Artículos de revistas: "Politics of Sikkim"

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Dukpa, Rinchu Doma, Jaime Hoogesteger, Gert Jan Veldwisch y Rutgerd Boelens. "Hydropower Politics in Northeast India: Dam Development Contestations, Electoral Politics and Power Reconfigurations in Sikkim". Water 16, n.º 7 (6 de abril de 2024): 1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w16071061.

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Around the world, the development of large dams has been increasingly contested. India is no exception and has seen the mobilisation of powerful domestic and transnational socio-environmental movements against dams over more than four decades. In this context, the State of Sikkim in northeast India has been entangled in prolonged hydropower development conflicts since the late 1990s. This article analyses these conflictive entanglements between the Government of India, the State Government of Sikkim, power companies and Sikkim’s autochthonous tribe, the Lepchas. It zooms in on the period of 2011–2017, which saw an abrupt escalation of the conflicts to analyse the messy, deeply political and often unpredictable and contradictory world of dam construction and its contestations. Our analysis is informed by the power cube framework developed by John Gaventa. Our analysis shows how hydropower development is deeply intertwined with local patronage relationships. We show how local elections bring out dam conflict and the operation of power into the open, sometimes leading to abrupt and unexpected switches in positions in relation to hydropower development. We show that these switches should be seen not only as “strategic electoral tactics” but also and importantly as contentious political struggles that (re)configure power in the region. We show how in this process, powerful political actors continuously seek to stabilise power relations among the governing and the governed, choreographing a specific socio-hydraulic order that stretches way beyond simple pro- and anti-dam actors and coalitions as it is embedded in deep hydro(-electro) politics and power plays.

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Meek, David y Colin R. Anderson. "Scale and the politics of the organic transition in Sikkim, India". Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems 44, n.º 5 (8 de diciembre de 2019): 653–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21683565.2019.1701171.

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Bhasin, Veena. "Social Dimensions of Politics: The Case of Tribal Democracy in Sikkim". Journal of Human Ecology 4, n.º 1 (enero de 1993): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09709274.1993.11907736.

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Nepal, Padam. "Fractured Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition: Contextualising Language Policy in Sikkim". Pearl : A Journal of Library and Information Science 29, n.º 2 (2012): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/j.0975-3907.29.2.014.

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Thejalhoukho. "The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904". China Report 57, n.º 4 (14 de octubre de 2021): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211047078.

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The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.

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Acharya, Amitangshu y Alison Ormsby. "The Cultural Politics of Sacred Groves: A Case Study of Devithans in Sikkim, India". Conservation and Society 15, n.º 2 (2017): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/cs.cs_14_29.

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Chhetri, Durga Prasad. "Neotraditionalism and Indigenous Governance: Balancing Traditions with Emerging Challenges". Indian Journal of Public Administration 68, n.º 1 (3 de febrero de 2022): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211058771.

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The traditional institutions in many parts of the world have managed to respond to various external political change and pressures and maintained their position within society. What is more important is that traditional institutions have been constantly adapted to accommodate new circumstances, as the social and economic organisation of societies has changed particularly over the last century due to rapid urbanisation and globalisation, as well as the standardisation of liberal politics. Against this backdrop, this article examines the existence and survival of traditional institutions in the hill state of Sikkim, India, through the prism of neotraditionalism. In other words, this article seeks to address the question that how traditional institutions, which are embedded in neotraditional structures, have survived and repositioned in the new democratic system. Besides, the author attempts to show how neotraditional actors like Pipon and village elders are involved in the development arena and managed to attain a semblance of balance between tradition and modernity without destroying the foundation of tribal society and culture.

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Mehta, Brinda J. "Contesting Militarized Violence in “Northeast India”". Meridians 20, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2021): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8913107.

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Abstract The northeastern states of India have been positioned as India’s postcolonial other in mainstream politics with the aim to create xenophobic binaries between insider and outsider groups. Comprising the eight “sister” states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura, this region represents India’s amorphous shadowlands in arbitrary political markings between the mainland and the off-centered northeastern periphery. These satellite states have been subjected to the neocolonial governance of the Indian government and its implementation of political terror through abusive laws, militarized violence, protracted wars against civilians and insurgents alike, and gender abuse. Women poets from the region, such as Monalisa Changkija, Temsüla Ao, Mamang Dai, and others, have played a leading role in exposing and denouncing this violence. This essay examines the importance of women’s poetry as a gendered documentation of conflict, a peace narrative, a poet’s reading of history, and a site of memory. Can poetry express the particularized “sorrow of women” (Mamang Dai) without sentimentality and concession? How do these poetic contestations of conflict represent complex interrogations of identity, eco-devastation, and militarization to invalidate an elitist “poetry for poetry’s sake” ethic?

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Arora, Vibha. "Assertive Identities, Indigeneity, and the Politics of Recognition as a Tribe: The Bhutias, the Lepchas and the Limbus of Sikkim". Sociological Bulletin 56, n.º 2 (mayo de 2007): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920070202.

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Dukpa, Rinchu, Deepa Joshi y Rutgerd Boelens. "Contesting Hydropower Dams in the Eastern Himalaya: The Cultural Politics of Identity, Territory and Self-Governance Institutions in Sikkim, India". Water 11, n.º 3 (26 de febrero de 2019): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11030412.

