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Bibliografías temáticas / Political violence

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Political violence"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 30 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

McQuade, Joseph. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE, POLITICAL VIOLENCE". Sikh Formations 10, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2014): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2014.890799.

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Gutiérrez-Sanín, Francisco y Elisabeth Jean Wood. "What Should We Mean by “Pattern of Political Violence”? Repertoire, Targeting, Frequency, and Technique". Perspectives on Politics 15, n.º 1 (marzo de 2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004114.

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To leverage the full range of observed variation in patterns of violence toward the development and testing of theories of political violence, scholars need adequate conceptual foundations: what should we mean by apattern of violenceon the part of an armed organization? Scholars often distinguish degrees or levels or types of violence across organizations and conflicts, but definitions and measures vary sharply. We argue that patterns of violence are not reducible in ways often assumed in the literature: lethal violence is not a good proxy for the overall pattern, and differences in patterns are not well captured in the binary “terror” versus “restraint.” To address these concerns, we provide a new conceptualization of political violence, defining an organization’spattern of violenceas the configuration of repertoire, targeting, frequency, and technique in which it regularly engages. This approach adds precision to the documentation and analysis of political violence, clarifies the evaluation of rival theories, and opens up new research questions. We demonstrate its utility through an analysis of violence against civilians in Colombia, drawing on an original database of massacres, judicial proceedings, and other sources, and show that the concept of “pattern” helps bring ideology and politics back into the analysis of organized violence.

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Vargas González, Fernando. "Elecciones, miedo y democracia en México. Autoritarismo y violencia política". Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública 8, n.º 15 (27 de febrero de 2019): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15174/remap.v8i15.335.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los elementos simbólicos y materiales de la etapa electoral a través de casos y hechos de uso de estrategias de violencia política que afectaron el libre ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos, como se reflejó en 2018 en la elección más violenta del país. Dentro del proceso de consolidación política inconclusa en México, la violencia política, que se expresa en diferentes formas y modalidades, erosiona la confianza y la gobernabilidad, y es un signo de riesgo para la consolidación de la democracia.Palabras clave: Democracia, Violencia política, Elecciones en México, Consolidación democrática, odio político Abstract The purpose of this paper is to analyze the symbolic and material elements of the electoral stage through cases and facts of political violence strategies that affected the free exercise of citizens’ rights, as reflected in 2018 in the most violent election of the country. Within the process of unfinished political consolidation in Mexico, political violence, expressed in different forms and modalities, erodes trust and governability, and is a sign of risk for the consolidation of democracy.Key words: Democracy, Political violence, Elections in Mexico, Democratic consolidation, political hatred

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Pain, Rachel y Caitlin Cahill. "Critical political geographies of slow violence and resistance". Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 40, n.º 2 (marzo de 2022): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23996544221085753.

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Engaging Rob Nixon’s conceptualisation of slow violence, this special issue provides a critical framework for how we understand violence relevant to political geography. In this introduction, we highlight three key contributions of the collection that build upon and extend Nixon’s framing of slow violence. First, we attend to the spatialities of slow violence, revealing how the politics of disposability and racialised dispossession target particular people and places. Next, we foreground critical feminist and anti-racist perspectives that are largely absent in Nixon’s original account. And third, through engaging these approaches, the papers together employ an epistemological shift, uncovering hidden and multi-sited violences that prioritise the accounts of those who experience and are most affected by slow violence.

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Henaff, Marcel y Lawrence R. Schehr. "Naked Terror: Political Violence, Libertine Violence". SubStance 27, n.º 2 (1998): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685647.

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Demetriou, Chares. "Clandestine Political Violence". Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, n.º 3 (3 de julio de 2014): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.942983.

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Leach, Darcy K. "Clandestine Political Violence". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 45, n.º 1 (29 de diciembre de 2015): 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306115621526m.

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Herbolzheimer, Kristian. "Challenging political violence". Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 1, n.º 3 (9 de noviembre de 2009): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17596599200900016.

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Nanes, Matthew J. "Political Violence Cycles". Comparative Political Studies 50, n.º 2 (10 de julio de 2016): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016635198.

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Siroky, David S. "Dissecting Political Violence". International Studies Review 14, n.º 2 (junio de 2012): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2012.01119.x.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

Sewell, Regina. "Violent politics and the politics of violence: The criminalization of anti-lesbian/gay violence /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487945320759.

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Mccreery, Gregory Richard. "Violence and Disagreement: From the Commonsense View to Political Kinds of Violence and Violent Nonviolence". Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6542.

