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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Politics of location"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 28 de enero de 2023

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1

Ng, Eve y Paula Gardner. "Location, Location, Location? The Politics of ICA Conference Venues". Communication, Culture and Critique 13, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2020): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcaa006.

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2

Cleary, Catherine. "Culture: The Politics of Location". Circa, n.º 68 (1994): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25562658.

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3

Williamson, Thad. "Sprawl, Spatial Location, and Politics". American Politics Research 36, n.º 6 (16 de mayo de 2008): 903–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x08318589.

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4

Sjoberg, Laura. "The Politics of Location and the Location of Politics: Thinking about Feminist Security Studies". International Studies Perspectives 15, n.º 4 (10 de mayo de 2014): 566–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/insp.12075.

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5

Pettman, Jan Jindy. "Towards a (personal) politics of location". Studies in Continuing Education 13, n.º 2 (enero de 1991): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0158037910130206.

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6

Krappala, Mari. "Politics of location - BaltArt in Kaliningrad". Research in Arts and Education 2006, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2006): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54916/rae.118653.

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7

Madhok, Sumi. "A critical reflexive politics of location, ‘feminist debt’ and thinking from the Global South". European Journal of Women's Studies 27, n.º 4 (2 de septiembre de 2020): 394–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506820952492.

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In this article, I raise a question and acknowledge a ‘feminist debt’. The ‘feminist debt’ is to the politics of location, and the question asks: what particular stipulations and enablements does a critical reflexive feminist politics of location put in place for knowledge production and for doing feminist theory? I suggest that there are at least three stipulations/enablements that a critical reflexive politics of location puts in place for knowledge production. Firstly, it demands/enables scholarly accounts to reveal their location within the prevailing entanglements of power relations and to highlight the politics of struggle that underpin these. Secondly, it demands/enables conceptual work from different geographical spaces – and in particular, it facilitates the production of conceptual work in non-standard background contexts and conditions. And finally, a critical reflexive politics of location demands/enables a methodological response to capture the different conceptual and analytical and empirical knowledges produced in different locations.

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8

Moreno, Renee M. ""The Politics of Location": Text as Opposition". College Composition and Communication 54, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2002): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1512147.

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9

Hamidi, Yalda N. "Politics of Location in Persepolis". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 18, n.º 2 (1 de julio de 2022): 238–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-9767870.

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Abstract This article offers a transnational feminist reading of Marjane Satrapi’s graphic novel Persepolis based on the genealogy of politics of location. Articulated by Adrienne Rich in 1984 and criticized and evolved by Karen Caplan, the concept of politics of location provides a framework for rereading the graphic novel that highlights intersectional aspects of identities that appeared in the text. Through this lens this article looks at how Satrapi ties her personal story to the story of other Iranian women and at the nuances of the identities she represents to her Western readers. Notably, the article examines the politics of writing trauma, gender, and race into the text and analyzes the picture of other Iranian women through the mirror of Satrapi’s graphic novel. It argues that in writing Persepolis, Satrapi has made an undeniable contribution to challenging the dominant narratives of nationhood and female citizenship by documenting the trauma of the Iranian Left in the history of the nation. However, because of her specific color-blind politics of race and antireligious politics of gender, her work overlooks some groups of Iranian women’s existence and experiences. Thus this article argues against reading and teaching Persepolis as representative of Iranian women or a universal version of Third World feminism.

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10

박오복. "Adrienne Rich’s Poetry: The Politics of Location". English21 28, n.º 2 (junio de 2015): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2015.28.2.008.

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11

TANESINI, ALESSANDRA. "Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location". Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 77, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2008): 573–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1933-1592.2008.00207.x.

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12

Friedland, Lewis A., Hernando Rojas y Leticia Bode. "Consuming Ourselves to Dearth". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, n.º 1 (3 de octubre de 2012): 280–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212455383.

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This article proposes an agenda for research on the relation of structural inequality to the study of politics and consumption in the field of communication. The authors review evidence for increasing inequality in the United States and argue that (1) consumption choices and desires are strongly constrained by structural location; (2) political beliefs and attitudes are shaped by location in the income or class structure; and (3) consumption as a form of political self-expression or civic identity, for example, boycotting or “buycotting,” is also constrained by economic structural location. Given these propositions, it becomes critical to analytically situate notions of personalization of politics within the context of increasing economic inequality.

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13

McBride, Stephanie. "Film & Television: The Politics of 'On Location'". Circa, n.º 68 (1994): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25562656.

