Literatura académica sobre el tema "Political prisoners – south africa – diaries"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Political prisoners – south africa – diaries"
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Khan, Khatija Bibi. "‘VOICES’, MEANING AND ‘HETEROGLOSSIA’ IN PRISONERS OF HOPE (1995)". Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, n.º 1 (7 de marzo de 2017): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1393.
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The documentary film Prisoners of Hope (1995) is a heart-rending account of 1 250 former political prisoners in the notorious Robben Island prison in South Africa. The aim of this article is to explore the narratives of Prisoners of Hope and in the process capture its celebratory mood and reveal the contribution that the prisoners made towards the realisation of a free South Africa. The documentary features interviews with Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, Ahmed Kathrada and other former inmates as they recall and recount the atrocities perpetrated by defenders of the apartheid system and debate the future of South Africa with its ‘new’ political dispensation led by blacks. A textual analysis of Prisoners of Hope will enable one to explore the human capacity to resist, commit oneself to a single goal and live beyond the horrors and traumas of an oppressive and dehumanising system.
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Skotnes, Andor. "Robben Island and the Culture of Reconstruction in South Africa". Radical History Review 2023, n.º 146 (1 de mayo de 2023): 178–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302947.
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Abstract On the fifth anniversary of Nelson Mandela’s release after twenty-seven years in political prison, and nine months after his election as South Africa’s president, his new government and its allies held an important event. On February 11, 1995, 1,200 ex–political prisoners traveled to Cape Town for the Robben Island Reunion. The first day was held at the former maximum-security prison, the site of subjugation and struggle for many of the participants. The day culminated with a creative happening, as the former prisoners enthusiastically smashed rocks in the Limestone Quarry, negating this once oppressive labor and transforming it into an affirmation of freedom. On ensuing days, the reunion celebrated and demanded support for the ex-prisoners and set Robben Island on the path to becoming the country’s first national peoples’ museum and UNESCO World Heritage Site. Drawing on oral histories and photographs, this article examines the museum’s process of becoming and its subsequent trajectory in the continuing struggle for liberation.
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Adam, Heribert y Kogila Moodley. "Negotiations About What in South Africa?" Journal of Modern African Studies 27, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1989): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020346.
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Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.
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Kenney, Padraic. "“I felt a kind of pleasure in seeing them treat us brutally.” The Emergence of the Political Prisoner, 1865–1910". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, n.º 4 (20 de septiembre de 2012): 863–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000448.
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AbstractThe political prisoner is a figure taken for granted in historical discourse, with the term being used broadly to describe any individual held in captivity for oppositional activities. This article argues for understanding the political prisoner, for whom prison becomes a vehicle of politics, as the product of modern states and political movements. The earlier practices of the “imprisoned political,” for whom prison was primarily an obstacle to politics, gave way to prisoners who used the category creatively against the regimes that imprisoned them. Using the cases of Polish socialists in the Russian Empire, Fenians in Ireland, suffragettes in Britain, andsatyagrahiin British South Africa, this article explains how both regimes and their prisoners developed common practices and discourses around political incarceration in the years 1865–1910.
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Kiessl, Heidrun y Michael Würger. "Victimization of Incarcerated Children and Juveniles in South Africa". International Review of Victimology 9, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2002): 299–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800200900305.
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The empirical study reported here analyses the practical relevance of United Nations standards and norms in the area of juvenile justice. It concentrates on South Africa and focuses on the implementation of the Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty and Article 37 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A total of 804 children/juveniles and 404 correctional officers participated in the survey. In this article, the broader analysis of implementation conditions of the minimum standards is confined to some core variables. Staff and inmates of 18 facilities were questioned on issues surrounding the reason for victimization of incarcerated child inmates and interpersonal violence. Although the extended survey is not purely a victim's survey, it showed the relevance of victimization issues to the well-being of the young inmates. It is an important discussion, as there are only a limited number of prison victimization studies internationally, as prisoners are often are neglected as possible victims. In particular, child inmates are much more sensitive to the effects of detention than adult inmates and are particularly vulnerable to victimization. Where young offenders become victims of assault or sexual assault during incarceration the question arises, how successful will be their future reintegration into society? Some areas for the improvement of safety of young inmates and the prevention of victimization which may be relevant not only to South Africa but also to other countries are identified.
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Gewald, Jan-Bart. "The Issue of Forced Labour in the Onjembo: German South West Africa 1904–1908". Itinerario 19, n.º 1 (marzo de 1995): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021203.
