Artículos de revistas: "Political violence"

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McQuade, Joseph. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE, POLITICAL VIOLENCE". Sikh Formations 10, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2014): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2014.890799.

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2

Gutiérrez-Sanín, Francisco y Elisabeth Jean Wood. "What Should We Mean by “Pattern of Political Violence”? Repertoire, Targeting, Frequency, and Technique". Perspectives on Politics 15, n.º 1 (marzo de 2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004114.

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To leverage the full range of observed variation in patterns of violence toward the development and testing of theories of political violence, scholars need adequate conceptual foundations: what should we mean by apattern of violenceon the part of an armed organization? Scholars often distinguish degrees or levels or types of violence across organizations and conflicts, but definitions and measures vary sharply. We argue that patterns of violence are not reducible in ways often assumed in the literature: lethal violence is not a good proxy for the overall pattern, and differences in patterns are not well captured in the binary “terror” versus “restraint.” To address these concerns, we provide a new conceptualization of political violence, defining an organization’spattern of violenceas the configuration of repertoire, targeting, frequency, and technique in which it regularly engages. This approach adds precision to the documentation and analysis of political violence, clarifies the evaluation of rival theories, and opens up new research questions. We demonstrate its utility through an analysis of violence against civilians in Colombia, drawing on an original database of massacres, judicial proceedings, and other sources, and show that the concept of “pattern” helps bring ideology and politics back into the analysis of organized violence.

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3

Vargas González, Fernando. "Elecciones, miedo y democracia en México. Autoritarismo y violencia política". Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública 8, n.º 15 (27 de febrero de 2019): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15174/remap.v8i15.335.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los elementos simbólicos y materiales de la etapa electoral a través de casos y hechos de uso de estrategias de violencia política que afectaron el libre ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos, como se reflejó en 2018 en la elección más violenta del país. Dentro del proceso de consolidación política inconclusa en México, la violencia política, que se expresa en diferentes formas y modalidades, erosiona la confianza y la gobernabilidad, y es un signo de riesgo para la consolidación de la democracia.Palabras clave: Democracia, Violencia política, Elecciones en México, Consolidación democrática, odio político Abstract The purpose of this paper is to analyze the symbolic and material elements of the electoral stage through cases and facts of political violence strategies that affected the free exercise of citizens’ rights, as reflected in 2018 in the most violent election of the country. Within the process of unfinished political consolidation in Mexico, political violence, expressed in different forms and modalities, erodes trust and governability, and is a sign of risk for the consolidation of democracy.Key words: Democracy, Political violence, Elections in Mexico, Democratic consolidation, political hatred

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4

Pain, Rachel y Caitlin Cahill. "Critical political geographies of slow violence and resistance". Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 40, n.º 2 (marzo de 2022): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23996544221085753.

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Engaging Rob Nixon’s conceptualisation of slow violence, this special issue provides a critical framework for how we understand violence relevant to political geography. In this introduction, we highlight three key contributions of the collection that build upon and extend Nixon’s framing of slow violence. First, we attend to the spatialities of slow violence, revealing how the politics of disposability and racialised dispossession target particular people and places. Next, we foreground critical feminist and anti-racist perspectives that are largely absent in Nixon’s original account. And third, through engaging these approaches, the papers together employ an epistemological shift, uncovering hidden and multi-sited violences that prioritise the accounts of those who experience and are most affected by slow violence.

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5

Henaff, Marcel y Lawrence R. Schehr. "Naked Terror: Political Violence, Libertine Violence". SubStance 27, n.º 2 (1998): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685647.

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6

Demetriou, Chares. "Clandestine Political Violence". Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, n.º 3 (3 de julio de 2014): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.942983.

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7

Leach, Darcy K. "Clandestine Political Violence". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 45, n.º 1 (29 de diciembre de 2015): 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306115621526m.

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8

Herbolzheimer, Kristian. "Challenging political violence". Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 1, n.º 3 (9 de noviembre de 2009): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17596599200900016.