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14

Richardson, Laurel. "The Politics of Location: Where Am I Now?" Qualitative Inquiry 4, n.º 1 (marzo de 1998): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107780049800400103.

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15

Dhareshwar, V. "Marxism, Location Politics, and the Possibility of Critique". Public Culture 6, n.º 1 (1 de octubre de 1993): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-6-1-41.

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16

Walk, Lori L. "Audre Lorde’s Life Writing: The Politics of Location". Women's Studies 32, n.º 7 (octubre de 2003): 815–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497870390236831.

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17

Herrington, Susan. "Meiji-mura, Japan: Negotiating Time, Politics, and Location". Landscape Research 33, n.º 4 (16 de julio de 2008): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01426390801913855.

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18

Butler, A. "New film histories and the politics of location". Screen 33, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 1992): 413–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/33.4.413.

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19

Gregg, Nina. "Politics of Identity/Politics of Location: Women Workers Organizing in a Postmodern World". Women's Studies in Communication 16, n.º 1 (abril de 1993): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07491409.1993.11089768.

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20

Pieterse, Hendrik J. C., Johannes A. Van Der Ven y Jaco S. Dreyer. "Social Location of Transformative Orientations Among South African Youth". Religion and Theology 6, n.º 1 (1999): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00010.

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AbstractIn the previous article we asked the question of to what extent a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region show transformative orientations in the fields of ecology, economics and politics. In this article we deal with the question of what the social location of these transformative orientations is. The more transformatively oriented students are to be found among female, ANCoriented, transethnically directed, postmaterialistic, self-controlling, non-religious, and sometimes Anglican (in each case non-Catholic) students who regard work as something interesting, participate in political communication and consensus building, and see politics and study as a value. Students who favour socio-economic equality more specifically are to be found among the more religiously inspired and motivated students.

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21

Badarevski, Bobi y Xhabir Ahmeti. "Кон Lorraine Code, Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location". Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 6, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2007): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v6i1.207.

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Author(s): Bobi Badarevski | Боби Бадаревски Title (Macedonian): Кон Lorraine Code, Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location Title (Albanian): Për Lorraine Code, Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location Translated by (Macedonian to Albanian): Xhabir Ahmeti Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Winter 2007) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 215-220 Page Count: 6 Citation (Macedonian): Боби Бадаревски, „Кон Lorraine Code, Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 6, бр. 1 (зима 2007): 215-220. Citation (Albanian): Bobi Badarevski, „Për Lorraine Code, Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location“, përkthim nga Maqedonishtja Xhabir Ahmeti, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Winter 2007): 215-220.

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22

Nagib, Lúcia. "Non-Cinema, or The Location of Politics in Film". Film-Philosophy 20, n.º 1 (febrero de 2016): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0007.

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Philosophy has repeatedly denied cinema in order to grant it artistic status. Adorno, for example, defined an ‘uncinematic’ element in the negation of movement in modern cinema, ‘which constitutes its artistic character’. Similarly, Lyotard defended an ‘acinema’, which rather than selecting and excluding movements through editing, accepts what is ‘fortuitous, dirty, confused, unclear, poorly framed, overexposed’. In his Handbook of Inaesthetics, Badiou embraces a similar idea, by describing cinema as an ‘impure circulation’ that incorporates the other arts. Resonating with Bazin and his defence of ‘impure cinema’, that is, of cinema's interbreeding with other arts, Badiou seems to agree with him also in identifying the uncinematic as the location of the Real. This article will investigate the particular impurities of cinema that drive it beyond the specificities of the medium and into the realm of the other arts and the reality of life itself. Privileged examples will be drawn from various moments in film history and geography, starting with the analysis of two films by Jafar Panahi: This Is Not a Film (In film nist, 2011), whose anti-cinema stance in announced in its own title; and The Mirror (Aineh, 1997), another relentless exercise in self-negation. It goes on to examine Kenji Mizoguchi's deconstruction of cinematic acting in his exploration of the geidomono genre (films about theatre actors) in The Story of the Last Chrysanthemums (Zangigku monogatari, 1939), and culminates in the conjuring of the physical experience of death through the systematic demolition of film genres in The Act of Killing (Joshua Oppenheimer et al., 2012).

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23

Lang, James. ""Ecological Thinking: The Politics of Epistemic Location" (Lorraine Code)". Paideusis 16, n.º 3 (22 de octubre de 2020): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1072492ar.

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24

Sepp, Arvi. "Tracking Europe: Mobility, Diaspora and the Politics of Location". Journal of Contemporary European Studies 21, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2013.769790.

