Literatura académica sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
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García-Rivero, Carlos. "Democratisation, State and Society in the Middle East and North Africa". Comparative Sociology 12, n.º 4 (2013): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341273.
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Abstract The so-called “Arab spring” has swept throughout Middle East and North Africa against authoritarian forms of government, overthrowing regimes from West to East. After several aborted and repressed attempts, by Islamic parties, to access the institutions through the elections, mainly in the early 2000, the society rose in arms against the Arab State. In the forms of revolt, anger against the State repression has shaken the whole region. This article analyses the bases of confidence in the State institutions in five Arab countries in an attempt to evaluate if the current events are taking the region in the correct direction for democratic stability, according to citizens expectations about state reforms. The study is a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data gathered from the region. Conclusions reached indicate that, more than Islamisation of societies, citizens demand more respect for human rights and a higher participation and development of civil society.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, n.º 2 (10 de abril de 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.
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The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a decade of Erdoğan's leadership, the government has undertaken a limited democratization process through amendments to the Constitution and steps to eliminate the military tutelage over the civil authority. Nowadays domestic political process in Turkey is characterized by the erosion of secularism and the planting of a moderate (“soft”) Islam. The ruling Turkish elite seeks to transform local society into a more conservative one. In April 2013, Erdoğan initiated discussion by Parliament to the proposed new Constitution, including the transition from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. The major breakthrough has been reached in relations with the Kurds. In March 2013, a truce was attained with the jailed PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) leader Abdullah öcalan. The PKK forces retreated hereupon to bases in the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdish party – Peace and Democracy – is presented in the Parliament, along with the ruling AKP (which takes 50% of the seats) and the opposition Republican People's Party. At the same time Turkey has already seen societal polarization since the 2013 Gezi Park protests (“the Turkish Spring”) which grew into a nationwide protest movement. This, however, did not affect the determination of the AKP to build a model based on the market economy, parliamentary democracy and Islamic traditions. This model may be in demand in other countries with a prevailing Muslim population. Turkey’s political system can also inspire Arab neighbouring countries, where – like in Turkey – the pro-Islamic ruling parties are actively looking for alternative forms of development.
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Graziano, Manlio. "The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East". Modern Italy 12, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2007): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633767.
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The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.
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Grishina, Nina. "Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures". Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2021): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-56-3-56-65.
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The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.
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García-Rivero, Carlos, Enrique Clari y Joaquín Martín Cubas. "Islamist Political Parties and Parliamentary Representation in the Middle East and North Africa". Comparative Sociology 20, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2021): 441–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10038.
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Abstract Over the past century, political Islam has taken the form of political parties and entered the electoral realm to gain institutional power. The Arab Spring sparked an unprecedented electoral advance of Islamists. New elections gave rise to new governments under the control of Islamist in several countries in the region which created a new political scenario unthinkable only a few years earlier. In comparison with the traditional political parties, little is known about Islamist parties as recently empowered political actors. Against this background, this article explores the origin of Islamist political parties in the MENA region, the evolution of their parliamentary representation and the causes that fuel the latter. The first section of the article describes the appearance and evolution of Islamist political parties and the context in which the latter took place. The second part analyses the economic and political factors that explain the evolution presented in part one
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Al-Momani, Mohammad. "Th e Arab “Youth Quake”: Implications on Democratization and Stability". Middle East Law and Governance 3, n.º 1-2 (25 de marzo de 2011): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591521.
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Th e Arab Spring has advanced the prospects for democracy in the region. After years during which any democratic transition seemed implausible in the Arab World, masses across the region have risen to challenge the political status quo, inspired by the successful revolution in Tunisia. A major cause to the political unrest can be identifi ed in the large number of unemployed youth in Arab nations, whose political frustrations were aggravated by their inability to express themselves in a tightly controlled police state, political corruption, and the incapability of the state to deal with social and economic problems. In addition, social media was a vital vehicle in both sustaining reform movements within single countries, and spreading the wave of demonstrations across the region. Yet, the events of the Arab Spring have challenged the stability of countries undergoing these transitions. Th e possibility for the creation of failed states or international interventions, and the necessity of governments to deal with large numbers of refugees, sectarian tensions, and deeply rooted economic problems threaten to derail the recent political transformations. In spite of these challenges, however, the recent political changes do provide encouraging opportunities for creating peace in the region and moderating Islamic parties.
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Wegner, Eva y Francesco Cavatorta. "Revisiting the Islamist–Secular divide: Parties and voters in the Arab world". International Political Science Review 40, n.º 4 (30 de agosto de 2018): 558–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118784225.