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9

Nanes, Matthew J. "Political Violence Cycles". Comparative Political Studies 50, n.º 2 (10 de julio de 2016): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016635198.

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10

Siroky, David S. "Dissecting Political Violence". International Studies Review 14, n.º 2 (junio de 2012): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2012.01119.x.

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11

Weisbrod, Bernd. "Fundamentalist violence: political violence and political religion in modern conflict". International Social Science Journal 54, n.º 174 (diciembre de 2002): 499–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2451.00404.

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12

Ramírez Martínez, Eduardo Aristóteles. "El respeto: entre la política de la violencia y la violencia de lo político. Un estudio de caso en Querétaro, México". Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, n.º 13 (21 de septiembre de 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i13.2649.

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A partir de un estudio de caso en Querétaro, se propone entender y mostrar la violencia de los jóvenes como forma inesperada de manifestación de lo político. Por un lado, los jóvenes son víctimas de la violencia del seno familiar, de las políticas gubernamentales y de la incomprensión del mundo adulto. Todo ello se vive como falta de respeto. En este contexto, los jóvenes utilizan la violencia para hacerse del respeto demandado y lo político surge, entonces, en un doble y paradójico sentido: como construcción de una comunidad externamente negacionista y violenta, y, a la vez, internamente creativa, dialógica y solidaria.En su referencia externa, la comunidad precisa la oposición amigo-enemigo, lo cual recoge el sentido que Carl Schmitt atribuyó a lo político, pero en su veta interna, la comunidad necesita de diálogo, entendimiento y una política que afirme los rasgos comunes por encima de los diferenciadores, más a la manera como Hanna Arendt concibe lo político. En este doble juego, los jóvenes de Menchaca ganan respeto y restituyen los déficits de afecto, reconocimiento y solidaridad perdidos en sus comunidades políticas de origen: el Estado, la familia y su propio barrio.Palabras clave: Comunidad, Violencia, Respeto, Lo político, InstitucionesRespect: between the politics of violence and the violence of the political. A case study in Querétaro, MexicoAbstractBased on a case study in Querétaro, it is proposed to understand and show youth violence as an unexpected form of political manifestation. On the one hand, young people are victims of domestic violence, government policies and misunderstanding of the adult world. All this is experienced as a lack of respect. In this context, young people use violence to gain the demanded respect and the political arises, then, in a double and paradoxical sense: as a construction of an externally negative and violent community, and, at the same time, internally creative, dialogical and solidary. In its external reference, the community needs the friend-enemy opposition, which reflects the meaning that Carl Schmitt attributed to the political, but in its internal vein, the community needs dialogue, understanding and a policy that affirms the common features above of the differentiators, more in the way that Hanna Arendt conceives the political. In this double game, the youth of Menchaca earn respect and restore the deficits of affection, recognition and solidarity lost in their political communities of origin: the State, the family and their own neighborhood.Key words: Community, Violence, Respect, The political, InstitutionsLe respet: entre la politique de la violence et la violence du politique. Une étude de cas à Querétaro, MéxicoRésuméÀ partir d’une étude de cas à Querétaro, on propose de comprendre et de montrer la violence des jeunes comme forme inespérée de manifestation du politique. D’une part, les jeunes sont victimes de la violence au sein familier, des politiques gouvernementales et de l’incompréhension du monde adulte. Tout cela se vit comme un manque de respect. Dans ce contexte, les jeunes utilisent la violence pour s’approprier du respect demandé et le politique surgit, alors, dans un double et paradoxale sens : comme construction d’une communauté extérieurement négationniste et violente, et à la fois, internement créative, dialogique et solidaire. Dans sa référence externe, la communauté précise l’opposition ami-ennemi, qui reprend le sens que Carl Schmitt a attribué au politique, mais dans sa veine interne, la communauté a besoin du dialogue, de compréhension et d’une politique qui affirme les traits communs au-dessus des différentiateurs, plus à la manière qu’Hanna Arendt conçoit le politique. Dans ce double jeu, les jeunes de Menchaca gagnent du respect et restituent les déficits d’affection, de reconnaissance et de solidarité perdus dans ses communautés politiques d’origine : l’Etat, la famille et son propre quartier.Mots clés: Communauté, Violence, Respect, Le politique, Institutions

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13

Canetti, Daphna, Brian J. Hall, Carmit Rapaport y Carly Wayne. "Exposure to Political Violence and Political Extremism". European Psychologist 18, n.º 4 (1 de enero de 2013): 263–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040/a000158.