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In India’s Eastern Himalayan State of Sikkim, the indigenous Bhutia communities, Lachungpas and Lachenpas, successfully contested all proposed hydropower projects and have managed to sustain an anti-dam opposition in their home regions, Lachung and Lachen. In this paper, we discuss this remarkable, un-researched, effective collective action against hydropower development, examining how identity and territory influence collective action through production, creation and application of vernacular knowledge systems. The role of the Dzumsa, a prevailing traditional system of self-governance among the Lachungpas and Lachenpas, has been central in their collective resistance against large dams in Lachung and Lachen. Our findings show that contrary to popular imageries, the Dzumsa is neither an egalitarian nor a democratic institution—rather, it is an exercise of an “agonistic unity”. The Dzumsas operate as complex collectives, which serve to politicize identity, decision-making and place-based territoriality in their struggle against internal and external threats. Principles of a “vernacular statecraft” helped bringing the local communities together in imperfect unions to oppose modernist designs of hydropower development. However, while such vernacular institutions were able to construct a powerful local adversary to neoliberal agendas, they also pose high social, political and emotional risks to the few within the community, who chose not to align with the normative principles of the collective.

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Joshi, Deepa, Joas Platteeuw y Juliana Teoh. "The Consensual Politics of Development: A Case Study of Hydropower Development in the Eastern Himalayan Region of India". New Angle: Nepal journal of social science and public policy 5, n.º 1 (10 de enero de 2020): 74–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53037/na.v5i1.9.

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Criticism and contestation of large dam projects have a long, strong history in India. In this paper, we analyze diverse civil-society responses to large dam projects in the Eastern Himalaya region of India, which has in the past decades been presented as a clean, green, climate-mitigating way of generating energy, but critiqued for its adverse impacts more recently. We draw our findings primarily based on interviews with NGOs involved in environmental and/or water issues in Darjeeling, interviews with those involved in a local people’s movement ‘Affected Citizens of Teesta’, and participatory research over the course of three years between 2015 and 2018. Our findings show how doing development for the state, the market and/or donor organizations compromises the ability of NGOs in the Darjeeling region to hold these actors accountable for social and environmental excesses. In the same region, dam projects in North Sikkim led to a local people’s movement, where expressions of indigeneity, identity and place were used to critique and contest the State’s agenda of development, in ways that were symptomatically different to NGOs tied down by relations of developmental bureaucracy. Our findings reveal how the incursion of State authority, presence and power in civil-society undermines the civil society mandate of transformative social change, and additionally, how the geographical, political, institutional and identity-based divides that fragment diverse civil-society institutions and actors make it challenging to counter the increasingly consensual politics of environmental governance.

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Pradhan, Jelina y Upendra Adhikari. "Development as Erasure and The Politics of Protest: A Study of the Lepcha Protest Against Dzongu Hydel Project in North Sikkim". Quest-The Journal of UGC-ASC Nainital 5, n.º 1 (2011): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/j.0974-5041.5.1.002.

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Gupta, Sonika. "Frontiers in Flux: Indo-Tibetan Border: 1946–1948". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, n.º 1 (10 de febrero de 2021): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983095.

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On the eve of Indian Independence, as Britain prepared to devolve the Crown’s treaties with Tibet to the Indian government, the Tibetan government was debating its future treaty relationship with India under the 1914 Simla Convention and associated Indo-Tibetan Trade Regulations. Soon after Indian independence, Tibetan government made an expansive demand for return of Tibetan territory along the McMahon Line and beyond. This led to a long diplomatic exchange between Lhasa, New Delhi and London as India deliberated its response to the Tibetan demand. This article decodes the voluminous correspondence between February 1947 and January 1948 that flowed between the British/Indian Mission in Lhasa, the Political Officer in Sikkim, External Affairs Ministry in Delhi and the Foreign Office in London, on the Simla Convention and the ensuing Tibetan territorial demand. Housed at the National Archives in New Delhi, this declassified confidential communication provides crucial context for newly independent Indian state’s relationship with Tibet. It also reveals the intricacies of Tibetan elite politics that affected decision-making in Lhasa translating to a fragmented and often contradictory policy in forging its new relationship with India. Most importantly, this Tibetan territorial demand undermined the diplomatic efficacy of Tibet’s 1947 Trade Mission to India entangling its outcome with the resolution of this issue. This was a lost opportunity for both India and Tibet in building an agreement on the frontier which worked to their mutual disadvantage in the future.

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Nihar Kanti Baidya. "The Domestic Considerations of Indian Foreign Policy: A Case Study of Indo-Bangladesh Teesta Water Deal during UPA-II Government". Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, n.º 4 (30 de julio de 2022): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.4.64.

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The foreign policy of a country is shaped and influenced not only by the necessity of international environment but also by imperatives of domestic structures and processes. The focus area of the study is primarily Indo-Bangladesh Teesta water deal during UPA-II government. Teesta basin is confronted with a wide range of challenges covering economics, government, and politics to culture, the environment to gender issues to security issues to the health of riverine ecosystems. These concerns, while differing in degree and type, are all tied together by the Teesta, which functions as a common thread flowing through them all and connects them all together. Even though the basin is best known for the lack of a bilateral agreement between India and Bangladesh over water sharing, internal disputes such as the anti-dam motion in Sikkim and the 'Save the Buri Teesta' movement in Bangladesh are also big concerns tied to bilateral trade between the two riparian countries. The study concentrated on the geopolitics of water conflicts in the Teesta basin as well as the role that the TMC party as a domestic factor has played in water negotiations in recent years. The concern of the paper is to examine how a internal domestic considerations of a country act in shaping a country’s foreign policy.

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Thapa, Sandhya. "Ethnicity and protective policies in Sikkim: Consolidation and reconfiguration". Contributions to Indian Sociology 56, n.º 1 (febrero de 2022): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00699667221091380.