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Visitors to the sea-side resort of Swakopmund on the Namibian coast will have often stood on the northern banks of the Swakop river and marvelled at the sea of sand dunes that commences on the opposite side of the river. Very few of them will ever have realised that they were standing upon, and wandering amongst, the mass graves of Herero and Nama prisoners of war, who between 1904 and 1908 were employed as forced labourers. As I write the mass-graves of Swakopmund are used by recreationers as a testing ground for their four-wheel-drive off-road vehicles, perhaps in the future the true nature of these graves will come to be realised and appreciated.
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Moseneke, Dikgang. "My Own Liberator: A South African Story". Protest 1, n.º 1 (17 de noviembre de 2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10005.
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Abstract Dikgang Moseneke was born in Pretoria, South Africa in December 1947. He was imprisoned on Robben Island, where most political prisoners were kept, off the coast of Cape Town for 10 years as a young man for his political activity. While in prison, he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree in English and Political Science and later completed a Bachelor of Laws degree. After his release from prison, he was admitted as an attorney in 1978 and in 1983 was called to the Pretoria Bar as a Senior Counsel. During the 1980s he worked underground for the Pan-African Congress and became its deputy president when it was unbanned in 1990. Moseneke also served on the technical committee that drafted the interim South African constitution of 1993. After a corporate career between 1995 and 2001, President Thabo Mbeki appointed him to the High Court in Pretoria and in 2002 as a judge in the Constitutional Court. In June 2005, he became the Court’s Deputy Chief Justice, a position from which he retired in May 2016. In this essay, he chronicles his years of protest, political activity, and imprisonment as a young man. The essay is an excerpt from his memoir, My Own Liberator, which is published by Picador Africa (2018), and is available online and at all good bookstores.
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Thompson, Andrew. "“Restoring hope where all hope was lost”: Nelson Mandela, the ICRC and the protection of political detainees in apartheid South Africa". International Review of the Red Cross 98, n.º 903 (diciembre de 2016): 799–829. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383117000522.
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AbstractAmidst the violent upheavals of the end of empire and the Cold War, international organizations developed a basic framework for holding State and non-State armed groups to account for their actions when taking prisoners. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) placed itself at the very centre of these developments, making detention visiting a cornerstone of its work. Nowhere was this growing preoccupation with the problem of protecting detainees more evident than apartheid South Africa, where the ICRC undertook more detention visits than in almost any other African country. During these visits the ICRC was drawn into an internationalized human rights dispute that severely tested its leadership and demonstrated the troubled rapport between humanitarianism and human rights. The problems seen in apartheid South Africa reflect today's dilemmas of how to protect political detainees in situations of extreme violence. We can look to the past to find solutions for today's political detainees − or “security detainees” as they are now more commonly called.
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Zahidi, M. Syaprin. "Benny Wenda’s Political Propaganda about the Free Papua Issue Through Twitter". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, n.º 1 (30 de enero de 2023): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v11i1.698.
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The purpose of this study was to explain the political propaganda of the free Papua issue spread by Benny Wenda via his Twitter account. This study used a qualitative approach to analyze Benny Wenda's Twitter account. The NVivo 12 Plus software was used in this study because it can process Benny Wenda's Twitter data. This research discovered Benny Wenda's Twitter propaganda of the free Papua issue divided into 11 important topics, namely "Occupation", "media", "independence", "colonial", "today", "support", "rights", "prisoners", "Political prisoners", "people" and "Papuan". The 11 topics were further broken down into several important topics related to the issue of an independent Papua. From the analysis of Benny Wenda's Twitter account, it was also found that support for the Papuan independence movement was spread in several regions, including North America, South America, Europe, Africa, Asia, and Australia. Despite this massive support, the UN has not recognized this movement, as stated by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres that Papua is part of Indonesian territory through uti possideti iuris, the NY Agreement of 1962, the Act of Free Choice of 1969, and UNGA resolution 2504 (XXIV) of 1969.
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Rolston, Bill y Lillian Artz. "Re-entry problems: the post-prison challenges and experiences of former political prisoners in South Africa and Northern Ireland". International Journal of Human Rights 18, n.º 7-8 (9 de octubre de 2014): 861–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2014.960922.
Texto completoTesis sobre el tema "Political prisoners – south africa – diaries"
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Young, Sandra Michele. "Negotiating truth, freedom and self : the prison narratives of some South African women". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18833.