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Exposure to political violence can lead to various political and psychological outcomes. Using the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a natural laboratory, we explore the way in which exposure to conflict violence leads to changes in citizens’ political attitudes and behavior, offering a model for a stress-based process of political extremism. This model encapsulates three basic components in a causal chain leading to political extremism: exposure to political violence, psychological distress, and enhanced perceptions of threat. We find that prolonged exposure to political violence increases psychological distress, which in turn evokes stronger perceptions of threat that foment political attitudes eschewing compromise and favoring militarism. This causal chain fuels a destructive cycle of violence that is hard to break. Understanding these psychological and political consequences of exposure to political violence can help to shed light on the barriers that too often stymie peacemaking efforts and contribute to the deterioration of intractable conflicts around the globe. Thus, this review offers insights applicable to conflict zones around the world and suggests policy implications for therapeutic intervention and potential pathways to conflict resolution.

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14

Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "Political Violence: A Typology". Kriminologijos studijos 5 (19 de octubre de 2018): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/crimlithuan.2017.5.11732.

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[full article, abstract in English; only abstract in Lithuanian] This paper offers a typology of different forms of political violence, linking them in a continuum and in an interdependent field of forces. The forms identified are systemic violence, institutional violence, group violence, armed struggle, terrorism and war. In the final section, after discussing how these types of violence influence one another, a strategy is suggested for their simultaneous reduction.

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15

Bjarnegård, Elin, Karen Brounéus y Erik Melander. "Honor and political violence". Journal of Peace Research 54, n.º 6 (18 de octubre de 2017): 748–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317711241.

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Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprisings with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, that is, patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, that is, the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies found a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.

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16

Kijewska, Barbara. "Violence Against Women in Politics – a Study in Poland". Przegląd Politologiczny, n.º 3 (10 de octubre de 2023): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2023.28.3.2.

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The increase in women’s participation in political life in recent decades has resulted in research explaining how women’s presence (or absence) changes the form, nature and content of politics. However, a gender perspective is still lacking, especially in the relationship between political participation and violence. Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognised around the world as a significant barrier to women’s participation in political life. The aim of the research is to find out whether politically active women are more exposed to violence (physical, psychological, symbolic, sexual, economic) than politically active men and whether violence against politicians is related to belonging to a political party. The research conducted among Polish politicians (n-88) confirms that both women and men who are politically active experience violence. However, women are more often attacked psychologically, symbolically and sexually. Politicians acting under the banner of a party are much more likely to experience violence than non-partisan politicians. Physical violence is very rare, and the level of experiencing violence in all its forms decreases with age.

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17

Ильинская, Светлана. "Toleration and Political Violence". Полис. Политические исследования, n.º 3 (2004): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2004.03.12.

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18

Esposito, John. "Islam and Political Violence". Religions 6, n.º 3 (10 de septiembre de 2015): 1067–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel6031067.

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19

Zalman, Amy, Bruce Hoffman, Joseba Zulaika, William A. Douglass, Meredith Turshen, Clotilde Twagiramariya, Suha Sabbagh et al. "Ruminations on Political Violence". Middle East Report, n.º 216 (2000): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1520217.

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20

Harrow, Kenneth W. y Richard K. Priebe. "Political Violence: Introductory Comments". Research in African Literatures 36, n.º 2 (junio de 2005): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2005.36.2.33.

