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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Politicisation"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 9 de marzo de 2023

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1

Beblavy, Miroslav, Emilia Sicakova-Beblava y Darina Ondrusova. "He Who Appoints the Piper: Understanding Reasons and Implications of Agency Management “Politicisation” in Slovakia". NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 5, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10110-012-0008-x.

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Summary / Abstract Discussion of politico-administrative relations as well as the research on agencies generally treats the “politicisation” of agency management as a single, “black-box” concept, according to which agency managements (and other senior civil servants) are either political or not. Our paper shows that, using a strict, but widely applied definition of what constitutes a political appointment, agency heads in Slovakia are overwhelmingly “political”, but that the implications of politicisation vary, depending on the type of politicisation. In particular, we distinguish personal nominations of the responsible minister and contrast them with party nominations based on coalition agreements. Based on a series of interviews with senior policy-makers on both sides of the politico-administrative divide, we show that the selection mechanism, incentive structure and robustness of actual accountability mechanisms differs more between these two types of politicisations than between the ministerial and formally “non-political” appointment.

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2

Palonen, Kari, Claudia Wiesner, Veith Selk, Niilo Kauppi, Hans-Jörg-Trenz, Claire Dupuy, Virginie Van Ingelgom y Philip Liste. "Rethinking Politicisation". Contemporary Political Theory 18, n.º 2 (28 de mayo de 2019): 248–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-019-00326-y.

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3

Baxter, K. P. "POLITICISATION — RESPONSIVENESS". Australian Journal of Public Administration 50, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1991): 279–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1991.tb02282.x.

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4

Smyth, Jim. "Decades of Politicisation". Irish Review (1986-), n.º 11 (1991): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735633.

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5

Pulkkinen, Tuija. "Emancipation and Politicisation". Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 19, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.19.1.1.

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6

Ellyatt, Wendy. "Politicisation of childhood". Early Years Educator 13, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2011): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/eyed.2011.13.5.8.

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7

Tinker, Anthony y Aida Sy. "Politicisation of the professions". International Journal of Economics and Accounting 8, n.º 1 (2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijea.2017.084866.

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8

Sy, Aida y Anthony Tinker. "Politicisation of the professions". International Journal of Economics and Accounting 8, n.º 1 (2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijea.2017.10005920.

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9

Palonen, Kari, Claudia Wiesner, Veith Selk, Niilo Kauppi, Hans-Jörg-Trenz, Claire Dupuy, Virginie Van Ingelgom y Philip Liste. "Correction to: Rethinking Politicisation". Contemporary Political Theory 19, n.º 3 (22 de julio de 2019): 549–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-019-00339-7.

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10

Hawthorne, Lesleyanne. "The politicisation of English". Australian Review of Applied Linguistics. Series S 13 (1 de enero de 1996): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.13.02haw.

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Abstract The past decade in Australia has been characterised by a striking growth in the application of language testing, frequently in contexts governed by macro-political pressures. Despite this, the literature to date has rarely placed its first emphasis on the pragmatic considerations which typically give rise to test development, and impact on test design as well as administration outcomes. To illustrate the significance of this, this chapter explores the recent pressures surrounding the evolution and implementation of the Special Test of English Proficiency (step test) – a form of ESL testing designed not merely to assess linguistic competence, but to play a central role in the determination of residential status for substantial numbers of asylum seekers.

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11

Dahlen, Hannah G. "The politicisation of risk". Midwifery 38 (julio de 2016): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.midw.2016.05.011.

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12

Ross, Gavin, Alison Macfarlane, Derek Cook y Norman Vetter. "POLITICISATION OF HEALTH STATISTICS". Lancet 325, n.º 8438 (mayo de 1985): 1158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(85)92459-6.

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13

Atkinson, Rodney. "The Politicisation of Banking". Economic Affairs 5, n.º 3 (abril de 1985): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.1985.tb01085.x.

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14

Dennison, S. R. "The Politicisation of Banking". Economic Affairs 5, n.º 3 (abril de 1985): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.1985.tb01090.x.

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15

Stavrakakis, Yannis. "Challenges of Re-politicisation". Third Text 26, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2012): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2012.712771.

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16

Aggestam, Karin y Annika Bergman Rosamond. "Re-politicising the Gender-Security Nexus: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy". Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.02.