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25

Lee, Ena y Bonny Norton. "The English language, multilingualism, and the politics of location". International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 12, n.º 3 (mayo de 2009): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13670050802153285.

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26

Frankenberg, Ruth y Lata Mani. "Crosscurrents, crosstalk: Race, ‘Postcoloniality’ and the politics of location". Cultural Studies 7, n.º 2 (mayo de 1993): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502389300490181.

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27

Vari, Alexander. "Tracking Europe: mobility, diaspora, and the politics of location". Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 9, n.º 2 (junio de 2011): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14766825.2011.552329.

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28

Bonner, Philip. "The Politics of Location and Relocation: Germiston 1942–1960". African Studies 59, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2000): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180020011186.

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29

Gilbert, Melissa R. "The Politics of Location: Doing Feminist Research at “Home”∗". Professional Geographer 46, n.º 1 (febrero de 1994): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.1994.00090.x.

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30

Barreneche, Carlos y Rowan Wilken. "Platform specificity and the politics of location data extraction". European Journal of Cultural Studies 18, n.º 4-5 (16 de junio de 2015): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549415577386.

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31

Rothberg, Michael. "Locating Transnational Memory". European Review 22, n.º 4 (26 de septiembre de 2014): 652–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000441.

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This special issue demonstrates the strengths of a located approach to transnational memory. The issue focuses intensively on Argentina and Spain, but also makes forays into Brazil, France, Germany, Mexico, and Sri Lanka, among other locations. By ‘located’ I do not mean simply ‘local’ – indeed, negotiating the question of the local and its relation to the global is high on the agenda of this special issue. A located approach to transnational memory might take inspiration from the feminist poet and essayist Adrienne Rich’s concept of a ‘politics of location’.1A politics of location does indeed pay rigorous attention to the local – starting from the intimate terrain of the body – but it situates such attention in relation to other scales: from the regional to the national to the global. While Rich’s essay ‘Notes toward a Politics of Location’ does not address the question of memory directly, her famous assertion that ‘a place on the map is also a place in history’ resonates with the stakes of the essays collected here – essays that deal, as does Rich’s ‘Notes’, with the contradictory and intersecting legacies of state-sponsored violence (Ref. 1, p. 212).

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32

Dwyer, Owen J. "Location, Politics, and the Production of Civil Rights Memorial Landscapes1". Urban Geography 23, n.º 1 (febrero de 2002): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.23.1.31.

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33

Kasbarian, John Antranig. "Mapping Edward Said: Geography, Identity, and the Politics of Location". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, n.º 5 (octubre de 1996): 529–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d140529.

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The recent postmodern turn and concomitant reconceptualization of space in social theory have encouraged numerous investigators, cultural theorists especially, to augment, even to replace, material with metaphorical space; one whereby ‘geographical imaginations’ play constitutive roles in space-society relationships. A leading contributor has been Edward Said, who aims at refashioning spatial sensibilities not only in traditional ‘geographic’ terms but in a broader epistemological sense. Committed to transgressing established borders, Said invites us to imagine new topographies, in which units heretofore deemed separate—cultures, professions, realms of experience—become inescapably hybrid and interpenetrating. At the same time, Said's geography can be as opaque as it is suggestive—betraying an eclectic form often left unstituatrd vis-à-vis material practices. I invoke Aijaz Ahmad's work to situate Said's, tracing its affiliations to his trajectories as diasporan intellectual, Palestinian activist, and disciple of European High Philology. Ahmad thereby renders a portrait which is both enabling and self-cancelling, in which Said's generosity, complexity—and untenability—inhere from an unwillingness to vacate any spaces he has occupied; seeking instead to span often irreconcilable positions. Ahmad's stringency, however, fails to acknowledge possibilities inherent in Said's eclecticism; particularly the commitment to build bridges, oppose orthodox rigidities, and gain enrichment from that which one opposes. In this light, I invoke David Harvey's work as emblematic of a growing oeuvre that does not deny postmodernism its radical potential, but instead situates it within a revamped materialism designed to reconnect the Left. Harvey's work represents a serious—though not unproblematic—attempt to rework modernity, viewed here as an unfinished project capable of galvanizing new and varied energies.

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34

Gramich, Katie. "The politics of location: Nadine Gordimer's fiction then and now". Current Writing 17, n.º 2 (enero de 2005): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2005.9678221.

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35

BUSCH, MARC L. y ERIC REINHARDT. "Industrial Location and Voter Participation in Europe". British Journal of Political Science 35, n.º 4 (22 de agosto de 2005): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000360.