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Electoral politics in the Arab world are either portrayed as clientelistic affairs void of content or as highly ideological clashes between Islamist and Secular Left forces. Although both arguments are intuitively appealing, the empirical evidence to date is limited. This article seeks to contribute to the debate by investigating the extent of programmatic voter support for Islamist and Secular Left parties in seven Arab countries with data from recent surveys by the Arab Barometer, Afrobarometer and World Values Survey. Ideological congruence between voters and parties exists but is limited to the Islamist–Secular core divide with regard to the role of religion in politics and gender values. In contrast, there are virtually no differences in economic attitudes between respondents and there is no evidence of class-based voting, with Islamist and Secular Left parties sharing the same voter base of better-off, more educated voters. Core results are robust across surveys.
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Willis, Eliza, Christopher da C. B. Garman y Stephan Haggard. "The Politics of Decentralization in Latin America". Latin American Research Review 34, n.º 1 (1999): 7–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024298.
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AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American politics and political economy in the last two decades has been the increasing decentralization of government. This development has generated a substantial literature on the pros and cons of decentralization and on subnational politics but few attempts to explain differences in the pattern of decentralization across countries. Fiscal decentralization must be understood as a political bargain involving presidents, legislators, and subnational politicians, each having somewhat conflicting preferences. How these bargains are struck will depend heavily on the lines of accountability within political parties. In systems with centralized political parties, the central government has exercised greater control over resources and uses than in countries with decentralized parties, in which subnational politicians exercise strong influence over legislators. The article explores this hypothesis through a comparative analysis of decentralization in Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela, and Mexico.
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Burdah, Ibnu. "New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries". Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, n.º 2 (20 de diciembre de 2014): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.
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The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
Tesis sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
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Blew, Dennis Jan. "The Europeanization of Political Parties: A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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Benruwin, Mohammed (Mohammed A. ). "The Political Leadership Crisis and Violation of Human Rights in the Arab World: A Study of the Rulership of the Arab Countries, 1970-1990". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278872/.
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This dissertation analyzes the political leadership crisis and the violations of human rights in the Arab countries during the period 1970 to 1990. The main purposes of this study could be briefly summarized as follows: (1) to explore scientifically whether there is a political leadership crisis in the Arab World; (2) to explore the concept of political leadership, i.e., what constitutes political leadership, what are its necessary requirements, and what differentiates it from dictatorship; and (3) to examine the effects of political leadership in the Arab countries upon the violation of human rights.
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Prosser, Christopher. "Rethinking representation and European integration". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. "Liberalization, Contention, and Threat: Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent.
This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.
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SCHULTE-CLOOS, Julia. "European integration and the surge of the populist radical right". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63506.
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Defence date: 2 July 2019Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Elias Dinas, European University Institute; Professor Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Professor Kai Arzheimer, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz
Does European integration contribute to the rise of the radical right? This dissertation offers three empirical contributions that aid understanding the interplay between political integration within the European Union (EU) and the surge of the populist radical right across Europe. The first account studies the impact that the European Parliament (EP) elections have for the national fortune of the populist right. The findings of a country fixed-effects model leveraging variation in the European electoral cycle demonstrate that EP elections foster the domestic prospects of the radical right when national and EP elections are close in time. The second study demonstrates that the populist radical right cannot use the EP elections as a platform to socialise the most impressionable voters. The results of a regression discontinuity analysis highlight that the EP contest does not instil partisan ties to the political antagonists of the European idea. The third study shows that anti-European integration sentiments that existed prior to accession to the EU cast a long shadow in the present by contributing to the success of contemporary populist right actors. Relying on an original dataset entailing data on all EU accession referenda on the level of municipalities and exploiting variation within regions, the study demonstrates that those localities that were most hostile to the European project before even becoming part of the Union, today, vote in the largest numbers for the radical right. In synthesis, the dissertation approaches the relationship between two major current transformations of social reality: European integration and the surge of the radical right. The results highlight that contention around the issue of European integration provides a fertile ground for the populist radical right, helping to activate nationalistic and EU-hostile sentiments among parts of the European public.
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Bartz, Jamie. "Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
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Coosemans, Thierry. "Les Libéraux dans l'Union européenne: étude de cas :le groupe libéral, démocratique et réformateur du Parlement européen, 1979-2002 :un bilan". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210544.
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VAN, SPANJE Joost. "Pariah parties : on the origins and electoral consequences of the ostracism of political parties in established democracies". Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12049.
