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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Politics of Bengal"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 18 de mayo de 2024

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1

Kanjilal, Dr Amitava. "The Limits of Cultural-Economic Explanations of Ethnic Phenomenon: The Case of West Bengal". Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, n.º 4 (25 de abril de 2023): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060415.

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At the crossroad of seventy-five years of India’s experiment with Democracy, several expressions of ethnic identity politics have bloomed in various parts of the nation. The discontent around the notion of Development being ‘unequal’ and ‘unfair’ to some, demands of separate statehood remain visible with varied strength of organisation. West Bengal was no far from the currents of such demands of smaller states based on the rationale of deprivation on cultural and economic grounds. However, the history of West Bengal depicts that the cosmopolitan development of cultural milieu since 19th Century Bengal Renaissance has been much accommodative and on the contrary on political frontiers Bengal has always unique to stand aside the mainstream politics of nationalism in pre-independence period and in conceiving a provincial government not in political alignment to the political party in the power of the Central Government, that caused major deprivations on economic allocations between the Centre and the State. Therefore, any demand of separate state from West Bengal can be refuted on the essential rationale of cultural cosmopolitanism and economic deprivation of West Bengal by the Central Government. The present paper analyses both these rationale with elaborate reference to scholastic explanations already approached.

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2

Dasgupta, Koushiki. "The Bharatiya Jana Sangh and the First General Election in West Bengal: The Enigma of Hindu Politics in early 1950s". Studies in Indian Politics 8, n.º 1 (2 de mayo de 2020): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020918063.

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The first general elections proved to be a disaster for the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in Bengal in terms of its performance and its failure to make the Hindu Bengalis a consolidated political block. Prior to the election, the party had generated immense hopes and aspirations especially among the refugees from East Bengal. Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the leader of the opposition, appeared to be the sole spokesman of the Bengali Hindus and fought the election with a promise to secure the political fate of the Hindu Bengalis, especially the refugees from East Bengal. But very soon the party lost the essential spirit and enthusiasm to challenge the leftists especially in the refugee constituencies and failed to take a hold over the issues of multiple identities working parallel inside the refugee political space. The Hindu nationalist forces had never been a popular choice in Bengal; however, at least in the decades before partition they managed to make their presence felt in the political mainstream of the province. In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand why the Hindu nationalist parties in general and the Jana Sangh in particular lost its credibility among the Hindu electorate in Bengal after partition.

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3

Morshed, Adnan. "Modernism as Postnationalist Politics:". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2017): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2017.76.4.532.

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After completing architectural studies in the United States in 1952, Muzharul Islam returned home to Pakistan to find the country embroiled in acrimonious politics of national identity. The young architect began his design career in the midst of bitterly divided notions of national origin and destiny, and his architectural work reflected this political debate. In Modernism as Postnationalist Politics: Muzharul Islam's Faculty of Fine Arts (1953–56), Adnan Morshed argues that Islam's Faculty of Fine Arts at Shahbagh, Dhaka, embodied his need to articulate a national identity based on the secular humanist ethos of Bengal, rather than on an Islamic religious foundation. With this iconoclastic building, Islam sought to achieve two distinctive goals: to introduce the aesthetic tenets of modern architecture to East Pakistan and to reject all references to colonial-era Indo-Saracenic architecture. The Faculty's modernism hinges on Islam's dual commitment to a secular Bengali character and universal humanity.

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4

Ruud, Arild Engelsen. "Embedded Bengal? The Case for Politics". Forum for Development Studies 26, n.º 2 (enero de 1999): 235–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.1999.9666111.

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5

Roy, Sarani. "The “kala–admi” and the “golden-haired, fair-complexioned hero”: Racial Othering and the Question of the Aboriginals in the Fairy Tale Collections of Colonial Bengal". Interdisciplinary Literary Studies 25, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2023): 476–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intelitestud.25.4.0476.

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ABSTRACT This article discusses how the representational politics of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Bengali fairy tales was heavily informed by the racial discourses of the time. The racial discourses of colonial Bengal worked in close association with the discourses of anthropology and nationalism. The discourse of ethnographic nationalism prepared the ground for the historical rise of the Hindu, upper-caste, urban, elite, male subjectivity and enabled it to define and “speak” for the so-called “aboriginal” groups in a way that best suited their convenience. The contemporary idea of the “black,” “ugly,”“backward,” and “uncivilized” aboriginals influenced the representation of the rakshasas or the giants in the fairy tales of colonial Bengal. The article analyzes the ways in which the project of fairy tale collection turned into an upper-caste, Hindu, elite discourse in the hands of the Bengali intellectuals, which operated primarily by marginalizing the category of the aboriginals. The article also historically contextualizes the categories of the elite and the aboriginal in connection with the arya-anarya theory of race, popular in nineteenth-century Bengal.