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This article examines how ethnicities in the state of Sikkim have evolved and emerged as fluid but potent instruments that are deployed by the state’s constituent ethnic groups in their efforts to marshal and retain control over its socio-economic and political resources, in conjunction with the policies of the central government. The process of validating ethnic identities that began in the colonial period has now been strengthened and shapes the protective polices of governments at both levels, the central and the state, for Sikkim. The processes of modernisation and development set in motion after Sikkim’s merger with India have resulted in consolidation and reconfiguration of ethnicities across the structural and cultural spheres of Sikkimese society.

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Chakraborty, Sushmita y Namita Chakma. "Economy and Social Development of Rural Sikkim". Space and Culture, India 4, n.º 2 (16 de noviembre de 2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v4i2.198.

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The tiny Himalayan state of Sikkim is well known for its multi-cultural and multi-ethnic identity. There is a political and historical debate regarding the identity of communities in Sikkim. Lepchas are considered as original inhabitants of Sikkim. Currently, Lepcha, Bhutia and Limbu are recognised as minor communities and have Schedule Tribes (ST) status in the state. Individual community concentration is mainly found in North and West Sikkim. Lepcha-Bhutias are found mainly in North Sikkim whereas Limbus are concentrated in West Sikkim. Community concentration is profound in rural areas. Gyalshing sub-division of West Sikkim has been selected for the present study. Purpose of this study is to investigate the Gram Panchayat Unit (GPU) level economy and social development of the rural areas based mainly on secondary sources of information. A field survey was also conducted to interact with the local people. Findings suggest that education and population density are the key determinants for GPU level disparity in social development of the study area. It has been found that the economy is primarily agriculture based and fully organised by organic farming system. Recently, homestay (eco)tourism business has been started here like other parts of Sikkim.

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Chattopadhyay, Arkaprava. "Traditional Rituals as Conduits for Political Ascendancy: The Pang Lhabsol Festival of Sikkim, India". New Theatre Quarterly 38, n.º 3 (19 de julio de 2022): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x22000203.

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This article explores the role of the traditional Pang Lhabsol festival of Sikkim in India as a medium for political ascendancy and influence in the region – a phenomenon that has continued, albeit with different political inflections, from its founding days until the present. Since its emergence as an indigenous practice in the thirteenth century, it has consistently transformed according to each juncture of political realignment in the region. After 1642, the festival was redesigned to resonate with the religion and ideology of the ruling Namgyal dynasty, playing out negotiations between mainstream Buddhism and the animistic Bon religion. While the inclusion of the Pangtoed Chham dance performance in the ritualistic itinerary of Pang Lhabsol had very significantly reinforced the role of the king as the protector of the people and their faith, the festival has been considerably overshadowed by the inclusion of new elements that resonate with the secular narrative of India after 1975. The article identifies the significance of each of these new elements, drawing as well on audience research undertaken through in-depth interviews. Arkaprava Chattopadhyay is an Assistant Professor at the Shri Ramasamy Memorial University in Sikkim, as well as a doctoral candidate at the Central University of Sikkim.

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Esha, Muhammad In'am. "AGAMA SIKH DI INDIA: Sejarah Kemunculan, Ajaran dan Aktivitas Sosial-Politik". El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 8, n.º 1 (8 de diciembre de 2008): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v8i1.4615.

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The paper examines the Sikhism on its history, doctrines, and political activities. The Sikhism was founded by Guru Nanak whose ideology was initially closed to Islam and further moved to Hindu. However, the political conflict in India between Hindu and Islam is as one strong reason to make eclecticism. Therefore, the doctrines of Sikhism were taken from Islam on one side and Hindu on another side. It results in the Sikhism as a dualistic doctrine in its concept on God, human beings and nature. The Sikhism was involved conflict in India's society when the leader of Sikhism dragged in the political sphere. In the beginning it tried to mediate the conflict between Islam and Hindu. However, it turned to be a trigger into triangle conflict, The Sikh, Islam and Hindu. It becomes obvious that religion is not immune from political conflict, as politics can also become the conflict trigger among religions. Makalah ini mengkaji Sikhisme mengenai sejarah, doktrin, dan aktivitas politiknya. Sikhisme didirikan oleh Guru Nanak yang ideologinya awalnya tertutup bagi Islam dan selanjutnya beralih ke Hindu. Namun, konflik politik di India antara Hindu dan Islam adalah salah satu alasan kuat untuk membuat eklektisisme. Oleh karena itu, doktrin Sikhisme diambil dari Islam di satu sisi dan Hindu di sisi lain. Ini menghasilkan Sikhisme sebagai doktrin dualistik dalam konsepnya tentang Tuhan, manusia dan alam. Sikhisme terlibat konflik di masyarakat India ketika pemimpin Sikhisme menyeret dalam ranah politik. Pada awalnya ia berusaha menengahi konflik antara Islam dan Hindu. Namun, hal itu berubah menjadi pemicu konflik segitiga, Sikh, Islam dan Hindu. Menjadi jelas bahwa agama tidak kebal dari konflik politik, karena politik juga bisa menjadi pemicu konflik antar agama.

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Shaffer, Ryan. "Sikkim: dawn of democracy". Intelligence and National Security 35, n.º 2 (2 de abril de 2019): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2019.1598636.

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Chawla, Swati. "Fashioning a ‘Buddhist’ Himalayan Cartography: Sikkim Darbar and the Cabinet Mission Plan". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 79, n.º 1 (marzo de 2023): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284221147271.