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Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is founded on the broad idea that gender equality is central to security. This article focuses on how the politicisation of this gender-security nexus is discursively articulated and practiced in the case of feminist foreign policy. The problematic is unpacked by analysing the politicisation of the women, peace and security agenda and global gender mainstreaming. To empirically illustrate the gender-security nexus more specifically, we analyse how these politicisation processes are reflected in Sweden’s support for global peace diplomacy and gender protection. The article concludes by offering three final remarks. First, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is an expression of several, at times competing, forms of political rationality. Second, while the fluctuation between de-politicisation and re-politicisation of security may seem productive in terms of policy outcome it can also create contradictions and ambiguities in regards to feminist foreign policy practice. One such outcome is the tendency to conflate gender and women across a number of de-politicised policy initiatives launched by the Swedish government. Third, the re-politicisation and contestation of the gender-security nexus is likely to increase in the coming decades because of shifting global power configurations in the global world order.

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17

Dubois, Antonin. "Die Grenzen der Politisierung". Vierteljahrschrift f??r Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 107, n.º 3 (2020): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2020-0009.

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18

García, María. "Slow Rise of Trade Politicisation in the UK and Brexit". Politics and Governance 8, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2020): 348–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2737.

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Since the Brexit referendum, the UK government has deployed a vision of ‘Global Britain’ revolving around trade agreements, yet, this was not a key issue in the referendum. Drawing on politicisation literature, we explore the absence of visible activism around future trade policy, in contrast to moderate activity around the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). We identify actors in UK TTIP mobilisation and trace their actions post-referendum, revealing politicisation as campaigners participate in channels for attempting to influence future UK trade policy. In the presence of these channels and lack of full clarity on future policy, to date, recourse to visible mobilisation in the public space has not yet occurred. Tracing this dynamic process, intertwining Brexit and trade policy, enables us to understand how politicisation of one process affects another. Crucially, given the context of re-nationalisation of trade policy, it allows us to explore how politicisation is operationalised in the absence of one of the key conditions for politicisation suggested in the literature: the transfer of authority to a more remote level of governance.

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19

Moerland, Anke y Clara Weinhardt. "Politicisation ‘Reversed’: EU Free Trade Negotiations with West Africa and the Caribbean". Politics and Governance 8, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2020): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2680.

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The politicisation of recent European Union (EU) trade negotiations such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership or the Comprehensive and Economic Trade Agreement suggests that the more negotiations focus on deep integration issues, the higher the potential for polarization of values and interests. Yet, as we argue, this pattern does not necessarily hold true in EU trade negotiations with the developing world. In the case of the Economic Partnership Agreements with West Africa and the Caribbean region, the pattern of politicisation was ‘reversed’: Politicisation remained low in the Caribbean region, despite the inclusion of deep integration issues. To the contrary, negotiations became highly politicised in West Africa, where negotiations focussed on the traditional realm of trade in goods. Combining the insights from the literature on the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in trade policy-making in developing countries and on politicisation, we show that limited pre-existing mobilisation resources of NSAs, and few opportunities to engage with the political level of negotiations, imply that those affected by the inclusion of deep integration issues hardly mobilise. We also find that lack of technical expertise and the significance of traditional trade areas pre-empts NSAs from engaging in emotive framing on deep integration issues. This helps us to unpack the different patterns of politicisation across both regions: Politicisation in West Africa was facilitated by civil society actors who—in contrast to the Caribbean region—could draw on pre-existing networks, expertise, and direct access to the regional negotiation level.

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20

de Londras, Fiona. "Politicisation, Law and Rights in the Transnational Counter-Terrorism Space: Indications from the Regulation of Foreign Terrorist Fighters". Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.06.

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Since 2001 a transnational counter-terrorism space has emerged that is vast in its scale and ambition and which can be discerned at both ‘universal’ (i.e. United Nations) and regional (e.g. European Union) levels, as well as in other formal and informal international organisations (for example the G7 and the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum). This article explores the question of politicisation within that transnational counter-terrorism space, and the potential for meaningful politicisation in respect of initiatives and measures emanating from transnational processes. Taking the example of ‘foreign terrorist fighters’ it argues that a shift in arena to the transnational counter-terrorism space has fundamentally challenged the capacity for effective and meaningful politicisation; that the transnational counter-terrorism space can be depoliticised by design, that where this happens the domestic counter-terrorism space is depoliticised by implication, and that the legal benefits of politicisation may thus be lost to the detriment of rights, legality and accountability.