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6

Chowdhury, Namrata. "Engendering Care in the Politics of the East Bengali Refugee Identity: A Reading of Bengal Partition Narratives Through the Lens of Ecological and Culinary Citizenship". Journal of Ecohumanism 3, n.º 1 (4 de enero de 2024): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/joe.v3i1.3075.

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The ‘politics of care’ has become an essential dialectical discourse within the field of ecofeminism with the intervention of theorist Sherilyn Macgregor. The engendering of care has politicized the figure and the status of the woman within and beyond the domestic space. Further, this discourse has gone beyond the cultural domain of domesticity to realign itself with the understanding of care work in the light of ecological citizenship. In the light of this my paper proposes to revisit South Asian partition historiography to look at the figure of the refugee. I wish to look at the Bengal Partition of 1947 and discern how the East Bengali refugee maneuvers their identity vis-à-vis their claim of ecological and culinary citizenship. Sunanda Sikdar’s novel A Life Long Ago, translated by Anchita Ghatak for Penguin and the recipient of the Ananda Puraskar 2010 award, is a memoir that reproduces the anxieties that are part of the division of Bengal and the subsequent interruption, creation, preservation of the notion of citizenship and the instituting and the drawing of the national border that separates India from Bangladesh, erstwhile East Pakistan. Meanwhile, the anthology edited by Bashabi Fraser, Bengal Partition Stories: An Unclosed Chapter, contains multiple stories that problematize the notion of national borders specifically by challenging these political lines vis-à-vis the culinary code. Through selective stories from the anthology mentioned and Sikdar’s memoir, the paper seeks to address the issue of citizenship and national borders through the realm of the kitchen, food consumption and domesticity and how the gastronomic experience is informed by the ecofeminist rhetoric of the ‘politics of care’. I would also look at Bhaswati Gosh’s debut novel Victory Colony 1950, and Madhushree Ghosh’s culinary memoir Khabaar: An Immigrant Journey of Food, Memory, and Family, which threaten and dismantle the gender binaries embedded within the discourse of care politics.

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7

Sarkar, Abhishek. "Rosalind and "Śakuntalā" among the Ascetics: Reading Gender and Female Sexual Agency in a Bengali Adaptation of "As You Like It"". Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 18, n.º 33 (30 de diciembre de 2018): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.18.07.

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My article examines how the staging of gender and sexuality in Shakespeare’s play As You Like It is negotiated in a Bengali adaptation, Ananga-Rangini (1897) by the little-known playwright Annadaprasad Basu. The Bengali adaptation does not assume the boy actor’s embodied performance as essential to its construction of the Rosalindequivalent, and thereby it misses several of the accents on gender and sexuality that characterize Shakespeare’s play. The Bengali adaptation, while accommodating much of Rosalind’s flamboyance, is more insistent upon the heteronormative closure and reconfigures the Rosalind-character as an acquiescent lover/wife. Further, Ananga-Rangini incorporates resonances of the classical Sanskrit play Abhijñānaśākuntalam by Kālidāsa, thus suggesting a thematic interaction between the two texts and giving a concrete shape to the comparison between Shakespeare and Kālidāsa that formed a favourite topic of literary debate in colonial Bengal. The article takes into account how the Bengali adaptation of As You Like It may be influenced by the gender politics informing Abhijñānaśākuntalam and by the reception of this Sanskrit play in colonial Bengal.

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8

ROY, DAYABATI. "Caste and power: An ethnography in West Bengal, India". Modern Asian Studies 46, n.º 4 (4 de noviembre de 2011): 947–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000680.

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AbstractThis paper explores the institution of caste and its operation in a micro-level village setting of West Bengal, an Indian state, where state politics at grass roots level is vibrant with functioning local self-government and entrenched political parties. This ethnographic study reveals that caste relations and caste identities have overarching dimensions in the day-to-day politics of the study villages. Though caste almost ceases to operate in relation to strict religious strictures, under economic compulsion the division of labour largely coincides with caste division. In the cultural–ideological field, the concept of caste-hierarchy seems to continue as an influencing factor, even in the operation of leftist politics.

