnik also tests theories of policy history, public choice, and institutionalism.

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