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21

Neuhold, Christine y Guri Rosén. "Introduction to “Out of the Shadows, Into the Limelight: Parliaments and Politicisation”". Politics and Governance 7, n.º 3 (27 de septiembre de 2019): 220–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2443.

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The Lisbon Treaty gave the European Parliament extensive new powers and its consent is now required for the vast majority of EU international agreements. At the same time, national parliaments—and even regional ones—are increasingly asserting their powers over areas of European governance that were traditionally dominated by the executive. Exerting influence and conducting oversight is time-consuming, however. Particularly at the EU-level parliaments cannot influence or scrutinise every policy dossier with equal rigour. A key factor directing parliamentary attention seems to be the ‘politicisation’ of an issue. In other words, the amount of contestation and attention given to a particular issue seems to affect parliamentary activity. This thematic issue seeks to assess <em>how</em> politicisation affects the role parliaments play within the system of EU governance. In particular, the contributions aim to answer the over-arching question of whether politicisation has an impact on how parliaments seek to influence policy-making and hold the EU executives to account. Furthermore, we raise the question of whether and how politicisation affects the role of parliaments as arenas for contestation and communication of different political interests. Jointly, the findings provide the empirical foundations for a more comprehensive debate regarding the democratic implications of politicisation. Politicisation puts pressure on parliaments to act, but parliamentarians themselves may also find it in their interest to instigate contestation. This thematic issue addresses these questions by shedding light on both the European Parliament and national parliaments and examines different policy-fields reaching from climate change and trade, to financial affairs and the Common Fisheries Policy.

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22

Allen, Frank. "The Politicisation of School Governors". Management in Education 9, n.º 3 (junio de 1995): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089202069500900314.

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23

Menger, Pierre-Michel. "Art, Politicisation and Public Action". Annual Review. Debats. Revista de Cultura, Poder i Societat 1 (15 de diciembre de 2016): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2016-8.

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24

Green, D. P. "THE POLITICISATION OF FUTURES PROJECTS". Prometheus 3, n.º 2 (diciembre de 1985): 222–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08109028508628992.

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25

Franchino, Fabio y Camilla Mariotto. "Politicisation and economic governance design". Journal of European Public Policy 27, n.º 3 (25 de febrero de 2020): 460–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1712456.

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26

Neal, Andrew W. "Parliamentary Security Politics as Politicisation by Volume". Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.04.

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The assumption that the policy area of security has depoliticising effects has diverted attention from the diverse ways in which parliamentarians are increasingly active on security. This development represents a shift away from the traditional executive-dominated security state and a challenge to security theories that assume security to be characterised by depoliticisation in the form of democratic marginalisation. The security literature assumes parliaments to be at worst irrelevant and at best a variable affecting the decisions of states, governments, and leaders. Analysing the work of UK parliamentary committees from the 1980s to the present, this article presents an original understanding of politicisation that subverts this view. This is politicisation by volume – increased amounts of parliamentary activity – in contrast to the more usually understood qualitative forms of politicisation such as increased polarisation, controversy or contestation (although the different forms of politicisation are not mutually exclusive). The article finds that parliamentary committee activity on security has increased from a base of almost nothing in the 1980s and before to regular and broad engagement in the present.

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27

Pircher, Brigitte y Mike Farjam. "Oppositional voting in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019: Evidence for differentiated politicisation". European Union Politics 22, n.º 3 (26 de abril de 2021): 472–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211004754.

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This article presents a new and previously unchartered dataset on roll call votes for all 28 member states in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019 and studies the effects of politicisation on governments' oppositional voting in the different policy areas. We contribute to the literature with two main findings. First, our study provides strong evidence for bottom-up politicisation, where Euroscepticism and the left-right positions of national political parties strongly affect governments' voting in the Council. Second, we provide new evidence for a form of differentiated politicisation where ideological standpoints of political parties in government and opposition have different effects on oppositional voting in the various policy areas.

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28

Rosén, Guri. "Proving Their Worth? The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Members of the European Parliament". Politics and Governance 7, n.º 3 (27 de septiembre de 2019): 266–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2225.