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Defence Date: 15/05/2009Examining Board: Mark Franklin (EUI); Michael Laver (New York University); Peter Mair (EUI) (Supervisor); Cees van der Eijk (University of Nottingham) (External Co-Supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Party politics is about cooperation and conflict between political parties. At certain times, a party may rule out all political cooperation with a particular other party. In these cases, there is only conflict between the parties. This dissertation is about such situations. I define the systematic refusal of a particular party to cooperate politically with a particular other party as the party’s ostracism of the other party. It is the causes and consequences of ostracism that I wish to explain in this thesis. In order to do so, I first define the concepts of the ‘anti-immigration party’ and the ‘communist party.’ Based on both a literature review and an expert survey, conducted in the course of this study, I classify other parties’ responses to the existence of 46 anti-immigration and communist parties in 15 countries in postwar Western Europe as either ‘ostracism’ or ‘no ostracism.’ In the first part of this dissertation, I use the resulting classification as the dependent variable in a comparative-empirical analysis, in order to explain the variation in other parties’ political responses to particular political parties. Using logistic regression analysis on the basis of two different data sets, I find that other parties are likely to systematically boycott a far right party if they do not need to cooperate with it anyway. They are even more likely to do so if it holds anti-democratic ideologies. The ‘ostracism’ / ‘no ostracism’ classification is the main independent variable in the second part of the research, which aims at exploring the consequences of the exclusion of political parties for their electoral support. I argue and empirically demonstrate, by way of different regression analysis techniques on the basis of 15 different data sets, that when ostracized, anti-immigration and communist parties are less able to affect policy outcomes, which is what generally interests voters. As a result, these parties lose votes. There is one main exception to this rule. Anti-immigration parties that operate in a political context where opposition influence in parliament is high, and which are represented in the national parliament, are immune to the deleterious impact of ostracism on their electoral support. It seems that these parties can exercise power over policy-making in spite of being ostracized, thereby remaining attractive to voters. Thus, institutional factors determine whether or not ostracizing a rival party is an effective tool in the hands of targeting parties in order to safeguard democracy - or just to hold on to power.
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KOEHLER, Kevin. "Military elites and regime trajectories in the Arab spring : Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen in comparative perspective". Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29621.
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Defence date: 13 September 2013Examining Board: Professor Laszlo Bruszt, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI - Co-Supervisor); Professor Holger Albrecht, (American University in Cairo); Professor Robert Springborg, (Naval Postgraduate School, Monterrey, CA.)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Why did different regimes react differently to the mass uprisings that shook the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011? Why did the personalist presidencies of Husni Mubarak in Egypt and Zine al-Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia collapse only weeks into the uprisings while Syria’s Bashar al-Assad still holds onto power and Yemen’s Ali Abdallah Salih could negotiate his way out of office? Focusing on the cases of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen, this thesis is an attempt to answer this question. The central argument of this thesis is that military elite behavior shaped regime trajectories in the Arab Spring. Where the armed forces as an institution defected from the incumbent, the presidency immediately collapsed; where at least some military elites remained loyal, the respective chief executives survived in office for a significantly longer period. I develop an explanation that focuses on the presence of regime cronies within the military leadership. Where such cronies exist, the costs of defection increase for all members of the officer corps. Since the loyalty of cronies appears as a forgone conclusion, defection would likely lead to confrontation within the military. In other words, the absence of crony officers is a necessary condition for the cohesive defection of the armed forces from authoritarian presidents. Empirically, the fact that there were no crony officers in their respective militaries enabled the Egyptian and Tunisian armed forces to defect from their commanders in chief without endangering their internal cohesion. In Syria and Yemen, on the other hand, the defection of the armed forces as an institution was not an option given the fact that key units in both militaries were controlled by officers closely connected to the president. The result was the swift collapse of personalist presidencies in Egypt and Tunisia and the escalation of conflict in Syria and Yemen. This thesis traces the emergence of patterns of political-military relations in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen from regime foundation in the 1950s and 1960s to the uprisings of 2010 and 2011. I argue that path dependent processes of institutional development link patterns of political-military relations at the outbreak of the uprisings to the dynamics of regime foundation in the early 20th century. While the institutional form of the founding regimes that II emerged in the 1950s and 1960s was a function of the composition of regime coalitions, the patterns of political-military relations that shaped regime trajectories in 2011 were shaped by attempts to reproduce these initial institutional features over time and under changing environmental conditions. The initial role of the armed forces in founding regimes was determined by whether or not the regime coalition had drawn institutional support from the military. Where this was the case as in Egypt and Syria, the military developed into a central regime institution, whereas the armed forces remained marginal in Tunisia and institutionally weak in Yemen. These initial differences were reproduced in the context of a period of institutional and economic reform from the second half of the 1970s onwards. While all four regimes succeeded in reining in the military, they used different strategies that had different and partially unintended consequences. In Egypt the depoliticization of the military was sugarcoated by the emergence of a parallel ‘officers’ republic’ that ensured substantial military autonomy, in Syria the armed forces were controlled via a system of praetorian units, while in Tunisia the military remained marginal but largely independent from the regime and in Yemen tribal dynamics prevented the army from developing into a strong institution. These processes all fulfilled their primary goal of ensuring that the armed forces would not actively intervene in politics. At the same time, however, they produced different incentive structures for military elites confronted with regime threatening protests.