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In the months leading up to the transfer of power in India, the eastern Himalayan kingdom of Sikkim made several representations to the Cabinet Mission and other constitutional bodies that were giving shape to the successor Indian government. The Sikkim Darbar was worried that its ambiguous position under colonial treaties might lead India to treat it as one of the five-hundred odd princely states that were slowly merging with the union. In letters, memoranda, legal briefs, and personal meetings, the Darbar argued that it was racially, religiously, socially, and culturally distinct from India, and that its allegiance lied to its north with Tibet. This article traces the vocabulary for the Sikkim Darbar’s assertion of difference from India back to the racialised imperial writing and realpolitik that had informed colonial policy towards the Himalayan states since the nineteenth century, most notably Olaf Caroe’s 1940 thesis on the ‘Mongolian Fringe’. This archival evidence emphasises Sikkimese agency and helps excavate an imagination of the Himalaya from within the region. The article also nuances the history of the forging of Indian republic by foregrounding the processes of negotiation and compromise that continued to shape the territorial contours of the Indian nation long after the moment of decolonisation. 1

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Faulkner, Sarah y KR Rama Mohan. "Mayel Lyang Embodied: ‘Tradition’ and Contemporary Lepcha Textiles". HIMALAYA 40, n.º 2 (15 de noviembre de 2021): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/himalaya.2021.6595.

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The Lepchas, an ethnic group indigenous to the Himalayas and the Darjeeling hills, have been weaving textiles from local nettle (Girardinia diversifolia) for millennia. However, their native land, centered around the former Kingdom of Sikkim in modern-day northeastern India, has been the site of centuries of cultural exchange and colonization despite its remoteness, entailing wide-ranging and continuous social, political, and economic changes within the area. Rapid regional industrialization, and the concomitant globalization process and urbanization will potentially further transform Lepcha culture. Despite this, the Lepchas continue to weave textiles they consider traditional. With that in mind, this article will consider the concept of ‘tradition’ and its place in post-industrial Sikkim, using these textiles as a basis for understanding the significance of ‘tradition’ and how ‘tradition’ is used as a tool for carving a place out in the contemporary world. This study analyzes its deployment in contemporary Lepcha textiles so as to illuminate the relationship between tradition, textiles, and contemporary Lepcha identity.

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JANSEN, BERTHE. "The Monastic Guidelines (bCa’ yig) by Sidkeong Tulku: Monasteries, Sex and Reform in Sikkim". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24, n.º 4 (3 de abril de 2014): 597–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186313000850.

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AbstractSidkeong Namgyal Tulku was a colourful figure in the history of Sikkim. This crown prince was an incarnated lama as well as a student at Oxford, and a member of the Royal Asiatic Society. This article considers the various roles of Sidkeong Tulku in the light of a Tibetan work by his hand, which has been previously not connected to his person. Written in 1909, it consists of ‘monastic guidelines’ (bCa’ yig) which are a clear witness to the time and circumstances they were written in. This traditionally framed work, authored by a supposed Buddhist modernist, addresses the education of monks, monastic economy, sex, and preaching to the laity. These guidelines shed light on the changing status of the monastery in Sikkim, in the midst of reforms and threats to Sikkimese sovereignty. In this article I examine the contents of these guidelines in the context of its author's eventful but short life, against the political, religious and social backdrop of a Buddhist kingdom in turmoil.

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Malu, Bhasker, Santhosh Kareepadath Rajan, Nikhita Jindal, Aishwarya Thakur y Tanvi Raghuram. "Perceived Discrimination of Old Settlers in Sikkim". Changing Societies & Personalities 6, n.º 3 (10 de octubre de 2022): 677. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2022.6.3.195.

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The old settlers in Sikkim are a community of mainland Indians whose ancestors had settled at least 15 years before the merger with India in 1975. At present, the total population of the community is less than three thousand individuals, comprising various ethnicities. This qualitative study focuses on the perceived discrimination of the old settlers, who form a demographic minority in the state. Data was collected using telephonic interviews from a sample of 11 old settlers. Thematic analysis indicated racial differences between the northeasterner indigenous community and mainland Indian old settlers as a major reason for perceived discrimination. The participants expressed the experience of negative emotional reactions, such as anger and disappointment, when they faced discrimination. The participants also felt betrayed by the government of India because they did not receive adequate protection for their rights when their identity in Sikkim changed from foreigners to citizens. Reactions to discrimination included migrating out of the state, experiencing negative emotions such as anger, disappointment and fear, and learned helplessness.

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Kristina Sianturi, Yanti y Irza Khurun'in. "Amnesty International dan Penghapusan Hukuman Mati di Malaysia". Transformasi Global 7, n.º 2 (25 de diciembre de 2020): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2020.007.02.4.

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Malaysia is a country where the death penalty is still present and frequently practiced. It is due to different understandings of the death penalty itself. The absence of the Malaysian government in various international human rights treaties also increases unfair trials on death row inmates. The high number of death row inmates in Malaysia represents a severe human rights violation. The abolition of the death penalty is one of the current global human rights agendas. It goes against the right to live regulated by various international human rights instruments, such as the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and the Declaration of Human Rights. One of the INGOs actively advocating the abolition of the death penalty in Malaysia is Amnesty International. This study looks at Amnesty International’s transnational advocacy tactics in encouraging the death penalty abolition in Malaysia from 2015 to 2018. The method used is descriptive research by collecting primary and secondary data and using transnational advocacy networks by Keck and Sikkink. The results of this research show that the efforts used by Amnesty International in this advocacy include information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics, and accountability politics.

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Bhattacharjee, J. B. "The Northeast: The evolution of the idea of a region". Studies in People's History 5, n.º 1 (13 de abril de 2018): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918759869.