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9

Dulhunty, Annabel. "The politics of caste in West Bengal". Asian Studies Review 44, n.º 2 (20 de octubre de 2019): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2019.1678368.

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10

Stommes, Drew. "The politics of caste in West Bengal". Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 56, n.º 2 (18 de febrero de 2018): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2018.1435161.

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11

Bose, Neilesh. "Muslim Modernism and Trans-regional Consciousness in Bengal, 1911–1925". South Asia Research 31, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2011): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801103100303.

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Histories of Marxism in South Asia often focus on the great men of colonial Indian politics, such as M. N. Roy, who imagined political futures away from nation or identity, or narrowly on activists like Muzaffar Ahmad, the founder of the Communist Party of India, without consideration of the regional-historical and intellectual contexts out of which such activism and imaginations sprang. Using the Bengali Muslim context of the early twentieth century, this article examines how Muslim activists imagined their identity outside of and beyond normative frameworks such as nation or religious community. This article specifically analyses Samyabadi, a left-oriented journal published in Calcutta from 1922 to 1925, in the larger context of communist developments in Bengal and throughout India. The findings offer exciting support for new research approaches to regional and religious identity in late colonial South Asia.

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12

Cornea, Natasha. "Territorialising control in urban West Bengal: Social clubs and everyday governance in the spaces between state and party". Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, n.º 2 (27 de julio de 2019): 312–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419865753.

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Analysis of politics in urban West Bengal has focussed on the near hegemonic control of political parties and the state on daily life – overlooking or under-accounting for the complex institutional assemblages that shape spaces of the political in daily life. Addressing this empirical gap, this paper examines the role of social clubs, who discursively imagine themselves to be not political in governing the city. I demonstrate the ways that clubs, as a particular socio-cultural institution, territorialise power in order to produce governable space and in turn act as both alternative to the state and party and intermediaries with them. Mobilising evidence from extensive qualitative research on governance in two small cities I seek to complicate and nuance existing narratives on everyday politics, the party and the role of clubs in West Bengal. And in doing so offer theoretical contributions to the ways we understand political subjects and the social production of the heterogeneous overlapping territories of governance that characterise postcolonial cities.

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13

SENGUPTA, JAYANTA. "Nation on a Platter: the Culture and Politics of Food and Cuisine in Colonial Bengal". Modern Asian Studies 44, n.º 1 (23 de noviembre de 2009): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990072.

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AbstractThis paper examines themes related to cooking, food, nutrition, and the relationship between dietary practice and health in late-nineteenth century and early-twentieth century Bengal, and argues that food and cuisine represented a vibrant site on which a complex rhetorical struggle between colonialism and nationalism was played out. Insofar as they carried symbolic meanings and ‘civilisational attributes’, cooking and eating transcended their functionality and became cultural practices, with a strong ideological-pedagogical content. The Bengali/Indian kitchen, so strongly reviled in European colonialist discourses as a veritable purgatory, became a critically important symbolic space in the emerging ideology of domesticity during the colonial period. The gastronomic excesses of gluttonous British officials—crucial in asserting the physical superiority of a ‘masculine’ Raj—became an object of ridicule in Bengali culinary texts, signifying the grossness of a materialistic. The cooking and eating of food thus became deeply implicated in the cultural politics of bhadralok nationalism.

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14

Kashin, Valeriy P. "Mamata Banerjee – the Leader of Bengal". Asia and Africa Today, n.º 8 (2023): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750027142-8.

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The article is written in the genre of a political portrait and dedicated to Mamata Banerjee, West Bengal chief minister and one of the key figures in modern India politics. The formation of Mamata as a person and a political leader, her leadership style, her priorities, the results of her activities and problems related are in the spotlight of the author’s attention. A student activist, a party functionary, a deputy of Lok Sabha, the founder and president of All India Trinamool Congress, a minister of Central Government and then the chief minister of West Bengal are the milestones of her outstanding political biography. Being an irreconcilable opponent of Narendra Modi and as well as of the conservative Bharatiya Janata Party, Mamata Banerji makes efforts to build an alliance between the opposition parties and hopes to lead it to the victory during the parliament election in April-May 2024. However, her initiative faces the resistance of the leaders of certain national and regional political organisations, which see Mamata as their competitor. Mamata Banerjee is still optimistic and continues her tough negotiations with Indian politicians.

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15

Dimeo, Paul. "Football and Politics in Bengal: Colonialism, Nationalism, Communalism". Soccer & Society 2, n.º 2 (junio de 2001): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004850.