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21

Fluri, Jennifer. "Political geography II: Violence". Progress in Human Geography 46, n.º 2 (18 de diciembre de 2021): 698–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03091325211062187.

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This report focuses on the diverse and multiple manifestations of political, state, and counter-state violence. Many of the examinations of political violence in this report highlight the continued need for disparate methodological and analytic lenses towards robust understandings of political violence across scales. Displacements and mobilities associated with flight from conflict are discussed in relation to the institutionalization of harm, trauma and containment through various state and supranational mechanisms of control. These mobilities include border crossings and associated violence against vulnerable populations seeking refuge. This is buttressed by discursive binary logics, such as us/them categorizations, which remain endemic to both structural and physical violence and foundational to right wing populism, jingoism, and other forms of political extremism. This report concludes by arguing the peace is not the opposite of war but rather its temporal substitute and partner in an assemblage of political and economic co-dependence.

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22

Euben, Roxanne L. "Jihad and Political Violence". Current History 101, n.º 658 (1 de noviembre de 2002): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.658.365.

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Jihad is neither simply a blind and bloody-minded scrabble for temporal power nor solely a door through which to pass into the hereafter. Rather it is a form of political action in which … the pursuit of immortality is inextricably linked to a profoundly this-worldly endeavor—the founding or re-creation of a just community on earth.

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23

Ghadbian, Najib. "Political Islam and Violence". New Political Science 22, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687889.

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24

Shaw, Jon. "Children and Political Violence". Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry 36, n.º 1 (enero de 1997): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004583-199701000-00029.

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25

Aronoff, Myron Joel. "Political Violence and Extremism". Israel Studies 4, n.º 2 (1999): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/is.1999.0002.

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26

Lavi, Iris y Michelle Slone. "Resilience and Political Violence". Youth & Society 43, n.º 3 (23 de noviembre de 2009): 845–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x09353437.

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27

Harrow, Kenneth W. y Richard Priebe. "Political Violence: Introductory Comments". Research in African Literatures 36, n.º 2 (2005): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2005.0117.

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HARISH, S. P. y ANDREW T. LITTLE. "The Political Violence Cycle". American Political Science Review 111, n.º 2 (19 de abril de 2017): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000733.

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Elections are often violent affairs, casting doubt on the canonical claim that democracy makes societies more peaceful by creating nonviolent means to contest for power. We develop a formal argument to demonstrate that this conclusion is incorrect. Holding elections has a direct effect of increasing levels of violence close to the voting, as this is when electoral violence can influence political outcomes. Precisely for this reason, elections also have an indirect effect of decreasing levels of violence at all other times, as parties can wait for the election when their efforts are more likely to succeed. The direct and indirect effects generate a “political violence cycle” that peaks at the election. However, when the indirect effect is larger, politics would be more violent without elections. When elections also provide an effective nonviolent means to contest for power, they unambiguously make society more peaceful while still generating a political violence cycle.

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29

Sandler, Todd. "Political violence: an introduction". Public Choice 169, n.º 3-4 (10 de octubre de 2016): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-016-0380-1.

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30

Costello, Matthew. "Rentierism and Political Violence". Sociology Compass 10, n.º 3 (marzo de 2016): 208–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12354.

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31

Crenshaw, Martha. "Political violence in Algeria". Terrorism and Political Violence 6, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1994): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559408427261.

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32

Maragliano, Kate. "Political Violence and Islam". Internet Reference Services Quarterly 6, n.º 3-4 (septiembre de 2001): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j136v06n03_04.

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33

Hurka, T. "Morality and Political Violence". Philosophical Review 119, n.º 1 (9 de diciembre de 2009): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00318108-2009-032.

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34

Bodea, C. y I. A. Elbadawi. "Political Violence and Underdevelopment". Journal of African Economies 17, Supplement 2 (1 de enero de 2008): ii50—ii96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jae/ejn018.

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35

Gibson, Kerry. "Children in political violence". Social Science & Medicine 28, n.º 7 (enero de 1989): 659–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(89)90213-x.