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Recent trade negotiations in the EU have provoked unprecedented levels of controversy, in particular the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the US. One crucial channel for public contestation is the European Parliament (EP) which, following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, has to give consent to international agreements. Thus, this article sets out to answer the question: During the dispute over TTIP, did members of the EP (MEPs) engage in the public debate, and if so, how? If they engage in debates, what characterises their engagement: Do they engage with voter concerns, do they engage in a responsive manner, and do they contribute to politicisation as quite a few feared? Building on an analysis of newspaper coverage and plenary debates in the EP, the article shows that many supporters of TTIP attempted to de-politicise the debate, while opponents most frequently evoked ‘the voice of the people’ to politicise TTIP. Thus, MEPs do not only respond to politicisation, they also attempt to make politicisation happen by evoking public concerns. The article highlights the multifaceted relationship between responsiveness and politicisation, where claims responding to voter concerns, are used both to incite contestation and alleviate it.

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29

Connelly, James. "Politicisation and Political Participation: Beyond Apathy". Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 5, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2001): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.5.1.7.

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30

Ware, Thuvaraka. "Viewpoint: The politicisation of a generation". British Journal of General Practice 66, n.º 645 (31 de marzo de 2016): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3399/bjgp16x684529.

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31

Renz, Bettina. "Russian ‘Hybrid Warfare’: Resurgence and Politicisation". RUSI Journal 164, n.º 3 (16 de abril de 2019): 70–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2019.1643542.

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32

Mueller, Wolfgang. "Russian ‘Hybrid Warfare’: Resurgence and Politicisation". Journal of Slavic Military Studies 33, n.º 3 (2 de julio de 2020): 480–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2020.1824099.

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33

Galeotti, Mark. "Russian ‘hybrid warfare’: resurgence and politicisation". International Affairs 94, n.º 5 (1 de septiembre de 2018): 1197–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy160.

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34

Geukjian, Ohannes. "Russian Hybrid Warfare. Resurgence and Politicisation". Europe-Asia Studies 72, n.º 5 (27 de mayo de 2020): 918–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1764765.

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35

Jasper, Scott. "Russian hybrid warfare: resurgence and politicisation". Small Wars & Insurgencies 30, n.º 2 (23 de febrero de 2019): 482–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2018.1546580.

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36

Schimmelfennig, Frank. "Politicisation management in the European Union". Journal of European Public Policy 27, n.º 3 (25 de febrero de 2020): 342–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1712458.

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37

De Maesschalck, Filip. "The Politicisation of Suburbanisation in Belgium". Urban Studies 48, n.º 4 (15 de julio de 2010): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098010366764.

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38

Pillay, Suren. "Colonialism and the politicisation of difference". Settler Colonial Studies 5, n.º 2 (15 de agosto de 2014): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2014.934500.

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39

Weller, Patrick. "POLITICISATION AND THE AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC SERVICE". Australian Journal of Public Administration 48, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1989): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1989.tb02239.x.

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40

Edward, Peter y Anne Tallontire. "Business and development-Towards re-politicisation". Journal of International Development 21, n.º 6 (agosto de 2009): 819–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.1614.

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41

Dunn Cavelty, Myriam y Matthias Leese. "Politicising Security at the Boundaries: Privacy in Surveillance and Cybersecurity". Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.03.

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This article looks into the politicisation of security. Politicisation, in contrast to securitisation, presupposes that security issues are controversially debated in a public arena without foregone conclusions as to how they are going to be handled. In order to locate and observe politicisation processes empirically, we suggest to look at privacy, a key notion and main tool for resistance vis-à-vis security logics. By examining two issue areas (video surveillance and cybersecurity), we highlight different tactics through which privacy is mobilised as a boundary object to politicise security. The invocation of privacy offers an alternative viewpoint on security, one where the human (digital) body and a human centred notion of security is at the centre. The value of its integrity and the need for its protection is a weighty counter to the abstract and often absolute claims of ‘more security’ through technological means.

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42

Van Rythoven, Eric. "On Backlash: Emotion and the Politicisation of Security". Special Issue: The Politicisation of Security: Controversy, Mobilisation, Arena Shifting, n.º 3-2018 (18 de febrero de 2019): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i3.07.

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This article explores the role of emotion in the politicisation of security through the concept of backlash: the idea of visceral and reactionary episodes where security claims are adamantly rejected and the subject of ‘security’ becomes intensely controversial. Starting by examining the role of emotion in politicisation, I make the case for viewing emotions as playing a key role in the distribution of certainty in security discourse. Building on this epistemic view of emotion, I review how backlash is understood in other fields before tailoring a definition for security studies centered around four constitutive features: reaction, hostility, emotion, and contagion. The final section focuses on the politicising effects of backlash including the mobilisation of backlash movements, the intensification of controversy, and arena shifting. The discussion concludes by suggesting that the concept of backlash offers a promising research agenda for those inquiring into the politicisation of security.