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16

Rubin, Olivier. "The Politics of Starvation Deaths in West Bengal". Journal of South Asian Development 6, n.º 1 (abril de 2011): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097317411100600103.

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17

Chakraborty, Aishika. "In Leotards Under Her Sari: An Indian Contemporary Dancer in America". Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2014 (2014): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2014.6.

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Traversing through disparate cultural and geographic frontiers, my paper maps the journey of a Bengali dancer, Manjusri Chaki-Sircar, who travels from India to America via Africa before putting her “roots” finally down in India, exploring the migration of body movements across the world. Spelling a new body politics, her dance inscribes the signature of her-self in moving space(s); weaving varied patterns of life experiences; telling tales of displacements, exodus, and resettlements; and fashioning a glocal perspective of movement in a “global political moment.”Situating Manjusri within a counter-centric discourse, my paper underscores the counter-hegemonic agency of her feminist choreographies that opened up “an other” genre of bodily idiom, turning the flattering feminine performance into a site for cultural politics. From the dynamic landscape of post-partitioned Bengal, I will trace how the idiom evolved, migrated, and altered, changing, by the end of the century, the face of Indian contemporary dance.

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18

Dasgupta, Koushiki. "The Shifting Trajectories of Hindutva: Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Making of a Saffron Wave in Contemporary West Bengal". Studies in Indian Politics 11, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2023): 180–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231203769.

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This article strives to explore the ways in which the politics of Hindutva, as represented by the Sangh Parivar, permeated new organizational and ideological spaces in Bengal following the Lok Sabha election of 2014. The article specifically delves into the case of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha, a significant Hindu spiritual and philanthropic entity in Bengal. The Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Sangh-Parivar represent distinct but interconnected manifestations of the broader Hindutva ideology. With a focus on the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s position on the configuration of Hindutva, this article revolves around deciphering the intricate interplay between religion and politics within the context of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s engagement with the Hindu right-wing organizations. Moreover, the article seeks to unveil how the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s spiritual and cultural visions converged with a strategic political consciousness and potentially paved the way for the emergence of new opportunities for right-wing political forces within the state.

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19

Das, Suranjan. "The 1992 Calcutta Riot in Historical Continuum: A Relapse into ‘Communal Fury’?" Modern Asian Studies 34, n.º 2 (abril de 2000): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0000336x.

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Calcutta's failure to insulate itself from the communal hysteria that plagued the length and breadth of India in the aftermath of the demolition of Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992 came as a rude shock to the city's intelligentsia. True, the Great Calcutta Killing of August 1946 had initiated a vicious circle of communal rioting in the subcontinent climaxing in the ‘truncated settlement’ of 15 August 1947. The events of 1946–47 were viewed by left-wing intellectuals as a defeat of radicalism in post-Second World War Bengal politics. But the structural disarticulation between class and politics experienced during these Partition days was rapidly bridged in the western half of British Bengal that came to form a part of the Indian union. While other regions of India continued to be struck by periodic bouts of Hindu–Muslim violence, West Bengal remained relatively free of the communal virus. Calcutta, its capital city, emerged as the crucible of the country's left and democratic politics.

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20

Saikh, Suraj. "The Changing Role of Politics: A Critical Analysis of the 21st Century Political Party System in West Bengal". International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 12, n.º 9 (5 de septiembre de 2023): 1725–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr23924222028.

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21

Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "The Communal Award of 1932 and its Implications in Bengal". Modern Asian Studies 23, n.º 3 (julio de 1989): 493–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009525.

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The debate over the separate and joint electorates as rival modes of election to the various representative institutions by the British began with the Simla deputation of 1906 and remained controversial until 1947. Not only was the issue controversial in pre-Independent India, but it also raises debates among contemporary historians and political scientists. For John Gallagher, the Communal Award was nothing but ‘a sign of [the] determination [of the British Government] to warp the Indian question towards electoral politics’. While looking into the operational aspect of the Award, Anil Seal, too, has affirmed that ‘by extending the electorate, the imperial croupier had summoned more players to his table’. Looking at the Award from the British point of view, both of them thus arrived at the same conclusions: (a) the Award introduced the native politicians to the sophisticated world of parliamentary politics; and (b) as a result of the new arrangement, as stipulated in the 1935 Act, politics now percolated down to the localities. The available evidence, however, does reveal that the Award and the constitutional rights guaranteed to Indians under the Act were the price the British paid for the continuity of the Indian Empire. What thus appears to be a calculated generous gesture was very much a political expedient. The surrender of power into Indian hands, though at the regional levels, was not welcomed by some senior officers who saw an eclipse of British authority in this endeavour.

