Literatura académica sobre el tema "Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes"

Prizes for innovations are currently experiencing a renaissance, following their marked decline during the nineteenth century. Debates about such incentive mechanisms tend to employ canonical historical anecdotes to motivate and support the analysis and policy proposals. Daguerre's “patent buyout,” the Longitude Prize, inducement prizes for butter substitutes and billiard balls, the activities of the Royal Society of Arts and other “encouragement” institutions—all comprise potentially misleading case studies. The article surveys and summarizes extensive empirical research using samples drawn from Britain, France, and the United States, including “great inventors” and their ordinary counterparts, and prizes at industrial exhibitions. The results suggest that administered systems of rewards to innovators suffered from a number of disadvantages in design and practice, which might be inherent to their nonmarket orientation.

The article examines the factor of oil, when some influential politicians and big businessmen, primarily in Great Britain, tried to use for their far-reaching goals the factual absence of the Weimar Republic's own oil fields. Monopolization of oil supplies in the context of the implementation of the “legal mechanism for ‘pushing’ Germany to the East” made it possible to a certain extent to manage the foreign policy activity of the Hitlerite regime.

The subject of the research is the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and the continuity of the foreign policy course of liberal political figures. The purpose of the analysis is the views and activities of significant British liberal politicians on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the philosophy of liberalism and unprecedented
 competition in colonial expansion among major European powers. A number of trends in the development of the political and ideological course of the Liberal Party of Great Britain are demonstrated - a quick rejection of the policy of
 «Splendid Isolation» to the search for friendly powers on the European continent and the direct influence of liberal-imperialist circles on changing the foreign policy strategy. The study of sources confirms that as part of the evolution of the philosophy of liberalism at the end of the 19th century, the idea of the foreign
 policy of Great Britain in the circles of liberal politicians of the country also changed. The author comes to the conclusion that after W. Gladstone left power, the liberals hastened to move away from the policy of «Splendid Isolation». A. Rosebery tried to maintain a balance of power, but, as an adherent of liberal
 imperialism, he actively used military force, not striving to be the first to establish friendship with anyone in Europe. During the period of opposition 1896-1905 not only liberal-imperialists such as E. Grey, H. Asquith, R. Haldane, but also pacifists such as H. Campbell-Bannerman came to the conclusion that a world conflict was inevitable against the backdrop of growing disagreements with Germany and the need to choose an ally in Europe.

The article is devoted to the study of the activities of politicians of the radical faction of the Liberal Party and their direct role in the development of the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th - early 20th century. The author analyzes the causes and conditions that influenced the polarization of opinions within the radical faction of the Liberal Party during the period when the liberals were in opposition to state policy abroad. The study is based on a wide range of sources: memoirs of participants of the events, public speeches of election campaigns, materials of private correspondence of significant political figures in the UK. The defeat of the liberal party in the elections in 1895 led to its internal split. The liberal-imperialists began to actively support the foreign policy of the Conservative government, believing that such a policy would enable Britain to regain power in the world. There was no consensus within the radical faction. Some politicians belong-ing to it sought to solve problems peacefully, relying on the ideas described in the philosophy of “new liberalism”. Other major politicians, such as D. Kimberley and C. Dilk, believed that calls for peace would be viewed in a negative light. Others strove to act according to circumstances. Thus, by 1903-1904, the radical faction still lacked a constructive program and alternative policy in colonial and European affairs.

ArgumentThe history of ballooning has received considerable attention from historians examining the technological innovations behind it as well as from scholars interested in aeronautical anecdotes concerning launches and disasters. The cultural importance of this new machine, however, remains less fully analyzed. This essay explores one facet of that history through a discussion of the commodification of launches in France and Great Britain. These two countries, which have larger middling classes as well as a higher degree of commercialization in general, provided a fertile environment for aeronauts seeking to instruct and entertain an audience willing to fund ballooning. Balloonists had to invent ways to market this scientific discovery and determine how best to attract paying customers. The audience was entertained while simultaneously empowered to act as witnesses to what balloonists presented as a scientific experiment.

The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.

The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable

One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.

Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.