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43

Nakrošis, Vitalis. "The Turnover and Politicisation of Lithuanian Public Sector Managers". World Political Science Review 11, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0019.

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AbstractThis article presents the results of our research on party patronage and state politicisation in different Lithuanian public sector organisations (government agencies and agencies under the ministries, state-owned enterprises, personal health care and educational institutions). Although repeating alterations of governments best explained the frequent turnover of some public sector heads, their politicisation was related to the length of party rule in power, beliefs of the political and administrative elite and density of the party networks. The legal protection of civil service jobs was only important in the case of the agencies under the ministries whose managers always held career civil service positions. Furthermore, substantial variation in the scope of politicisation was related to such administrative factors as the political salience of policy areas and organisational functions, as well as budget size, which suggested different motivations and opportunities of party patronage in the Lithuanian public sector.

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44

Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. "A Giant Fast Asleep? Party Incentives and the Politicisation of European Integration". Political Studies 60, n.º 1 (28 de junio de 2011): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00895.x.

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Hooghe and Marks recently introduced a new research agenda for the study of European integration focusing on politicisation, that is, the inclusion of mass public attitudes in the politics of European integration. The overall aim of this article is to respond to this new research agenda. Unlike the existing literature, which focuses on Euro-sceptical extreme left or right-wing parties, the article argues that the explanation for politicisation or the lack of it should be found in the incentives the issue offers for mainstream political parties. Denmark serves as a crucial case study to show the limitations of the existing literature and the need to focus on the incentives of mainstream political parties. Empirically, the article argues that expectations about the impending politicisation of European integration are misplaced. The giant is fast asleep because those who could wake it up generally have no incentive to do so and those who have an incentive cannot.

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45

Warner, Sam. "(Re)politicising ‘the governmental’: Resisting the Industrial Relations Act 1971". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n.º 3 (24 de junio de 2019): 541–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119845336.

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This article is an account of the failure of the Industrial Relations Act that places resistance at its heart. This is achieved through application of the (de/re)politicisation framework, uncovering how this attempt to depoliticise the reform of industrial relations was resisted and re-politicisation achieved. The article argues that (re)politicisation is best understood through an analysis of informal processes of struggle involving non-governmental actors. By adopting a critical political economy perspective informed by Open Marxism, the so-called state-centrism of the governmental level is eschewed. New archival evidence demonstrates the importance of not only addressing the imposition of this governing strategy, but also the active role of organised labour when engaged in resistance to it. Thus, this article steps ‘beyond the governmental’ to argue that adequate conceptualisation of resistance at the societal level is a necessary part of understanding how depoliticised governing is shaped, imposed, transformed and potentially undermined.

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46

Kauppi, Niilo, Kari Palonen y Claudia Wiesner. "The Politification and Politicisation of the EU". Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 19, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2016): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.19.1.5.

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47

Choat, Simon. "Deleuze, Marx and the Politicisation of Philosophy". Deleuze Studies 3, Suppl (diciembre de 2009): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1750224109000695.

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Against those who wish to marginalise Deleuze's political relevance, this paper argues that his work – including and especially that produced before his collaborations with Guattari – is not only fundamentally political but also profoundly engaged with Marx. The paper begins by focusing on different possible strategies for contesting the claim that Deleuze is apolitical, attempting to debunk this claim by briefly considering Deleuze's work with Guattari. The bulk of the paper is concerned with a close examination of the appearance of Marx in both Nietzsche and Philosophy and Difference and Repetition, establishing that the ‘pre-Guattari’ Deleuze was fully engaged with both politics and Marx and demonstrating that the concepts and arguments of the Marxist politics of the Deleuze–Guattari books can be traced back to Deleuze's own work. It is argued that an analysis of Deleuze's work on Marx is significant not only for deepening our understanding of Marx, but also for understanding the possibilities for Deleuzian politics.

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Alava, Henni y Jimmy Spire Ssentongo. "Religious (de)politicisation in Uganda’s 2016 elections". Journal of Eastern African Studies 10, n.º 4 (octubre de 2016): 677–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2016.1270043.

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Hay, Colin. "From politics to politicisation: defending the indefensible?" Politics, Groups and Identities 1, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2012.760315.

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Bradley, Tamsin. "The Politicisation of Mothering in Hindu Missions". Politics, Religion & Ideology 12, n.º 2 (junio de 2011): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2011.591980.

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