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22

Iqbal, Iftekhar. "Cooperative credit in colonial Bengal: An exploration in development and decline, 1905–1947". Indian Economic & Social History Review 54, n.º 2 (abril de 2017): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464617695673.

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The article examines the performance of cooperative credit movement in the last four decades of colonial Bengal. Despite high hopes at the beginning, the cooperative institutions proved unsustainable due to unusually high rate of loan default and consequently failed to play a role in rural wellness as promised. The article argues that the seeds of failure were ingrained in the movement as it was used as a tool to engage and contain nationalist and communist politics in the late colonial environment. The possibility of a successful experiment on the association of a global model of non-firm financial entrepreneurship with forms of local social capital that existed in Bengal was suspended by a political process which aimed at retaining the authority of the colonial state by privileging a select social group. Social capital, the cornerstone of cooperative movement, was ineffective in Bengal because it had to operate on a ground fiercely contested by political capital.

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Laskar, Dr Fakrul Islam. "Impact of Line System on Assam Politics during the Late Colonial Period". Think India 22, n.º 3 (26 de septiembre de 2019): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8082.

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The execution of the Line System in Assam in order to restrict the settlements of immigrant from Bengal was one of the important issues that influenced the Assam politics, most particularly the Muslim politics, during the late colonial period. It was first implemented in 1920 in Nowgong district and also in the Barpeta sub-division of Kamrup district. The Bengali speaking immigrants, mostly peasants, resisted against the Line System designed by the district administration and in that they got the support of the Assam Provincial Muslim League. The provincial league under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani condemned the Line System and protested against its implementation. The Muslim League organized meetings, demonstrations and hartals throughout the province to get it abolished. The indigenous inhabitants, however, strongly advocated the retention of the Line System and demonstrated their support for the Line System.

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24

Paul, Dr Sudeshna. "Birth of a Squatters’ Colony: Revisiting history through refugee narratives". ENSEMBLE 2, n.º 2 (25 de julio de 2021): 272–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0202-a028.

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Squatters’ colonies form essential feature of the social, political, cultural and topographic landscape of West Bengal. ‘Destitution and despair’ of East Bengali Hindu refugees as the ‘impetus behind’ and ‘impervious unity and unanimous struggle’ of refugees as the ‘means for success’ in establishment of these colonies have been part of the official account and popular discourse relating to refugee movement in Bengal. Refugee women’s agency in land grabbing movement and counter-eviction struggle are celebrated as the steps towards shattering the patriarchal demarcation between private and public. Present article offers a micro-sociological study of a squatters’ colony, and based on the narratives of real life experiences of colony-people who lived through the struggle of self-rehabilitation, it tends to highlight the varied nature of needs, perceptions and aspirations of refugees; contest and negotiation of power; conflict and clash between selfish/ egoistic interest and community-centred interest; political battles; and patriarchal exploitation of gender roles that were pervasive in the colony life during those days of self-rehabilitation. It also focuses on how the temptation of generalization in meta-narrative analyses tends to obscure the obvious dynamics of life- cohesion versus conflict, exploitation versus subversion of power-politics within the squatters’ colonies, which micro-level social researches may bring forward and thereby signify the scope for re-writing history.

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Munshi, Arijit. "Identity Politics and Distribution of Power: A Contemporary Study of Coochbehar". IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 5, n.º 3 (10 de enero de 2017): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v5.n3.p13.

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<p><em>Contemporary India has experienced several movements. Separate state movement(s) is one of them by a particular community, Rajbanshi. Generally this movement has started to get a specific identity of the community. From the late nineteenth century it was started by a leader called Panchanan Burma. Slowly this movement has mixed with Indian national politics. And now it has taken an important role in contemporary parliamentary vote politics. To ensure the political stand the upper strata of leaders of Rajbanshi separate state movement have sketched their parties (political and non-political) in the northern districts of West Bengal and adjacent part of Assam. There are many political parties and associations within ‘the movement’. These parties and associations are – Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA), Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA, it is a political party), Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) and Greater Coochbehar Democratic Party (GCDP). </em></p><em> The present paper wishes to explore the facts of contemporary identity politics of Rajbanshis in Coochbehar and also highlights the distribution of power within the political and non-political parties or association in the region. Data has been collected from ten villages selected from the Coochbehar district during 2010 to 2016. Secondary data was also used. Section I deals with regional identity and power. Section II deals with political parties or associations and their structural formation which helps them to establish this regional identity in recent times. Section III deals with politics of forum and also highlights the fact of distribution of power within the northern districts of west Bengal.</em>

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CHOKSI, NISHAANT. "From Language to Script: Graphic practice and the politics of authority in Santali-language print media, eastern India". Modern Asian Studies 51, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2017): 1519–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000470.