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The Northeast is now an officially recognised name for a region comprising seven contiguous states, plus the detached state of Sikkim. The article examines how the name evolved in official and scholarly writing, while, in fact, no such region can be justified either by any affinity among its individual parts or by culture, political history, languages, social structure or economic ties. It is argued that such a concept may blur the understanding that each of the region’s distinct parts requires for its problems and aspirations.

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Ames, Barry y Margaret E. Keck. "The Politics of Sustainable Development Environmental Policy Making in Four Brazilian States". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, n.º 4 (1998): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166422.

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The term sustainable development has become a catch phrase of the 1990s, a handy slogan for politicians, bureaucrats, environmental activists, multinational aid officials, and even business leaders. Implementing sustainable development policy, however, is no mere technical problem. Indeed, environmental policy making is classically political: a competition among multiple interests with differing goals, resources, tactics, information, and time horizons. Who “sustains” what, for whom, why, and how? These questions underpin any analysis of the politics of environmental policy.Scholars have paid little attention to the political side of environmental policy making in developing countries. Although environmental policy making is often understood as a case of “diffusion,” in which ideas flowed from Western Europe and the United States to the developing world, the acceptance of new ideas is always mediated by local institutions and cultures (Sikkink, 1991). Furthermore, as international linkages have come to involve more and more actors outside foreign ministries, the form of diffusion differs from classic examples like social security policy (Collier and Messick, 1975).

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Gupta, Tanushree, Anindita Jana, Susobhan Maiti y Meenakshi Y. "Gender-Gap in Internet Literacy in India: A State-Level Analysis". Scholars Journal of Economics, Business and Management 10, n.º 09 (24 de octubre de 2023): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjebm.2023.v10i09.002.

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Internet literacy is the knowledge of using internet facility, deals with intellectual ability of men and women. Internet plays very important role in our daily life to live, learn, work in a society to access information, knowledge, entertainment and improve our skills and internet literacy is one of the basic literacy whereas the gender gap is difference between men and Women in social, political, intellectual, cultural, economic attainments’ or attitudes. The present study analyses gender gap in internet literacy in India using National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 5 data employing descriptive statistics, and t test. Study analyses gender gap in internet literacy in all the states of India shows clearly there is considerable level of gender gap among men and women. The finding indicates that just 63.06% of males and 40.65% of females have ever used the internet. Assam has one of the lowest rates of male Internet literacy in India, whereas Goa has one of the highest (82.90). Bihar has the lowest percentage of Internet-literate women, while Sikkim has the most. The gender disparity is most in the state of Telengana, with a score of 30.9, followed by Chhattisgarh (29.6), and it is at its smallest in the state of Sikkim, with a score of 1.5 and the gender difference seems to be more than 20 in the majority of the states.

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Kabyashree Borgohain, Augusty Kashyap, Bishnu Pal Hazarika. "Women, Nation and the State: A study on North- East India with special reference to Manipur." Tuijin Jishu/Journal of Propulsion Technology 44, n.º 3 (31 de octubre de 2023): 3167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/tjjpt.v44.i3.1425.

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North –East India which is considered as the most vulnerable region of India consists of eight states which are Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura ,Manipur and Sikkim. North –East region of India is the home of diverse nationalities and ethnic minorities. The Northeast region of India is a classic example of linguistic and ethno-cultural diversity. Conflicts and ethnic differences are neither new nor unusual in India's northeast. India's Northeast part has been also termed as a minefield of militant activities and a theatre of inferno( Kom,2010). This paper is an attempt to uncover the political history of Manipur and how women become victim of objectification and commodification during any conflicting situations. It is also an effort to reinvestigate the issue of violation of rights of women during political trauma in Manipur and the center’s response to the very issue of the Manipur .

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McDuie-Ra, Duncan y Mona Chettri. "Concreting the frontier: Modernity and its entanglements in Sikkim, India". Political Geography 76 (enero de 2020): 102089. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102089.

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McKay, A. C. "The Establishment of the British Trade Agencies in Tibet: A Survey". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, n.º 3 (noviembre de 1992): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300003023.

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The popular image of pre-1950 Tibet is of a remote land seldom visited by outsiders. But more than a hundred British officials served in Tibet during the early part of this century. Between 1904 and 1947 Agents from the Indian Political Service, and supporting staff, were stationed in Gyantse and Yatung, under the control of the Political Officer in Sikkim. An Agency was also maintained at Gartok in Western Tibet, where a native officer was posted as the Trade Agent. After 1936 a mission was stationed at Lhasa. The last British official in Lhasa, Hugh Richardson, departed in 1950 following the Chinese invasion of Tibet. For the British Trade Agents, an almost forgotten section of British colonial administration in Asia, Tibet was an official posting. Their isolation, and the lack of trade, meant that they had the time to study a variety of aspects of Tibet, and to gain a great knowledge of the country and its people.

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Jodhka, Surinder S. "Sikhism and the caste question: Dalits and their politics in contemporary Punjab". Contributions to Indian Sociology 38, n.º 1-2 (febrero de 2004): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996670403800107.

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Kaur, Surinder. "EQUALITY OF WOMEN IN SIKH IDEOLOGY". JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 6, n.º 2 (27 de diciembre de 2014): 1000–1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v6i2.3468.