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This dissertation argues that there is an agreed upon commonsense view of violence, but beyond this view, definitions for kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally, politically ideological, given that the political itself is an essentially contested concept defined in relation to ideologies that oppose one another. The first chapter outlines definitions for a commonsense view of violence produced by Greene and Brennan. This chapter argues that there are incontestable instances of violence that are almost universally agreed upon, such as when an adult intentionally smashes a child’s head against a table, purposefully causing harm. It is also claimed that, because political, ideological distinctions between kinds of violence arise from the creation of moral equivalences to the commonsense view of violence, political ideology is the source of disagreement. The second chapter argues that the concept of violence and of the political are essentially contested concepts. Gallie’s criteria for what counts as an essentially contested concept are utilized in order to argue that violence is an essentially contested concept at the level of the political, though not at the level of the commonsense view of violence. In fact, the paradigmatic cases that the commonsense view of violence pertains to serve as the core cases that are then interpreted as kinds of violence at the ideological level. To define violence as altogether wrong, or to define kinds of violence as acceptable and others as wrong is itself a politically ideological move to make, such as when liberalism defines its own uses of violence as justified and legitimate, and its enemy’s violence as unjustifiable and illegitimate. The World Health Organization and Bufacchi’s definitions for violence are presented, as are the definition for terroristic violence defined by Nagel. Erlenbusch’s critique of a liberal view, such as that of Nagel and the World Health Organization, is addressed as a reflection on the fact that, beyond the commonsense view of violence, violence is an essentially contested concept for which an ideologically, politically non-neutral definition is unlikely. The third chapter outlines numerous definitions produced by various philosophers, historians, and theorists, such as Machiavelli, Arendt, Hobbes, Kant, Treitschke, Weber, Bakunin, Sorel, Žižek, and Benjamin. The definitions produced by each demonstrates that person’s political ideological assumptions. Their definitions demonstrate an ongoing disagreement, in the sense of Rancière’s formulation for what counts as a disagreement in that each theorist defines kinds of violence under the yoke of their own political ideology. They all might agree that a single act is violent, under the commonsense view of violence, but they disagree concerning what kind of violence it is. So, though they may point to the same events and actions as examples of violence, what they mean fundamentally differs, and this means that they disagree. Their disagreement arises due to their respective political ideologies. This disagreement shows that there is no neutral justification for the neutrality of a state, particularly if a neutral state must defend itself. The state is instead defined in historically contextual terms of how the state relates to kinds of violence, and the distinctions between kinds of violence are not themselves politically, ideologically neutral. So, the concept of violence, beyond the commonsense view, is an essentially contested concept for which a non-neutral definition is unlikely. Beyond the commonsense view, political ideology is inextricably bound up within distinctions between kinds of violence. The fourth chapter then examines arguments on the question of whether nonviolence counts as a kind of violence. If distinctions between kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally defined, and nonviolence is defined as distinct from violence, then it follows that nonviolence is an essentially contested concept for which no non-neutral definition is possible, at least beyond a commonsense view of nonviolence. A commonsense view of nonviolence is defined as the assumption that nonviolence is not violent in the way that the commonsense view defines violence. That is, nonviolence occurs when there is no action or event that most people would define as a violent one. Definitions for nonviolence, civil disobedience, nonviolent political actions, and nonviolent direct actions are then outlined. These definitions aim at showing that the doctrine of nonviolence does not merely refer to nonviolent acts, but to a strategy that is a means to defeating violence. Given that what counts as the nonviolence that defeats violence is ideologically a matter of disagreement, nonviolence, in this sense, can count as a kind of violence. The fifth chapter concludes, raising questions concerning how violence can be valued, the degree to which a state cannot neutrally justify its neutrality, and the degree to which, beyond the commonsense view of violence, there ever could be agreement concerning what counts as kinds of violence. 1 In this dissertation, I draw on a number of ideas/passages that appeared earlier in my paper “The Efficacy of Scapegoating and Revolutionary Violence," in Philosophy, Culture, and Traditions: A Journal of the World Union of Catholic Philosophical Societies, ed. William Sweet, 10(2014), 203-219. I am grateful to the editors of the journal for permission to draw on this material here.

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Levy, David A. "Palestinian political violence and Israel". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380839.

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O'Connell, Ashanti. "Children's memories of political violence". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268561.

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Adamson, Jordan. "The Economics of Political Violence". Thesis, Clemson University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10271914.