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AbstractThis article discusses the way in which assemblages of technologies, political institutions, and practices of exchange have rendered both language and script a site for an ongoing politics of authority among Santals, an Austro-Asiatic speaking Adivasi (Scheduled Tribe) community spread throughout eastern India. It focuses particularly on the production of Santali-language print artefacts, which, like its dominant language counterparts, such as Bengali, has its roots in colonial-era Christian missions. However, unlike dominant languages, Santali-language media has been characterized by the use of multiple graphic registers, including a missionary-derived Roman script, Indic scripts such as Devanagari and Eastern Brahmi, and an independently derived script, Ol-Chiki. The article links the history of Santali print and graphic practice with assertions of autonomy in colonial and early post-colonial India. It then ethnographically documents how graphic practices, in particular the use of multiple scripts, and print technologies mediate a contemporary politics of authority along vectors such as class and generation within communities that speak and read Santali in the eastern state of West Bengal, India.

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27

Guha, Ayan. "Book Review: Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal and Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016". Studies in Indian Politics 9, n.º 1 (27 de mayo de 2021): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023021999218.

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Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal. New Delhi, India: Sage. 2020. 255 pages. ₹1,195. Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016. New Delhi, India: Routledge. 2020. 221 pages. ₹995.

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28

Greenough, Paul y Sugata Bose. "Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure, and Politics, 1919-1947". American Historical Review 93, n.º 4 (octubre de 1988): 1101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863656.

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29

Kopf, David y Sugata Bose. "Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, n.º 2 (1988): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204721.

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Roy, Rajat. "Namasudra Literature and the Politics of Castein West Bengal". Sanglap: Journal of Literary and Cultural Inquiry 06, n.º 01 (2019): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35684/jlci.2019.6107.

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Kumar, Anand. "Impact of West Bengal Politics on India–Bangladesh Relations". Strategic Analysis 37, n.º 3 (mayo de 2013): 338–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2013.782663.

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AIYAR, SANA. "Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43". Modern Asian Studies 42, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2008): 1213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003022.

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AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.

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33

Idris, Murad. "The Politics of What Is Islam?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2020): 198–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8186203.

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Abstract This essay analyzes the role of politics and power in Shahab Ahmed's What Is Islam? It is framed around three questions: (1) What kind of question is “What is Islam?”—or rather, for whom is this a question, and from which spaces and out of which times does it arise? (2) Who is the Muslim subject foregrounded in this book, and what are this Muslim's political and theological commitments? (3) What relations of power are embedded in the elevation of the “Balkans-to-Bengal complex” as the normative temporal-geographic entity?

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34

Hossain, Md Kohinoor. "Influence of Religiopoliticology and Duressed Womankind: Perspective Bangladesh". International Journal of Islamic Business & Management 2, n.º 2 (17 de diciembre de 2018): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijibm.v2i2.217.

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The world is continuing at its own orbiting and fugitive for the adamboma or bomb of Adam in the womankind and mankind, who are classified into the four generations, and they are religious world, nonreligious world, scientist world and humanitarian world but the people of Bangladesh are in the same kind like the world people to find out God and how they use religions, which is that have discussed by this paper. Bangladesh is a land of ice-aged. It has ancient beliefs, fear, and faiths, which are convinced on the inter-ward eyes, concise and understanding. The original people of her are Non-Aryan. Aryans come to here from the Persian and Middle East countries in the caravan of the rules of the chronology, many foreigners who come to Bengal, they are Greeks, Europeans, and Africans, all of them capture Bengali and they rule Bengal. They snatch away their own land, language, culture, economics, politics, beliefs, and love-nets. Here makes up all official religions, someone is downtrodden by them who remake apartheid in the society of Bengal, this is why they are de-throne from their own land, and they try to live as a freedom where they make up folk-religions. Bengalees learn the foreigners’ religions and they convert into these official religions. The rulers of Bengal rule them as following the religious doctrines only for getting votes when they need to play political power playing and that is why they use them. They use many styles of God theory. The Bengalees, they can how to use the orders of God that will be sought out in this paper. This paper seeks that how the cultic dynamics radicalization runs in Bangladesh and what is the best concept of God in Bangladesh. All people live in equal in the land of God in Bangladesh that empirically applies, for the globe.