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36

Kuzmanovic, Dobrinka. "School violence in the context of political violence". Psiholoska istrazivanja 16, n.º 1 (2013): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/psistra1301057k.

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Bader, A. V. "Armed violence as a form of political violence". Politicus, n.º 1 (2020): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2020.1.02.

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Aparicio Rodríguez, Víctor. "La violencia política en la historiografía sobre la TransiciónPolitical violence in the historiography on the Transition". Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, n.º 6 (31 de mayo de 2017): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i6.282.

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El objetivo de este artículo es hacer un balance de la forma en que los principales estudios historiográficos sobre la transición española han abordado la cuestión de la violencia política en dicho proceso histórico. Se suele explicar la transición española como un proceso modélico, en gran parte por el carácter pacífico del mismo. Sin embargo, determinados estudios inciden en la importancia de la violencia política durante la Transición y el impacto que causó en la vida social y política españolas. Ahondar en las diferencias de interpretación sobre la violencia política en los estudios históricos sobre el tema es lo que tratará de ofrecer el presente escrito.PALABRAS CLAVE: Transición, violencia política, historiografía, terrorismo, democracia.ABSTRACTThe objective of this article is to assess the way that the main historiographical studies on the Spanish Transition have approached the question of political violence throughout this historical process. The Spanish Transition is usually regarded as an exemplary process, mainly because of its peaceful nature. Nevertheless, a series of studies focus their interest on the relevance of political violence during the Transition and its impact on Spanish social and political life. This paper presents an attempt to delve into the various interpretations of political violence in historical studies on thistopic.KEY WORDS: Transition, political violence, historiography, terrorism, democracy.

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Fatic, Aleksandar. "Political violence as a value problem for security policy". Medjunarodni problemi 58, n.º 3 (2006): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0603213f.

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The author argues that the moral dimensions of political violence play a crucial role in the conceptualization of effective ways to combat such violence. It goes on to argue that the ability to empathize with the politically violent is a difficult precondition for the development of effective control strategies, and guilds its interpretation on the philosophical perspectives on the legitimacy of grievances and illegitimacy of methods used to address them by terrorists and the other perpetrators of political violence. The author draws parallels between key controversies in politically violent campaigns and conventional wars, and concludes that despite the alarming in palatability of political violence, the experiential record so far suggests that a de-escalation of mutual perceptions between the politically violent and the mainstream society appears to be a necessary precondition for the resolution of the underlying conflicts.

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40

Twendeboah, Seth, Linus Nangwele y Paul Akwasi Baami. "Political vigilante violence in Ghana: its human rights implications". Journal of African Elections 22, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2022): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i2a9.

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The primary goal of this paper is to consider the incontrovertible links between political vigilante violence and human rights violations in Ghana. In particular, it pays attention to the ways in which politically-related violence thrives. To achieve this, the paper will be guided by the following research objectives: First, to explore the nature of political vigilantism in Ghana’s Fourth Republic. Second, to analyse the human rights issues in political vigilantism within this period. Drawing mainly on experiences of general elections of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, the paper purposes to interrogate the scale of political vigilante violence in Ghana. It contends that there is an intricate link between political vigilante violence and human rights. The paper relies on frustration-aggression theory to consider the ways in which the desire to gain political power leads to rivalry and eventually to violence.

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41

Mirzayeva, F. "Organized violence and elite political culture in Nigeria". Pathways to Peace and Security, n.º 2 (2021): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-2-192-194.

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42

Raj, Shivani. "Gender based Political Violence: A Weapon of War?" International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 13, n.º 3 (5 de marzo de 2024): 874–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr24310151734.

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43

Zimmermann, Doron. "Between Minimum Force and Maximum Violence: Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options". Connections: The Quarterly Journal 04, n.º 1 (2005): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.04.1.03.

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44

Ayyash, Mark Muhannad. "The paradox of political violence". European Journal of Social Theory 16, n.º 3 (5 de marzo de 2013): 342–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431013476567.