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WILLUMSEN, David Munck. "Preferences, parties and pragmatic fidelity : party unity in European legislatures". Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29633.
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Defence date: 6 December 2013Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Stefanie Bailer, ETH Zürich (External Supervisor); Professor Mark Franklin, EUI & MIT; Professor Simon Hix, London School of Economics and Political Science.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Voting unity in parliamentary parties is an inescapable phenomenon in parliamentary democracies. Knowing only which party a legislator belongs to and how the majority of that party voted allows for the identification, with extremely high levels of accuracy, how said legislator actually voted. However, most explanations of why this is the case rests of unsustainable assumptions about the effects of institutions and electoral systems on the behaviour of parliamentarians. Further, most work ignores the most basic explanation of why legislators vote the way they do: Their policy preferences. Without first explaining the role they play in legislative behaviour, little else can be explained with confidence. This work first theorises and develops measures of how parliamentarians’ policy preferences lead to incentives for them to vote against their party’s line in floor votes, and then applies them to a series of diverse institutional setups, showing that while parliamentarians’ preferences may explain significant parts of parliamentary party voting unity, it is also clear that they cannot, except in rare circumstances, explain all of it. Having shown that preferences cannot explain unity, this work then argues that by analysing MPs’ attitudes to party unity, we can understand why MPs choose to vote contrary to what their preferences alone would predict. Applying this logic to parliaments at either extreme of the spectrum of parliamentary institutionalisation, it is shown that there is little evidence that legislators are compelled to act in ways they do not want. Rather, what is found is that they recognise the value of party voting unity and can overcome the temptation to free-ride on their co-partisans. Finally, analysing floor votes in the European Parliament, it is shown that what explains defection are the long-term rather than short-term goals of parliamentarians, complementing the previous findings.
Libros sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
1
Kay, Lawson y Lanzaro Jorge, eds. Political parties and democracy. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010.
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Hazzāʻ, ʻAlī Ṣāliḥ. al- Thawrah laḥzah-- thumma al-kārithah: Ṣafaḥāt min tārīkh al-Shuyūʻīyah fī al-Jazīrah wa-al-Khalīj. al-Kuwayt: ʻA.Ṣ. al-Hazzāʻ, 1994.
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lil-Dirāsāt, Markaz al-Lubnānī, ed. Returning to political parties?: Partisan logic and political transformations in the Arab world. Sin el Fil, [Lebanon]: The Lebanese Center for policy Studies, 2010.
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Tawfic, Farah y Kuroda Yasumasa 1928-, eds. Political socialization in the Arab states. Boulder, Colo: L. Rienner Publishers, 1987.
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Markaz al-Imārāt lil-Dirāsāt wa-al-Buḥūth al-Istirātījīyah., ed. Islamic movements: Impact on political stability in the Arab world. [Abu Dhabi]: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2003.
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Bishārah, Marwān. The invisible Arab: The promise and peril of the Arab revolution. New York, NY: Nation Books, 2012.
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Storm, Lise y Francesco Cavatorta. Political Parties in the Arab World: Continuity and Change. Edinburgh University Press, 2018.
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Storm, Lise y Francesco Cavatorta. Political Parties in the Arab World: Continuity and Change. Edinburgh University Press, 2018.
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Ottaway, Marina y Amr Hamzawy. Getting to Pluralism: Political Actors in the Arab World. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2012.
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al-Aḥzāb al-siyāsīyah wa-jamāʻāt al-maṣlaḥah wa-al-ḍaghaṭ: Dirāsah fī ʻilm al-ijtimāʻ al-siyāsī. al-Iskandarīyah: Markaz al-Iskandarīyah lil-Kitāb, 2008.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
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Costa Lobo, Marina. "Portugal: EU Issue Voting in Mainstream and Challenger Parties". En Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 275–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29187-6_11.