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SARKAR, ABHIJIT. "Fed by Famine: The Hindu Mahasabha's politics of religion, caste, and relief in response to the Great Bengal Famine, 1943–1944". Modern Asian Studies 54, n.º 6 (14 de febrero de 2020): 2022–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000192.

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AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for political purposes. The party portrayed Muslim food officials as ‘saboteurs’ in the food administration, alleged that the Muslim League government was ‘creating’ a new group of Muslim grain traders undermining the established Hindu traders, and publicized the government's failure to avert the famine to prove the economic ‘unviability’ of creating Pakistan. This article also explores counter-narratives, for example, that Hindu political leaders were deliberately impeding the food supply in the hope that starvation would compel Bengali Muslims to surrender their demand for Pakistan. The politics of religious conversion played out blatantly in famine-relief when the Mahasabha accused Muslim volunteers of converting starving Hindus to Islam in exchange for food, and demanded that Hindu and Muslim famine orphans should remain in Hindu and Muslim orphanages respectively. Finally, by dwelling on beef consumption by the army at the time of an acute shortage of dairy milk during the famine, the Mahasabha fanned communal tensions surrounding the orthodox Hindu taboo on cow slaughter.

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Pal, Satanik. "Book review: Ayan Guha, The Curious Trajectory of Caste in West Bengal Politics: Chronicling Continuity and Change". South Asia Research 43, n.º 2 (julio de 2023): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02627280231165801.

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BASU, SUBHO. "The Paradox of Peasant Worker: Re-conceptualizing workers’ politics in Bengal 1890–1939". Modern Asian Studies 42, n.º 1 (enero de 2008): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700279x.

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AbstractThis essay explores labor politics in Bengal in the period between 1890 and 1939. It investigates numerous supposed paradoxes in labor politics such as the coexistence of intense industrial action marked by workers’ solidarity and communal rioting between Hindus and Muslims, labor militancy and weak formal trade union organization. In existing historiography, these paradoxes are explained through a catch all phrase ‘peasant worker’—a concept that perceives Indian workers as not fully divorced from rural society and thus were susceptible to fragmentary pulls of natal ties that acted as a break on the emergence of class consciousness. In contradistinction to such historiography this paper argues that religion, language and region did not always act as a break on workers’ ability to unite. It demonstrates that workers’ politics was informed and influenced by notions of customary rights based on mutuality of shared interests at workplaces. When workers perceived that management violated such customary rights, they formed alliances among themselves and engaged in militant industrial action. In such circumstances, workers’ natal ties assisted in producing solidarities. By drawing upon Chandavarkar's works, this essay accords importance to the contingency of politics in the making and unmaking of alliances among workers and thus argues that in different political circumstances religious or other forms of natal ties acquired different meanings to different groups of workers.

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Sengupta, Debjani. "The dark forest of exile: A Dandakaranya memoir and the Partition’s Dalit refugees". Journal of Commonwealth Literature 57, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2022): 520–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219894221115908.

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The Partition of India in 1947 has often been studied through the lenses of territoriality, communal identity, and the high nationalist politics of the attainment of the two nation-states of India and Pakistan. However, the history of nation-making is inextricably linked with the account of Dalit communities in divided Bengal, their aspirations and arrival in West Bengal, and their subsequent exile outside the newly formed state to a government-chosen rehabilitation site called Dandakaranya in central India. From the 1950s, the Dalit population of East Pakistan began migrating to West Bengal in India following their leader Jogendra Nath Mandal who had migrated earlier. Subsequently, West Bengal saw a steady influx of agriculturalist Dalit refugees whose rehabilitation entailed a different understanding of land resettlement. Conceived in 1956, the Dandakaranya Project was an ambitious one-time plan to rehabilitate thousands of East Bengali Namasudra refugees outside the state. Some writings on Dandakaranya, such as those by Saibal Kumar Gupta, former chairman of the Dandakaranya Development Authority, offer us a profound insight into the plight of Dalit refugees during post-Partition times. This article explores two texts by Gupta: his memoir, Kichu Smriti, Kichu Katha, and a collection of essays compiled in a book, Dandakaranya: A Survey of Rehabilitation. Drawing on official data, government reports, assessments of the refugee settlers, and extensive personal interaction, Gupta evaluates the demographic and humanitarian consequences of the Partition for the Dalit refugees. These texts represent an important literary archive that unearths a hidden chapter in the Indian Partition’s historiography and lays bare the trajectory of Scheduled Caste history understood through the project of rehabilitation and resettlement in independent India.