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This article explores the paradoxical relationship between politics and violence in the concept of political violence. By examining the works of prominent theorists, such as Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon, the article highlights both the difficulty of separating politics and violence, and the improbability of formulating a harmonious relationship between them. Engaging with some of Michel Foucault’s work on power and violence, the article begins to formulate a theoretical approach that conceptualizes political violence in its inherently paradoxical condition.

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Herrero, Montserrat. "Laclau’s Revolutionary Political Theology". Síntesis. Revista de Filosofía 2, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15691/0718-5448vol2iss2a287.

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One of the ways of thinking God in contemporary philosophy is reflecting on violence. In fact, reflecting on violence implies always at the same time to refer to the difficulty of thinking about the co-implication of law and violence, a typical prerogative of divine action. From this perspec-tive, political theology is concerned with the status and the possibilities or impossibilities of rep-resenting violence in a given political order. Three are the classical texts in the backdrop of this reflection on the hiatus between law and violence: Walter Benjamin Critique of Violence of 1921, Carl Schmitt’s Political Theology of 1922 and Derrida’s Force of Law of 1989. The article exam-ines another paradigm, that of Ernesto Laclau. The article concludes that only a non-presentable idea of God as a negative fundament allows for a non-authoritarian political idea. But this non-presentable character is only made possible by revolutionary politics.

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Treviño Ronzón, Ernesto. "La violencia y lo político. Una reflexión sobre la violencia como productora de subjetividades políticas". Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, n.º 13 (21 de septiembre de 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i13.2647.

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Este ensayo se basa en los resultados de dos proyectos de investigación sobre violencia, política y políticas en México, que han aportado material para discutir la función politizante de la violencia desde el ángulo de lo político. Se trata de una reflexión conceptual que en la actualidad cruza diferentes ámbitos de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades. El argumento a desarrollar es que en algunas sociedades donde la agresión, la victimización y la delincuencia alcanzan niveles altos y constantes, la violencia hace patente su función en la disolución y constitución tanto de estructuras, relaciones, identidades y sujetos, como en la inclusión y exclusión social. En esta lógica, es posible afirmar que, en ciertos contextos, la violencia tiene una función ontológica y política. Para explorar esta tesis, el texto recorre, en primera instancia, las preocupaciones de algunos filósofos interesados en la violencia; en segundo término y a manera de focalización, recupera algunos estudios contemporáneos sobre la violencia dirigida a la población joven en México y América Latina, que sirven como referencia para el debate de la politización a partir de elementos conceptuales desarrollados por pensadores contemporáneos.Palabras clave: Violencia, Lo político, Politización, Subjetividad, VíctimasViolence and the political. A reflection on violence as a producer of political subjectivitiesAbstractThis article is based on the results of two research projects on violence, politics and public policies in México, which have provided material to discuss the politicizing function of violence from the political angle. It is a conceptual reflection that currently crosses different areas of the social sciences and the humanities. The argument to be developed is that in some societies where aggression, victimization and delinquency reach high and constant levels, violence makes clear its role in the dissolution and constitution of structures, relationships, identities and subjects, as well as in inclusion and social exclusion. In this sense, it is possible to say that, in certain contexts, violence has an ontological and political function. To explore this thesis, the text covers, in the first place, the concerns of some philosophers interested in violence; secondly, and as a focus, it recovers some contemporary studies on violence directed at the young population in Mexico and Latin America, which serve as a reference for the debate on politicization based on conceptual elements developed by contemporary thinkers.Key words: Violence, The political, Politicization, Subjectivity, VictimsLa violence et le politique. Une réflexion sur la violence comme productrice de subjectivités politiquesCet essai est basé dans des résultats de deux projets de recherche sur violence et politique et politiques au Mexique, qui ont apporté du matériel pour discuter la fonction politisante de la violence depuis l’angle du politique. Il s’agit d’une réflexion conceptuelle qui actuellement croise différents domaines des sciences sociales et des humanités.L’argument à développer est que dans quelques sociétés où l’agression, la victimisation et la délinquance atteignent des hauts et constants niveaux, la violence manifeste sa fonction dans la dissolution et constitution aussi de structures, de relations, d’identités et de sujets que d’inclusion et d’exclusion sociale.Dans cette logique, il est possible d’affirmer que, dans certains contextes, la violence a une fonction ontologique et politique. Pour explorer cette thèse, le texte parcourt, premièrement, les préoccupations de quelques philosophes intéressés dans la violence ; en deuxième terme et comme focalisation, il récupère quelques études contemporaines sur la violence dirigée à la population jeune au Mexique et en Amérique Latine, qui servent comme référence pour le débat de la politisation à partir d’éléments conceptuels développés par des penseurs contemporains.Mots Clé: Violence, Le politique, Politisation, Subjectivité, Victimes