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The status of a woman in a society shows the social, cultural, religious and political scenario of that society. The position of the woman has passed many phases. It becomes evident after studying the fundamental teachings of different spiritual traditions that different religions accorded high status to the woman. Through this research paper, an effort has been made to know the status of the woman in Sikhism. For this purpose, Semitic and Aryan religious traditions have been made the foundation to understand the status of the woman prior to the emergence of Sikhism. Misogynistic interpretation of the myth of Adam and Eve in Judeo-Christian and Islamic traditions and Pursha-Prakriti duality in Hindu Sankh philosophy made it clear that it is male chauvinism and misogynistic bent of mind which undermined the role of the woman in those societies. In the fifteenth century, Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism and his successor Sikh Gurus accorded very high status to the woman. Guru Ram Das, fourth Nanak, composed Lavan- the recitation of which became an essential part of the Sikh marriage ceremony. Lawans helped the women to get worthy status with men not only in this world but in spiritual realm also. Women in Sikhism through the institution of marriage regained their lost status. In this research paper, it has been concluded that Eve and Prakriti i.e. women are enabled to play equal and more vibrant role in the socio-religious, political and economic spheres due to the egalitarian and humanistic message of the Sikh Gurus. Sikhism has made it possible to wipe out the gender bias and narrow-mindedness associated with a male dominated society.

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Dukpa, Rinchu Doma, Deepa Joshi y Rutgerd Boelens. "Hydropower development and the meaning of place. Multi-ethnic hydropower struggles in Sikkim, India". Geoforum 89 (febrero de 2018): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2018.01.006.

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Chettri, Mona. "From Shangri-La to de-facto SEZ: Land grabs from ‘below’ in Sikkim, India". Geoforum 109 (febrero de 2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2019.12.016.

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Narzary, Pralip Kumar. "Usual Source of Treatment in Northeast India". Indonesian Journal of Geography 47, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2015): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ijg.6880.

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The northeast India comprises of eight states with great socio-cultural and geo-political diversity. The region is home of several ethnic groups, quite sensitive to illegal immigration and insurgency infected. Thus, an attempt is made to understand how the health seeking behavior varies under such diversity. For the study National Family Health Survey 2005-06 data have been used. Appropriate bi-variate and multi-variate statistical techniques have been applied to draw meaningful conclusions. In entire northeast India, the percentage of households who usually avail treatment from public healthcare centres is much higher than the national average. Dependence on public healthcare centres is highest in Mizoram and Sikkim, followed by Arunachal Pradesh, whereas it is lowest in the state of Nagaland. In all the states main reasons for usually not seeking treatment from public healthcare centres is ‘no facility nearby’, ‘poor quality of care’ and ‘long waiting time’.

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36

Wanchoo, Rohit. "The Question of Dalit Conversion in the 1930s". Studies in History 36, n.º 2 (agosto de 2020): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643020956627.

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In June 1936, the Hindu Mahasabha leader B. S. Moonje and the Dalit leader and trenchant critic of Hinduism Dr B. R. Ambedkar jointly proposed mass conversions of the ‘untouchables’ to Sikhism. According to Ambedkar, if the untouchables converted to Sikhism, they would leave the Hindu religion but not Hindu culture. The untouchable converts to Sikhism would escape caste oppression without getting ‘denationalized’. This initiative provoked a major controversy, and leaders as diverse as M. M. Malaviya, Mahatma Gandhi, M. C. Rajah and P. N. Rajabhoj expressed their views on the subject. This article explores what Ambedkar meant by expressions like ‘de-nationalization’ and ‘Hindu culture’. Malaviya’s anxieties about the weakening of the Hindu community because of this initiative, Rajah’s fear that mass conversions could lead to a Sikh–Hindu–Muslim problem at a national level, Gandhi’s emphasis on spiritual values and the voluntary removal of untouchability in a spirit of repentance, and Tagore’s universalist and humanist attitude towards religion are explored. The complex political and intellectual responses of Hindu and Dalit leaders to the proposed mass conversions to Sikhism in the mid-1930s reveal dimensions not often considered in mainstream narratives about Hindu nationalism or Dalit conversions.

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Hein, Patrick. "The Justice Cascade: How Human Rights Prosecutions are Changing World Politics by Kathryn Sikkink". Human Rights Review 16, n.º 2 (25 de marzo de 2015): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-015-0357-3.

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MEHRA, PARSHOTAM. "In the Eyes of its Beholders: The Younghusband Expedition (1903–04) and Contemporary Media". Modern Asian Studies 39, n.º 3 (julio de 2005): 725–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001489.

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A little over a hundred years ago, on 18 July 1903 to be exact, Francis Younghusband, preceded a few weeks earlier by a small band of officials and an escort of 500 men, crossed the forbidding 17,500 feet high Kangra la and quartered at Khamba Jong, an odd 25 miles inside Tibet. His ostensible objective, to negotiate with officials from the Dalai Lama's administration and those of the Chinese Amban in Lhasa. A number of minor irritants on the Sikkim frontier and alleged Tibetan impediments to cross-border trade were the principal issues that needed to be sorted out. A bipartite conference with the Tibetans, with the Chinese acting as facilitators, it was reasoned, would help find a solution.

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Sangu, Vishal. "“Lost in Translation”: How Colonialism Shaped Modern Sikh Identity". Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion (JBASR) 25 (13 de septiembre de 2023): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18792/jbasr.v25i0.68.