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We live in what is probably the most peaceful time in hundreds, if not thousands of years (Pinker 2012). This peace has major implications for human welfare, yet the causes of peace are not well understood (N. P. Gleditsch et al. 2013). My dissertation helps us understand those causes by examining how internal political institutions and external political competition affect violence.

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Rojas, de Ferro Maria Cristina Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "A political economy of violence". Ottawa, 1994.

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Fu, Hung-der. "Modernization, repression, and political violence". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185653.

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During the process of modernization, countries are seeking different goals such as growth, equality, stability, democracy, autonomy, etc. While these goals are not readily compatible nor can be achieved simultaneously, the unavoidable consequences for modernization are inequality, instability, repressiveness, dependency, stagnation or the combination of these. The cross-national variation in the pattern of political violence is the most noticeable one. One of the most ambitious and influential attempts to develop a general theory of why modernizing countries are susceptible to political instability is that proposed by Samuel P. Huntington in the form of three interrelated "Gap" hypotheses. The lack of empirical support for Huntington's Gap hypotheses in explaining general instability calls for further studies. Alternative hypotheses are based on structural and behavioral explanation such as the type of state function and the way governments cooperate/coerce with opposition elites and dissident groups. Rational choice theory and relative deprivation theory are the two most plausible contending theories in developing a middle-range theory. Rational choice theory argues a combination of structural conditions and individual rationality. Relative deprivation asserts a discontent-aggression linkage in terms of the satisfaction of economic well-being. Guided by the modernization gap theory, rational choice theory, and deprivation theory, using six five-year intervals from 1948 to 1977, this study carried out vigorous multiple testings. The results show that rational choice theory is the most powerful theory in explaining political violence, while deprivation theory is secondly important.

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8

O'Duffy, Brendan. "Violent politics : a theoretical and empirical analysis of two centuries of political violence in Ireland". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338387.

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Boserup, Rasmus Alenius. "Violence as politics : the escalation and de-escalation of political violence in Algeria 1954-2007". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0358.

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Le but central de cette thèse est d'identifier les dynamiques derrière les changements de la mobilisation collective en Algérie de la non-violence à la violence de 1954 à 2007. L'argument central est que ces dynamiques sont politiques et non pas culturelles, même si la culture influence la mise en forme de la violence. La thèse apporte une nouvelle connaissance dans quatre domaines : (1) Elle présente une masse de sources inédites, rassemblées pendant les périodes de recherche sur le terrain en Algérie et pendant des périodes de recherche dans les archives publiques et privées en France et en Angleterre. (2) Elle propose une analyse typologique de l'action collective, qui permet d'identifier des relations inconnues entre différents types de violence. (3) Elle propose une narration qui fait rupture avec l'historiographie. (4) Elle met l'exemple algérien en relation avec les présents débats dans les sciences sociales concernant la formation d'état, les mouvements sociaux, et la violence
The central aim of the thesis is to identify the dynamics behind the changes from non-violent to violent collective action in Algeria from 1954 to 2007. The central argument is that these dynamics are political rather than cultural, although culture plays a role in forming the violence. The thesis brings new insight in four areas. First, it presents a large body of formerly unknown empirical material collected during fieldwork in Algeria and in public and private archives in France and England. Second, it proposes a typological analysis of the different repertoires of contentious politics in Algeria, which reveals hiherto unknown interrelations between different types of political violence. Third, it proposes a narration of Algerian modern political history, which deviates from the conventions in the existing historiography. Fourth, it relates the Algerian example to the current theoretical discussions within the social sciences about state formation, social movements, and violence

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Kiernan, Christopher. "Political Marginalisation and Political Violence in the Niger Delta". Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31397.

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This study analyses the relationship between perceived marginalisation and the willingness of civilians to participate in, and justify political violence in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. The dominant literature in this area tends to highlight political, economic and identity marginalisation as the causal factors behind political violence. However, there remains a lack of clarity in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of the purported political and socioeconomic marginalisations. This because large portion of the literature fails to take into account the psychological aspect of marginalisation. Using a statistical analysis of Afrobarometer1 survey data collected in 2003, the study applies two regression models to measure the predictive effects of 16 variables on attitudes towards both political violence justification and the willingness to participate in political violence in the Niger Delta. The benefit of survey methodology is it is a more accurate measurement of the term marginalisation, as marginalisation is perceived by people and is thus a psychological phenomenon. By disaggregating these broad marginalisation terms into discrete items, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the motivating factors behind political violence. Interestingly, no measures of economic marginalisation were statistically significant in either model. Two elements of political marginalisation exhibited a statistically significant effect on the justification of political violence. Multiple aspects of political marginalisation and identity group prioritisation exhibited statistically significant effect on the willingness to participate in political violence, however not all items exhibited effects predicted by the majority of the literature. This analysis does confirm that the relationship between citizen and state is a salient predictor of attitudes towards political violence. However, the results also demonstrate that the blanket marginalisation terms used in political science literature are overly simplistic and lack nuance. Nevertheless, both scholars and policy makers should prioritise the government’s relationship with society when crafting policy designed to minimise political violence.