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The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. As I discuss in chapter two, prison writing breaks the legal and psychological silences imposed by a hostile penal system. In a context of political repression the notion of the truth becomes complicated, because while it is important to be believed, it is also important, as with Ruth First, not to betray her comrades and values. The writer must therefore negotiate with the (imagined) audience if her signature is to be accepted and her subjectivity affirmed. The struggle to represent oneself in the inimical environment of prison and the redemptive value in doing so are considered in chapter three. The institution of imprisonment as a means of silencing political dissidence targets the body, according to Michel Foucault's theories of discipline and control explored in chapter four. Using the work of Lois McNay and Elizabeth Grosz I argue in chapter five that it is necessary also to pay attention to the specificities of female bodies which are positioned and controlled in particular ways. I argue, too, using N. Chabani Manganyi, that while anatomical differences provide the rationale for racism and sexism, the body is also an instrument for resisting negative cultural significations. For instance, Caesarina Kana Makhoere represents her body as a weapon in her political battle, inside and outside prison. The prison cell itself is formative of subjectivity as it returns an image of criminality and powerlessness to the prisoner. Following the work of human geographers in chapter six I argue that space and subjectivity are mutually constitutive, as shown by the way spatial metaphors operate in prison texts. The subject can redesign hostile space in order to represent herself. As these texts show, relations of viewing are crucial to self-identification: surveillance disempowers the prisoner and produces her as a victim, but prisoners have recourse to alternative ways of (visually) interacting in order to position the dominators as objects of their gaze, through speaking and then also through writing. Elaine Scarry's insights into torture are extended in chapter seven to encompass psychological torture and sexual harassment: inflicting bodily humiliation, as well as pain, on the body, brings it sharply into focus, making speech impossible. By writing testimony and by generating other scenes of dialogue through which subjectivity can be constructed (through being looked at and looking, through having the message of self affirmed in the other's hearing) it is possible to contain, in some way, the horror of detention and to assert a measure of control in authoring oneself. For Mashinini this healing dialogue must take place within an emotionally and ideologically sympathetic context. v For those historical subjects who have found themselves without a legally valued identity and a platform from which to articulate the challenge of their experience, writing a personal narrative may offer an invaluable chance to assert a truth, to reclaim a self and a credibility and in that way to create a kind of freedom. Bibliography: pages 173-182.
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Filippi, N. F. "Deviances and the construction of a 'healthy nation' in South Africa : a study of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital, c. 1964-1994". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:730c12b2-2e52-4290-b5f9-5a5e557f8b45.
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This thesis is a microhistorical investigation of the dynamics of control and resistance in Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital’s Maximum Security section from 1964 to 1994 in South Africa. It examines the evolution of daily life inside these institutions, both situated in the Western Cape, and the extent to which these institutions were part of the security apparatus developed by the apartheid state. The permeability of Pollsmoor and Valkenberg shed light on the connections between repression, resistance, collaboration and survival inside and outside closed institutions. The division of incarcerated populations according to race, gender, age and behaviour reflected wider logics of governance of the South African society. Similarly, the modalities of resistance and collaboration adopted by ‘political’, ‘common law’ and ‘insane’ prisoners on the inside echoed the processes of popular mobilisation on the outside. The construction of a ‘healthy nation’ through the production and control of deviances was hence far from being a smooth process. The thesis is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters. The first part analyses the way a system of law and order, based on delineation, the bestowal of privileges and violent repression, was imposed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals’ Maximum Security sections and how this evolved according to the changing social and political imperatives of the apartheid state. The second part shifts the gaze to the level of the courts, where psychiatric and criminological discourses became increasingly entangled throughout the period. The operating modalities of the judicial system reflected the fears and expectatives of the white minority, while providing a racialised image of black populations as both dangerous and childlike. Finally, the third part analyses the links between outside and inside resistances and adaptations to the regime of apartheid. It focuses on the 1994 prison revolts as prisms to understand the processes of subjectivation and politicisation which had emerged in closed institutions during apartheid.
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Torr, Douglas John. "God has been detained : an examination of the detention experience of a few Christian activists to see whether there is an emergent theology of detention". Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5636.