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Does the geographic concentration of industry ‘matter’ outside the United States? Observers have long speculated that while geographically concentrated industries may be influential in American politics, this is probably not the case in countries where the electorate votes more as a national constituency. Others disagree, urging that clustered industries have an advantage regardless of how the political map is drawn. We sharpen the terms of debate and weigh in with empirical evidence from a cross-sectional analysis of intended voter turnout in eight member-states of the European Union and a multi-year study of voter turnout in the Netherlands. These tests uniformly show that, across different types of electoral systems, including those in which voters vote as a national constituency, thereby removing any effects of electoral geography per se, workers in traded industries that are physically concentrated are, in fact, substantially more likely to vote than employees in traded but geographically dispersed sectors.

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36

Bhattarai, Umesh K. "Geopolitical Dimension of Nepal and its Impact in South Asia". Journal of International Affairs 1, n.º 1 (3 de octubre de 2016): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v1i1.22641.

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International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics-especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008).

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37

Wells, Chris, Lewis A. Friedland, Ceri Hughes, Dhavan V. Shah, Jiyoun Suk y Michael W. Wagner. "News Media Use, Talk Networks, and Anti-Elitism across Geographic Location: Evidence from Wisconsin". International Journal of Press/Politics 26, n.º 2 (17 de enero de 2021): 438–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220985128.

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A certain social-political geography recurs across European and North American societies: As post-industrialization and mechanization of agriculture have disrupted economies, rural and nonmetropolitan areas are aging and declining in population, leading to widening political and cultural gaps between metropolitan and rural communities. Yet political communication research tends to focus on national or cross-national levels, often emphasizing networked digital media and an implicitly global information order. We contend that geographic place still provides a powerful grounding for individuals’ lifeworld experiences, identities, and orientations to political communications and politics. Focusing on the U.S. state of Wisconsin, and presenting data gathered in 2018, this study demonstrates significant, though often small, differences between geographic locations in terms of their patterns of media consumption, political talk, and anti-elite attitudes. Importantly, television news continues to play a major role in citizens’ repertoires across locations, suggesting we must continue to pay attention to this broadcast medium. Residents of more metropolitan communities consume significantly more national and international news from prestige sources such as the New York Times, and their talk networks are more cleanly sorted by partisanship. Running against common stereotypes of news media use, residents of small towns and rural areas consume no more conservative media than other citizens, even without controlling for partisanship. Our theoretical model and empirical results call for further attention to the intersections of place and politics in understanding news consumption behaviors and the meanings citizens draw from media content.

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38

Bloom, Peter. "Beur Cinema and the Politics of Location: French Immigration Politics and the Naming of a Film Movement". Social Identities 5, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1999): 469–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504639951446.

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39

Kemp, Adriana. "From politics of location to politics of signification: The construction of political territory in Israel's first years". Journal of Area Studies 6, n.º 12 (marzo de 1998): 74–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02613539808455823.

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40

Kirby, Kathleen M. "Thinking through the Boundary: The Politics of Location, Subjects, and Space". boundary 2 20, n.º 2 (1993): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303362.

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41

Kirsch, Gesa E. y Joy S. Ritchie. "Beyond the Personal: Theorizing a Politics of Location in Composition Research". College Composition and Communication 46, n.º 1 (febrero de 1995): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/358867.

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42

Hinton, Peta. "‘Situated Knowledges’ and New Materialism(s): Rethinking a Politics of Location". Women: A Cultural Review 25, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2014): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574042.2014.901104.

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43

Macleod, Catriona Ida, Jabulile Mary-Jane Jace Mavuso, Malvern Chiweshe y Ryan du Toit. "Psychological knowledge production about abortion: the politics of location and representation". BMJ Sexual & Reproductive Health 45, n.º 4 (17 de agosto de 2019): 290–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjsrh-2018-200208.

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BackgroundDespite considerable psychology research being conducted on abortion, there has been no study of the history of psychological knowledge production on the topic. The aim of our research was to analyse journal articles published in English language psychology journals using a politics of location and of representation analytical lens.Study designA systematic search for articles published on abortion in psychology journals from 1960 to 2015 was conducted. A mixed-method approach (content analysis and narrative review) was used to analyse the dataset. Articles were coded according to: decade of publication, region, types of research conducted, and main issues focused on. A narrative review of the dominant issue researched – psychological consequences – in two decades (the 1970s and 2000s) was conducted.ResultsKnowledge production began in the 1970s in most regions featured in the dataset and in the 1990s in South Africa. Research is dominated by quantitative studies conducted in North America and Europe concerning the demarcation of psychological consequences of abortion performed under safe conditions. In the 1970s, abortion was viewed as leading to benign psychological consequences, but by the 2000s traumatology talk was firmly entrenched. Only one article, emanating from South Africa, addressed the question of unsafe abortion.ConclusionsKnowledge production in psychology needs to move beyond a narrow focus on the psychological consequences of abortion and attitudes to abortion. Nuanced, contextualised research of the psychology of both safe and unsafe abortion is necessary.