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Libros sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

Hollander, Paul, ed. Political Violence. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616240.

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Broder, Jonathan. Political Violence. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320 United States: CQ Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/cqresrre20220429.

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Loadenthal, Michael, ed. Prosecuting Political Violence. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038726.

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Krüger, Steffen, Karl Figlio y Barry Richards, eds. Fomenting Political Violence. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97505-4.

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Guichaoua, Yvan, ed. Understanding Collective Political Violence. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230348318.

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. Visions of Political Violence. 1 Edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429291463.

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Ortbals, Candice D. y Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger. Gender and Political Violence. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73628-0.

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Palacios, Margarita. Fantasy and Political Violence. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-91737-5.

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Kennedy-Pipe, Caroline, Gordon Clubb y Simon Mabon. Terrorism and Political Violence. 1 Oliver’s Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781473917248.

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Nossek, Hillel. Media and political violence. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press, 2007.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

Corlett, J. Angelo. "Political Violence". En Terrorism, 47–74. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0039-0_4.

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Olivier, Johan. "Political Violence". En Restructuring South Africa, 15–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23292-5_2.

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Al-Krenawi, Alean. "Political Violence". En Building Peace Through Knowledge, 57–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56279-7_5.

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Albanese, Giulia. "Political violence". En The March on Rome, 17–50. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315115481-2.

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Fleming, Michael. "Political violence". En The Sartrean Mind, 376–86. Title: The Sartrean mind / edited by Matthew Eshleman and Constance Mui Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315100500-28.

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Ferguson, Neil. "Political violence". En Making an Impact on Policing and Crime, 125–46. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429326592-5.

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Lang, Anthony F. "Violence". En International Political Theory, 121–54. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-46180-3_6.

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Hollander, Paul. "Introduction". En Political Violence, 1–20. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616240_1.

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Falcoff, Mark. "Revolutions and Revolutionary Ideologies in Latin America". En Political Violence, 155–64. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616240_10.

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Daniels, Anthony. "Western Perceptions of Postcolonial Violence in Africa". En Political Violence, 165–75. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616240_11.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

Fernández-Prados, Juan S., Antonia Lozano-Díaz y Alexandra Ainz-Galende. "Political Violence and Religion in Europe". En 3rd International Academic Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/3rd.iachss.2019.08.477.

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Mamdani, Mahmood. "Making Sense of Political Violence in Postcolonial Africa". En The Conflicts of the 20th Century and the Solutions for the 21st Century. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812795496_0005.

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Bessa, Aline, Sonia Castelo, Rémi Rampin, Aécio Santos, Mike Shoemate, Vito D'Orazio y Juliana Freire. "An Ecosystem of Applications for Modeling Political Violence". En SIGMOD/PODS '21: International Conference on Management of Data. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3448016.3457235.

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Nasution, Elyzabeth B. "Indonesian Democracy: What to Do with Political Violence?" En Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.6.

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Abdullah, Kanaan y Aryan Shareef. "Political Change in Perspective of New Marxism". En REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp1-12.

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Political Change in Perspective of New Marxism this paper search the concept of political change in perspective of the new Marxist. The paper approved that new Marxist reject the violence as way to change in political life. The new Marxism support the reform and peace methods in change process, and they are rejected the perspective of Marxist parties that adopted revolution as the only methods of change.

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Hsu, Hsu-Chiang, Bree Bang-Jensen, Michael P. Colaresi, Panos K. Chrysanthis y Vladimir I. Zadorozhny. "Explainable Tracking of Political Violence Using the Tsetlin Machine". En 2023 International Symposium on the Tsetlin Machine (ISTM). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/istm58889.2023.10454920.

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Dhamayanti, Meilani, Windaningsih y Daru Wibowo. "Social Marketing Communication Activities to Anticipate Children’s Sexual Violence". En 6th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICOSAPS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201219.031.

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Webb, Matthew J. "Explaining Separatist Violence: Multi-Faceted, Dynamic Fluidity". En 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2853_pssir13.10.