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In this thesis we will describe the ways in which detainees have dealt with
their experience of detention using various coping skills. Through using the psychological theory of the hardy personality and combining this with various theological categories, we will see how they could deal with the stress of detention. In this way then it is hoped that their experiences will serve as the beginning of a local emergent theology of detention experiences. We will look at how they exercised commitment, and this will be examined by the role which faith plays as an agent of commitment. Faith will be interpreted as a symbol. We will, therefore, look at the role that dreams and visions, reading scripture, praying, and worshippinq played in helping the detainees deal with the stress of detention. The control component of the hardy personality will be dealt with by showing how by exercising forgiveness, creating justice, and using community, detainees were able to feel they had control in this stressful situation. The hardy personality theory is based on an existential theory that says that life is constantly changing. We will see how Christian detainees are able to cope with change by challenging their situation through the use of a theology of hope. In concluding this study of detention we look at the real evil of detention. We will, therefore, look at the negative effects of detention that these detainees were subjected to as part of their experience of detention. We will look at the psychological categories of dread, dependency, and debility. These categories are seen as companion parallel concepts to commitment, control, and challenge. Having done this, and bearing in mind that one of our aims in doing this study is to see if we are able to provide some ideas towards a pastoral model for dealing with the past hurt of detention, we then look at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the challenges it poses for the churches. In doing this we will attempt to show how resources drawn from the faith tradition of Christian activists may be used in helping detainees do 'suffering work' and deal with debility, dependency, and dread.Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1997.
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Aarons, Michelle Sandra. "Prison experience in the work of some South African writers from Lessing to Cronin". Thesis, 2014.
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Booth-Yudelman, Gillian Carol y Gillian Carol Booth Yudelman. "South African political prison-literature between 1948 and 1990 : the prisoner as writer and political commentator". Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/15480.
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This thesis examines works written about imprisonment by
four South African political prison writers who were incarcerated
for political reasons. My Introduction focuses on current
research and literature available on the subject of political
prison-writing and it justifies the study to be undertaken.
Chapter One examines the National Party's policy pertaining to
the holding of political prisoners and discusses the work of
Michel Foucault on the subject of imprisonment as well as the
connection he makes between knowledge and power. This chapter
also considers the factors that motivate a prisoner to write.
Bearing in mind Foucault's findings, Chapters Two to Five
undertake detailed studies of La Guma's The Stone Country, Dennis
Brutus's Letters to Martha, Hugh Lewin's Bandiet and Breyten
Breytenbach's The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist,
respectively. Particular emphasis is placed on the reaction of
these writers against a repressive government. In addition,
Chapters Two to Five reflect on the way in which imprisonment
affected them from a psychological point of view, and on the
manner in which they were, paradoxically, empowered by their
prison experience. Chapters Four and Five also consider capital
punishment and Lewin and Breytenbach's response to living in a
hanging jail. I contemplate briefly the works of Frantz Fanon in
the conclusion in order to elaborate on the reasons for the
failure of the system of apartheid and the policy of political
imprisonment and to reinforce my argument.English Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (English)
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Mpungose, Cyprian Lucky. "Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology : on blackness, black solidarity, and liberation". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22197.
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This study focuses on Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology, with particular emphasis on the themes of blackness, black solidarity and liberation. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is Africana existential phenomenology, which is used as a lens to understand Biko’s political thought. The study argues that thematic areas of blackness, black solidarity, and liberation are inherent in Africana existential phenomenology. These thematic areas give a better understanding of existential questions of being black in the antiblack world. What is highlighted is the importance and the relevance of the revival of Biko’s thinking towards creating other modes of being that are necessary for the actualisation of blacks as full human subjects.Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)
Libros sobre el tema "Political prisoners – south africa – diaries"
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Meer, Fatima. Prison diary: One hundred and thirteen days, 1976. Cape Town: Kwela Books, 2001.
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Mandela, Nelson. Conversations with myself. [Toronto]: Anchor Canada, 2011.
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Mandela, Nelson. Conversations with myself. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010.
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Mandela, Nelson. Conversations with myself. Waterville, Me: Thorndike Press, 2011.
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Mandela, Nelson. Conversations with Myself: With a foreword by President Barack Obama. London: Macmillan, 2010.
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Human Rights Commission (South Africa), ed. Political Imprisonment in South Africa. London: Human Rights Commission, 1991.
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International, Amnesty, ed. South Africa: Prisoners of conscience detained under the state of emergency. New York, NY (322 8th Avenue, New York 10001): Amnesty International, National Office, 1987.
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Karel, Coetzee Jan, Gilfillan Lynda 1948- y Hulec Otakar, eds. Fallen walls: Prisoners of conscience in South Africa and Czechoslovakia. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2004.
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Jenkin, Tim. Inside out: Escape from Pretoria Prison. Bellevue, South Africa: Jacana, 2003.
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Foster, Don H. Detention & torture in South Africa: Psychological, legal & historical studies. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Political prisoners – south africa – diaries"
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Johnson-Williams, Erin. "Singing, Suffering, and Liberation in the Concentration Camps of the South African War". En The Oxford Handbook of Community Singing, 667–85. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197612460.013.34.