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Geetha V. "Book review: Dwaipayan Sen, The Decline of the Caste Question: Jogendranath Mandal and the Defeat of Dalit Politics in Bengal". Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, n.º 4 (octubre de 2019): 519–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619877531.

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40

Basu, Koyel. "Human Rights in West Bengal: Politics of Violence and Domination". Journal of Politics and Governance 6, n.º 4 (2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-8023.2017.00020.1.

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41

Chakrabarty. "Romantic Archives: Literature and the Politics of Identity in Bengal". Critical Inquiry 30, n.º 3 (2004): 654. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344402.

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Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. "Partition and the Ruptures in Dalit Identity Politics in Bengal". Asian Studies Review 33, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2009): 455–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820903363736.

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43

Broomfield, John. "The Frustration of the Bhadralok: Pre-Independence Politics in Bengal". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 39, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2016): 217–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2016.1124230.

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Ray, Utsa. "The body and its purity: Dietary politics in colonial Bengal". Indian Economic & Social History Review 50, n.º 4 (octubre de 2013): 395–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464613502413.

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Chatterjee, Kumkum. "Trade and Darbar Politics in the Bengal Subah, 1733–1757". Modern Asian Studies 26, n.º 2 (mayo de 1992): 233–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0000977x.

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The history of India's trade has attracted the attention of researchers for several decades now. But in the seventies and eighties our knowledge of the history of India's trading world has been especially enriched by a spate of literature on the subject. Among the issues that have received special attention from historians, the relationship between merchants and politics must be singled out as a theme that has recurred in the investigations and analyses of scholars. This issue of the connection between merchants and politics has yielded different conclusions depending on the regional and chronological dimensions of each study, as well as on the specific circumstances that molded the history of the regions that have figured in studies of Indian trade history.

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46

Chatterjee, Elizabeth. "The politics of electricity reform: Evidence from West Bengal, India". World Development 104 (abril de 2018): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.11.003.

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47

Sivaramakrishnan, K. "The Politics of Fire and Forest Regeneration in Colonial Bengal". Environment and History 2, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 1996): 145–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734096779522338.

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48

Chakrabarty, Dipesh. "Romantic Archives: Literature and the Politics of Identity in Bengal". Critical Inquiry 30, n.º 3 (marzo de 2004): 654–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/421165.

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Chakrabarti, Bhaskar. "Decentralisation and the Politics of Water Allocation in West Bengal". Journal of South Asian Development 8, n.º 1 (abril de 2013): 01–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174113476993.

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50

Abraham, Jose. "European Trade and Colonial Conquest (vol. 1)". American Journal of Islam and Society 23, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2006): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1647.

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European Trade and Colonial Conquest is authored by Biplab Dasgupta, arenowned political and social activist from Calcutta who taught economics atCalcutta University and was a member of the Parliament of India for severalyears. He has authored many books on various aspects of India’s socioeconomicand political life in the post-independence era, such as the oil industry,the Naxalite movements, trends in Indian politics, labor issues and globalization,agrarian change and technology, rural change, urbanization, and migration.The present book primarily focuses on the evolution of Bengal’s economyand society over the precolonial period, beginning from prehistoric days.Even though there are writings on Bengal’s colonial history, we know verylittle about its precolonial past except for the names of kings, the chronologyof dynasties, and scattered references to urban settlements.Dasgupta shows a specific interest in highlighting the socioeconomichistory of the last two and half centuries, from Vasco de Gama’s journey toIndia in 1498 to the battle of Palashi in 1757. The author asserts that heexplores in detail the socioeconomic and political context of Bengal thatfacilitated the transfer of power to European hands, because historians generallyignore this rather quite long and critical period. He, therefore, commentsthat this is “less a book on pre-colonial Bengal” and more a book onEuropean trade and colonial conquest (p. vii). The book explains howEuropean commercial enterprise in Bengal gathered political power throughits control over trade and gradually transformed itself into a colonial power.Although the Mughals held political power during this period, the economicpower and control of the Indian Ocean trade routes were gradually slippinginto European hands.It is believed that Clive’s victory at the battle of Palashi led to the colonialconquest of Bengal. However, focusing on Bengal’s socioeconomic ...

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