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Budirahayu, Tuti y Novri Susan. "Violence at School and Its Root Causes". En Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.3.

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Sun, Schyler C., Bailu Jin, Zhuangkun Wei y Weisi Guo. "Revealing the Excitation Causality between Climate and Political Violence via a Neural Forward-Intensity Poisson Process". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/718.

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The causal mechanism between climate and political violence is fraught with complex mechanisms. Current quantitative causal models rely on one or more assumptions: (1) the climate drivers persistently generate conflict, (2) the causal mechanisms have a linear relationship with the conflict generation parameter, and/or (3) there is sufficient data to inform the prior distribution. Yet, we know conflict drivers often excite a social transformation process which leads to violence (e.g., drought forces agricultural producers to join urban militia), but further climate effects do not necessarily contribute to further violence. Therefore, not only is this bifurcation relationship highly non-linear, there is also often a lack of data to support prior assumptions for high resolution modeling. Here, we aim to overcome the aforementioned causal modeling challenges by proposing a neural forward-intensity Poisson process (NFIPP) model. The NFIPP is designed to capture the potential non-linear causal mechanism in climate induced political violence, whilst being robust to sparse and timing-uncertain data. Our results span 20 recent years and reveal an excitation-based causal link between extreme climate events and political violence across diverse countries. Our climate-induced conflict model results are cross-validated against qualitative climate vulnerability indices. Furthermore, we label historical events that either improve or reduce our predictability gain, demonstrating the importance of domain expertise in informing interpretation.

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Informes sobre el tema "Political violence"

1

Anderson, Siwan, Patrick Francois, Dominic Rohner y Rogerio Santarrosa. Hidden hostility: donor attention and political violence. UNU-WIDER, diciembre de 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/280-5.

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Costalli, Stefano, Daniele Guariso, Patricia Justino y Andrea Ruggeri. The violent legacy of fascism: Neofascist political violence in Italy, 1969–88. UNU-WIDER, febrero de 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2023/342-0.

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3

Dowd, Caitriona y Clionadh Raleigh. Real-Time Analysis of African Political Violence, April 2013. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, abril de 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada613117.

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4

Dowd, Caitriona y Clionadh Raleigh. Real-Time Analysis of African Political Violence, December 2012. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, diciembre de 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada613133.

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Chai, Sun-Ki. Coherence-Based Modeling of Cultural Change and Political Violence. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, agosto de 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada549048.

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Smith, Lahra. Special Report: Political Violence and Democratic Uncertainty in Ethiopia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, agosto de 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada471943.

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Hessini, Leila. Living on a Fault Line: Political Violence Against Women in Algeria. Population Council, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1996.1005.

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This study raises three questions to better comprehend the crisis women face in Algeria today: how are the state and the opposition groups addressing and defining women’s contemporary status, what is the link between women’s status and violence against them, and what are the tactics both of resistance and accommodation that Algerian women are using to survive in such a context? Throughout this study, the term “Islamic Fundamentalists” refers to movements and people in Algeria who use the “recovery” of early principles of the Ideal Muslim Community to develop their idea of a future Islamic “social order,” with the ultimate desire of achieving political power, often using violent means. This study discusses the general characteristic of these movements and the surge of political Islam in post-independence Algeria. This study investigates how violence—or the threat thereof—has become acceptable as a legitimate instrument to control women and force them to conform to a vision of an “Ideal Islamic Society.” As this report states, this type of violence, unlike state violence, is exclusively perpetuated by members of militant Islamist movements.

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8

Krueger, Alan y Jitka Maleckova. Education, Poverty, Political Violence and Terrorism: Is There a Causal Connection? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, julio de 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9074.

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9

Idris, Iffat. Impact of Election Support Interventions to Prevent Violent Political Instability, Conflict or Atrocities. Institute of Development Studies, febrero de 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4dd.2024.020.

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This review examines the impact of electoral support interventions in preventing election-related violent political instability, conflict, and atrocities. Key findings indicate that security sector engagement and strengthening election management bodies are the most effective in reducing violence. There is some evidence supporting voter education and election monitoring, while peace messaging and youth programming show limited impact. The review highlights the essential role of the state in ensuring peaceful elections, supported by civil society and international organisations. However, rigorous assessments are limited, and further research is needed on long-term effects and the specific pathways by which these interventions reduce violence.

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10

Nelson, Matthew J. y Seth Oldmixon. Bangladesh on the Brink: Mapping the Evolving Social Geography of Political Violence. RESOLVE Network, septiembre de 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/bgd2017.4.

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