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44

Neethling, Bertie, Neethling, Bertie. "Names of sport stadiums in South Africa : location, sponsors and politics". Nomina Africana; Journal of African Onomastics 32, n.º 2 (21 de diciembre de 2018): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/na.2018.32.2.4.1328.

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45

Barreneche, Carlos. "Governing the geocoded world: Environmentality and the politics of location platforms". Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 18, n.º 3 (agosto de 2012): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856512442764.

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46

Fay, Michaela. "Book Review: Revisiting Feminist Questions and Collaborations Across Politics of Location". European Journal of Women's Studies 16, n.º 4 (21 de octubre de 2009): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068090160040804.

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47

Grant, Keneshia N. "GREAT MIGRATION POLITICS". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, n.º 1 (2019): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000109.

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AbstractThe Great Migration fundamentally reshaped Northern electorates. Millions of Black voters, who had been unable to vote in the South, became eligible to vote through their resettlement in the North. In many instances, parties and politicians believed that Black voters were the balance of power in elections. This belief led them to change their approaches and make specific appeals to Black voters in an effort to win their support. Although scholars of American politics have revised the dominant narrative about the development of the Democratic Party on issues related to race, they fail to account for the role of Black voters in contributing to the Party’s change. The goal of this work is to describe how the Great Migration influenced Democratic Party interactions with Black voters in presidential elections from 1948–1960. I argue that increasing competition between the Democratic and Republican Parties, coupled with Black migrants’ location in electorally important states, made Black voters an important target of presidential campaign strategy in the post-war era.

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48

Bergère, Clovis. "From Street Corners to Social Media: The Changing Location of Youth Citizenship in Guinea". African Studies Review 63, n.º 1 (25 de abril de 2019): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2019.3.

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Abstract:This study explores social media platforms, Facebook and Twitter in particular, as emergent sites of youth citizenship in Guinea. These need to be understood within a longer history of youth citizenship, one that includes street corners and other informal mediations of youth politics. This counters dominant discourses both within the Guinean public sphere and in academic research that decry Guinean social media practices as lacking, or Guinean youth as frivolous or inconsequential in their online political engagements. Instead, young Guineans’ emergent digital practices need to be approached as productive political engagements. This contributes to debates about African youths by examining the role of digital technologies in shaping young Africans’ political horizons.

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Brown, M. P. "The Work of City Politics: Citizenship through Employment in the Local Response to AIDS". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, n.º 6 (junio de 1994): 873–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a260873.

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In this paper I examine the public sphere as it has come to be theoretically framed in city politics. My focus is on the distinction between citizen and bureaucrat. Working from ethnography and oral histories of individuals involved in AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) issues in Vancouver, I explore the social processes through which citizenship is structured and expressed. Identity politics and the politics of urban services are found to overlap considerably. Specifically, people's paid employment in the state and shadow state is relayed in several ways as one channel for their citizenship. Social and political restructurings in British Columbia concurrent with the AIDS crisis are traced to show how and why some people have come to exercise their politics through their work. The political and theoretical implications of (shadow-)state employment as a location of citizenship are then considered.

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Rose, Gillian. "The Interstitial Perspective: A Review Essay on Homi Bhabha's The Location of Culture". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 13, n.º 3 (junio de 1995): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d130365.

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In this essay the work of Homi Bhabha is discussed. The complexity of Bhabha's writing might be seen as symptomatic of the critically ineffectual obsession with textuality that many geographers have recently criticised. However, I argue that there are a number of reasons for Bhabha's convoluted textual style. I suggest that he is performing a subject position symptomatic of the contradictions of post/colonial discourse, contradictions he is also at the same time analysing. This performance has implications for geographers' current discussions of situated knowledge and self-reflection. It also has implications for the thcorisation of space, because Bhabha argues that the politics of subjectivity arc also the politics of spatiality. The essay ends with a discussion of the relation between Bhabha's politics of subjectivity and the politics of material corporeality.

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