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This article traces the interactions and influence of colonialism on Sikh identity. The specific focus will be between 1870-1920, when Sikh identity was reforming under the Singh Sabha movements. Arguing the “World Religion” understanding of “Sikhism” is a de-political, private, and colonial construct. Focusing on decolonisation of thought and advocating the understanding of Sikhi as a religious-political (Miri/Piri), decolonial, lived identity. This is done through tracing colonial scholarship, Sikh scholarship, and theories and understandings in Religious Studies. Tracing how colonialism affects Sikh identity through primary research focusing on the effects of texts, translations, ideas, language, and understandings from the colonial era and the issues that has for the Sikh diaspora. Arguing the translations of Sikh scriptures by Ernest Trumpp (1877) was catastrophic for understanding Sikh identity. It argues the needed reaction to the defamatory comments made by Ernest Trumpp has led to the modern formation of “Sikhism” in line with the Protestant model of religion. This idea of “Sikhism” is detrimental to Sikh identity as it separates the boundaries between religion and the secular. This article advocates use of a vernacular approach to the study of religion to advocate for decolonisation of Religious Studies through qualitative methods of research, investigating the effects of colonial language and texts of Sikh scriptures has on the Sikh diaspora. Calling for a process of decolonisation through presenting the affects the colonial period has on Sikh religion.

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Flood, Gavin. "Religion and the Specter of the West: Sikhism, India, Postcoloniality, and the Politics of Translation". Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 23, n.º 1 (2011): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006811x549698.

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Nijhawan, Michael. "Religion and the Specter of the West. Sikhism, India, Postcoloniality, and the Politics of Translation". Translation Studies 5, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781700.2012.628820.

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Centeno, Miguel Angel y Sylvia Maxfield. "The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite". Journal of Latin American Studies 24, n.º 1 (febrero de 1992): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00022951.

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Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large extent, this recent literature on technocrats in Latin America fails to address one of the main issues debated in the earlier literature: the political consequences of increasingly technocratic government. A second problem with recent work is that, when it does address causal issues, it tends to follow the functionalist logic of earlier literature. Using data on Mexican political elites, this article develops a new typology which carefully differentiates the new technobureaucratic elite from other elite groups. The aim is to shed new light on the debate over the implications of increasing technocratisation. Secondly, this study of the rise of a new elite emphasises the role of institutional changes within the government bureaucracy in addition to the state's functional response to changes in its politico—economic environment. This article begins with a brief discussion of earlier general — and Mexico—specific — literature on technocrats.Some analysts of technocracy in the 1960s and 1970s saw technocrats as apolitical specialists whose growing role in society heralded ‘an end to ideology’ and increased efficiency in government.4

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Ahmed, Syed Jamil. "When a People Do Not Need to Remember: Witnessing the Death of Pangtoed 'Cham in Sikkim". New Theatre Quarterly 21, n.º 2 (21 de abril de 2005): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x05000047.

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If performance rituals are memories in action, what happens to them when a people no longer need to remember – or it is deemed politically undesirable for them to do so? In the following article, Syed Jamil Ahmed explores the annual performance in the Sikkimese monastery of Pemayangtse, in the shadow of Kanchenjunga, of the ritual of Pang Lhabsol (‘Worship of the Witness Deity’), and specifically of the Pangtoed 'Cham, performed on the final, eighth day in homage and gratitude to the mountain. He examines the complex web of political changes over many centuries which have affected the purpose and enactment of the ritual, and finally offers a detailed account of a single day's performance, in 1999, when the ritual was losing some of its dignity and many of its former trappings. Syed Jamil Ahmed is a director and designer based in Bangladesh, where he is Associate Professor at the Department of Theatre and Music in the University of Dhaka. In 2001–2 he was a visiting faculty member at King Alfred's College, Winchester. He wrote on ‘Decoding Myths in the Nepalese Festival of Indra Jatra’ in NTQ74, and on ‘The Ritual of Devol Medua: Problematizing Dharma in the Ethnic Conflicts of Sri Lanka’ in NTQ76. His full-length publications – Acinpakhi Infinity: Indigenous Theatre in Bangladesh (Dhaka University Press, 2000) and In Praise of Niranjan: Islam, Theatre, and Bangladesh (Dhaka: Pathak Samabesh, 2001) – catalogue the wide variety of indigenous theatre forms in Bangladesh.

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Azura, Amelinda Fairuz y Silvia Dian Anggraeni. "The Strategies of Transnational Advocacy Networks: A Support to Anti-Fracking Movement In The United Kingdom (2013-2019)". Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 2, n.º 1 (5 de junio de 2021): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol2.iss1.2021.54-74.

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The implementation of fracking activities in the United Kingdom that involves the pumping of water, chemicals, and sand underground to explore shale gas has caused several hazardous impacts. This situation has sparked protests from various kinds of demonstrators, both individuals and organizations. In response to the public objection to fracking activities, the British Government tended to fight back against the action. The detention of demonstrators ultimately created a pattern of limited advocacy among the public against the British Government. It has prompted an NGO called Friends of the Earth to start mobilizing these issues to the international realm by promoting principled ideas or norms to form a transnational network, aiming to influence national policy. The authors explain the transnational advocacy network's role in influencing British policy by applying the concept of Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) from Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink. Specifically, the role is analysed based on TAN’s strategies, namely Information Politics, Symbolic Politics, Leverage Politics, and Accountability Politics. The authors also use Constructivism Theory to explain how norms and ideas can influence national policy. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data collection techniques to describe and interpret some relevant phenomena to become an integrated explanation.

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45

Azura, Amelinda Fairuz y Silvia Dian Anggraeni. "The Strategies of Transnational Advocacy Networks: A Support to Anti-Fracking Movement In The United Kingdom (2013-2019)". Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 2, n.º 1 (5 de junio de 2021): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413//jisea.vol2.iss1.2021.54-74.