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Slyusar, Vadym, Iryna Vitiuk y Kateryna Volkova. "Political violence: the attributive dimension". Society and Security, n.º 1(2) (17 de abril de 2024): 64–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26642/sas-2024-1(2)-64-68.

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The article analyzes the main features of political violence. The author substantiates the view that political violence is aimed at preserving or changing social or international orders and conditions, and is realized in the following forms: war, exile, genocide, persecution, repression from above, uprising, terrorist acts from below; and is also carried out by specially created combat units or relevant authorized security forces. It is argued that one of the key features of political violence is competence, which expresses its organizational nature and focus on preventing the emergence of irrational forms of violence and protest behavior. Competence means that through mastering the skills of violence, an organized influence on social relations is exercised.

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von Trotha, Trutz. "Mondialisation violente, violence mondialisée et marché de la violence". Déviance et Société 29, n.º 3 (2005): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ds.293.0285.

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della Porta, Donatella y Heinz-Gerhard Haupt. "Patterns of Radicalization in Political Activism". Social Science History 36, n.º 3 (2012): 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011846.

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Research on political violence occurs in waves, generally corresponding to the successive swells of violence that in many ways define modern society. Critically, this violence is characterized as much by diversity as by uniformity. As each new spate in research on political violence has shown us, rarely can we generalize about either the aims or the repertoires of action of the purveyors of violence. Some similar mechanisms are in play, however, as violence develops from political conflicts between states and their opponents.This suggestion comes from social movement studies, whose influence is increasing in the analysis of political violence. These studies developed especially from a critique of ‘terrorism studies,’ which emerged within security studies as a branch of international relations and have traditionally been more oriented toward developing antiterrorist policies than toward a social scientific understanding of political violence.

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Ríos, Jerónimo. "Narratives about Political Violence and Reconciliation in Peru". Latin American Perspectives 46, n.º 5 (11 de junio de 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19856890.

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The narratives of members of the armed forces, former members of the Shining Path, and victims of Peru’s armed conflict between 1980 and 2000 include very different views of the responsibility for the violence, the notion of terrorism, the concepts of truth, justice, reparation, and nonrepetition, and the meaning of reconciliation itself. Analysis of in-depth interviews reveals a society that, decades after the violence, in 2018, the Year of National Dialogue and Reconciliation, is still fractured and far from any type of recovery of its social fabric and symbolic resolution of its internal armed conflict.Las narrativas de miembros de las Fuerzas Militares, exmiembros de Sendero Luminoso y diferentes víctima del conflicto armado interno acontecido en Perú entre 1980 y 2000 incluyen perspectivas muy diferentes sobre la responsabilidad de la violencia, la noción de terrorismo, los aspectos relativos a verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición, o el significado mismo de la reconciliación. El análisis de entrevistas en profundidad muestra una sociedad que décadas después de la violencia, en el año 2018, denominado como “Año del Diálogo y la Reconciliación Nacional”, se mantiene fracturada y alejada de cualquier atisbo de recomposición de su tejido social y superación simbólica de su conflicto armado interno.

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