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Abstract This chapter considers the political implications of communal singing in the concentration camps of the South African War, 1899–1902. In these spaces, spontaneous, communal hymn singing emerged as a form of ethnic and religious expression. Eye-witness accounts (diaries, medical and newspaper reports) of prison life in Afrikaner concentration camps reveal that the singing of Dutch psalm tunes and hymns occurred spontaneously at moments of personal and communal grief, as well as more formally in concentration camp funerals and prayer meetings. The texts were Calvinist, often providing parallels between the plight of the Afrikaner people and that of the Israelites. This sacred repertoire was in aesthetic and theological tension with the evangelical, English-language hymns that British soldiers and missionaries disseminated among the prisoners. Drawing on the themes of “sounding biopolitics,” “audible incarceration,” and “de-incarceration and liberation,” the author proposes that the experience of communal singing in the context of imperial incarceration created cultures of separatism in which the act of collective singing shaped expressions of both oppression and resistance.
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Grant, Nicholas. "Political Prisoners". En Winning Our Freedoms Together. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the gendered language political prisoners used to frame their experiences and the moral legitimacy of their struggles. In South Africa, prison was where this heroic vision of black masculinity could be forged. Black political prisoners used their carceral experiences to construct specific gender identities that affirmed their status as political leaders in the public sphere. In this configuration, the prison experiences of African women were often neglected. This led to black women often being cast as vulnerable figures in need of protection and denied their agency as political actors. Finally, the chapter traces how groups such as the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) and the ANC Women’s League engaged with and challenged this masculinist vison of black protest.
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Grant, Nicholas. "Black Internationalism, Anticommunism, and the Prison". En Winning Our Freedoms Together. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0006.
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Chapters 5 and 6 both document how African Americans and black South Africans established the prison as a key site of black international protest in the 1950s. Specifically, chapter 5 examines how anticommunism operated as a global language that was employed to bolster white supremacy and limit black protest. However, this section of the book also demonstrates how black activists responded to their arrest and imprisonment by strategically connected white settler colonialism in southern Africa to racism in America. This resulted in political prisoners on both sides of the Atlantic being configured as icons of resistance, heroic figures through which black international solidarities were launched and maintained.
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Roht-Arriaza, Naomi. "Overview". En Impunity And Human Rights In International Law And Practice, 221–30. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195081367.003.0016.
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Abstract The late 1980s and early 1990s have seen a spate of African countries move from one-party or military rule to governments resulting from multiparty, contested elections. In some cases efforts to democratize have been thwarted by recalcitrant military establishments; in others ethnic or tribal tensions or economic problems have pushed newly elected governments toward repeating some of the human rights abuses of the past. The new governments have faced the issues of investigating and prosecuting the perpetrators of past human rights violations and of compensating their victims in situations of continuing political instability. The responses of the new regimes have varied; in many countries the new government has granted an amnesty covering all acts of the former ruler and/or his supporters. In Benin, for example, ex-President Mathieu Kerekou, whose government was accused of torture and the killing of prisoners, was nonetheless granted personal immunity.I In the Congo, the National Conference held in February 1991 declared a general amnesty for political crimes or human rights violations. On the other hand, other countries have taken steps to investigate, although only a few have prosecuted. Some of the more important experiences are summarized below. The cases of Zimbabwe and South Africa are considered in separate chapters. That of Rwanda is too recent to be dealt with adequately here, although international efforts to prosecute genocide are touched on in the concluding chapter.
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Dworkin, Ira. "The Chickens Coming Home to Roost". En Congo Love Song. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632711.003.0010.
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This chapter presents Malcolm X’s travels in Africa during the months leading up to the Stanleyville (Kisangani) crisis of November 1964. Speeches, diaries, correspondence, FBI surveillance reports, and circumstantial evidence indicate that, during the final months of his life, Malcolm X may have been involved in recruiting African American volunteers through the OAAU (Organization of Afro-American Unity) and the OAU (Organization of African Unity) to serve in the Congo as mercenaries in opposition to white South African forces, a project that may have been a model for a similar effort soon undertaken by Che Guevara. In the wake of the 1964 U.S. airlift of Belgian paratroopers into Stanleyville to rescue white hostages, Malcolm spoke of the history of hand-severing, a reference which links him to Sheppard. Malcolm’s frequent commentary on the subject, in many of his most important forums during the final year of his life, locates the trajectory of African American involvement in the Congo at the center of his political vision and organizational praxis, and, by extension, at the heart of modern Black nationalism.