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The implementation of fracking activities in the United Kingdom that involves the pumping of water, chemicals, and sand underground to explore shale gas has caused several hazardous impacts. This situation has sparked protests from various kinds of demonstrators, both individuals and organizations. In response to the public objection to fracking activities, the British Government tended to fight back against the action. The detention of demonstrators ultimately created a pattern of limited advocacy among the public against the British Government. It has prompted an NGO called Friends of the Earth to start mobilizing these issues to the international realm by promoting principled ideas or norms to form a transnational network, aiming to influence national policy. The authors explain the transnational advocacy network's role in influencing British policy by applying the concept of Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) from Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink. Specifically, the role is analysed based on TAN’s strategies, namely Information Politics, Symbolic Politics, Leverage Politics, and Accountability Politics. The authors also use Constructivism Theory to explain how norms and ideas can influence national policy. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data collection techniques to describe and interpret some relevant phenomena to become an integrated explanation.

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46

S. Judge, Paramjit. "COMMUNITY WITHIN COMMUNITY: POLITICS OF EXCLUSION IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF SIKH IDENTITY". POLITICS AND RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA 7, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2013): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0701075j.

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The article examines the construction of religious identity among the Sikhs from the socio-historical perspective. It has been argued that the Sikh identity was constructed as a result of the colonial intervention in which the emphasis turned to the appearance instead of faith as such. The new identity was a product of the politics of the times and it was perpetuated in order to maintain the hegemonic domination. Sikhism, despite its egalitarian ideology, failed to create a casteless community. Discrimination and exclusion of lower castes continued. An empirical investigation into the conditions and perceptions of the lowest caste, namely Mazhabi clearly demonstrated their exclusion, whereas discourse of equality among the Sikhs is used to create a moral community. Despite the equality of worship among the Sikhs, the Mazhabis at the local level are denied the equal religious rights in the gurdwaras (Sikh temple) owned and controlled by the upper dominant castes. Roots of the exclusion have to be located in the history of the making of the religious community and the way a few castes after benefiting from religious conversion perpetuated the caste-based exclusions.

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Bae, Ihn-gyo. "The aim of North Korea’s Military-first Music Politics －focusing on the Eunhasu(Milky-way) Orchestra－". STUDIES IN KOREAN MUSIC 57 (30 de junio de 2015): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35983/sikm.2015.57.73.

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Shrivastva, Chitresh, Stabak Roy y Dhruv Ashok. "Border Region Railway Development in Sino- Indian Geopolitical Competition". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 79, n.º 2 (junio de 2023): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284231165111.

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India and China share about 3,488 km long International Boundary, which has three sectors: Western, Middle and Eastern. The Eastern sector comprises two Northeastern states, that is, Arunachal Pradesh measuring 1,124 kms and Sikkim measuring 219 kms, respectively. Due to recent changes in the geopolitical relationship with China, border management and transport infrastructure development have occupied centre stage. In recent years, the Government of India has taken initiatives to develop railway infrastructure in Northeast India. The study will focus on the role of railway transportation in Sino-Indian geopolitical competition. The study is based on secondary data collected from the office of General Manager, Northeast Frontier Railway, the Census of India and reports of Memorandums of Understanding between India and China. The study reveals that railway infrastructure along the border creates geo-psychological pressures on both countries, influencing the divergent geopolitical relationship between India and China. Railway diplomacy is a tool kit of critical geopolitics which reveals the contours of geopolitical competition in borderlands.

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Tremlett, Paul-François. "Religion and the spectre of the West: Sikhism, India, post-coloniality and the politics of translation". Culture and Religion 12, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 505–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14755610.2011.626114.

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50

Virgy, Muhammad Arief, Yusa Djuyandi y Wawan Budi Darmawan. "Strategi Jaringan Advokasi Transnasional Greenpeace Indonesia Terkait Isu Deforestasi Hutan Indonesia oleh Wilmar International". Journal of Political Issues 1, n.º 2 (24 de enero de 2020): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/jpi.v1i2.9.

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Greenpeace Indonesia saat ini menyoroti Wilmar Internasional sebagai pelaku deforestasi. Greenpeace Indonesia menekan Wilmar International untuk berkomitmen mengimplementasikan kebijakan No Deforestation, No Peat, No Exploitation (NDPE) mereka lewat pembentukan jaringan advokasi transnasional guna membuat powernya cukup untuk menekan Wilmar International. Lewat metode tersebut, Greenpeace Indonesia berhasil membuat Wilmar International terdesak dan merubah perilakunya. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana strategi Greenpeace Indonesia dalam membentuk jaringan advokasi transnasional hingga jaringan tersebut menekan dan memantau perilaku aktor target melalui teori Transnational Advocacy Network Keck & Sikkink. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Pengumpulan data berasal dari data primer dan sekunder serta pengumpulan data melalui studi kepustakaan dari buku, jurnal dan artikel. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Greenpeace Indonesia sangat optimal dalam melakukan strategi Information Politics dan Leverage Politics. Greenpeace Indonesia memiliki metode yang kreatif dan konfrontatif dalam mengimplementasikan strategi Symbolic Politics. Tetapi kelemahan dari strategi ini yaitu Greenpeace Indonesia terkesan eksklusif dalam melakukan aksi-aksinya oleh NGO lingkungan lain khususnya NGO lingkungan yang basisnya domestik. Kelemahan dari empat strategi ini yaitu Accountability Politics dimana Greenpeace Indonesia tidak memiliki komitmen dari Wilmar International yang memiliki kekuatan hukum mengikat sehingga Greenpeace Indonesia hanya mengandalkan tekanan publik dalam menekan Wilmar International guna berkomitmen menjalankan kebijakan NDPE.

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