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AbstractOne of the “bailout countries” during the Great Recession, Portugal is an interesting case-study to analyse EU politicisation and its effects at the national level. In this chapter, media, parliamentary and voting data provide a comprehensive picture of the role of EU politicisation in Portuguese political behaviour. Trends of EU issue politicisation are presented using salience and tone in mainstream media and parliamentary debates from 2002 to 2019. As expected, the post-2009 period exhibits an increase in politicisation both in media and parliamentary debates. Yet, in a post-bailout stage, and especially since the left coalition government took office in 2015, a degree of depoliticization of the EU issue is detected, with tone improving among the left parties in Parliament. A comprehensive vote model is then set up, using data from a post-2019 election online survey, to examine the degree to which EU issue voting matters, benchmarking with other political issues which were deemed relevant in the election. EU issue voting occurs among Communists but also for the PSD—signalling its importance not only for challenger but also for mainstream parties. Moreover, it matters more than the other socio-economic political issues included in the model.
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Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike y Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy: Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy". En Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
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AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
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Nezi, Roula. "After the Crisis: EU Issue Voting in Greece". En Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 231–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29187-6_9.
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AbstractCompared to the other countries examined in this volume, Greece is the one that suffered the most financially during the economic crisis. Public protest and growing political discontent emerged as a reaction to the strict austerity policies introduces, with European institutions becoming the symbol and the European Union (EU) becoming the main target of discontent. To this end, the Greek case offers a useful example of a country in which EU issues around the economic crisis polarized the general public. This analysis suggests the salience of the EU issue was greater during the crisis, with negative references towards the EU being widespread even among moderate media outlets. However, public opinion analysis suggests the EU issue can only explain the vote for the two parties competing to govern—Syriza and New Democracy (ND). While Syriza successfully closed the circle of the memoranda agreed upon by the Papandreou government in 2009, ND mobilized the emotions of citizens and the public by creating a “rally around the flag” that determined the outcome of the elections.
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Katz, Richard S. "12. Political Parties". En Comparative Politics, 213–30. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0012.
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This chapter examines the role that political parties play in the working of democracy. Political parties are among the major actors in democratic politics. Whether or not in power as the result of victory in free and fair elections, the governments of most countries have effectively been in the hands of party leaders. When governments were not in the hands of party leaders, most often it was because party government was interrupted by a military takeover. The chapter first considers various definitions of a political party, before tracing the origins of political parties. It then describes the functions of parties and the ways in which parties are organized, regulated, and financed. It concludes with an analysis of the role of parties in the stabilization of democracy in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, as well as challenges confronting parties in the new millennium.
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Katz, Richard S. "13. Political parties". En Comparative Politics, 235–53. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780192846051.003.0013.
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This chapter examines the role that political parties play in the working of democracy. Political parties are among the major actors in democratic politics. Whether or not in power as the result of victory in free and fair elections, the governments of most countries have effectively been in the hands of party leaders. When governments were not in the hands of party leaders, most often it was because party government was interrupted by a military takeover. The chapter first considers various definitions of a political party, before tracing the origins of political parties. It then describes the functions of parties and the ways in which parties are organized, regulated, and financed. It concludes with an analysis of the role of parties in the stabilization of democracy in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, as well as challenges confronting parties in the new millennium.
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Grubov, Volodimur y Igor Khraban. "NEO-OTTOMAN PROJECT OF THE PRESIDENT R.T. ERDOGAN: GEOGRAPHY AND POWER LEVERS OF GREAT STRATEGY". En Traditional and innovative scientific research: domestic and foreign experience. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-436-8-10.
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In the foreign policy of Turkey the “neo-Ottoman project” is connected with the activities of the country’s President R.T. Erdogan and the “Justice and Development Party” (“Abaletve Kalkinma Partisi” (AKP) – political force which declared its political ambitions with the victory in the parliamentary elections in 2002. Conceptually, this model of Ankara’s relations with the outside world was developed by Ahmet Davutoglu, the head of the Chair of International Relations at Beykent University, who later headed the Foreign Policy Department of Turkey and became the main person in the implementation of the “rhythmic diplomacy” strategy. In the views of the President Erdogan and the political elite of the new guidelines the announced course reflected Ankara’s desire to regain the greatness and influence of the “golden age” of the Ottoman Empire. As time of implementation of this geopolitical project has shown its successful regional locations, such as the “Organization of the Turkic States” and the “Turkey-Africa” formates, caused great concern among the countries of the Mediterranean region, as well as partner countries (Russia) and allied countries (USA, EU countries). Today, the success/failure indicator of the “neo-Ottoman project” for Ankara is two undeniable facts. The first fact is the unfolding of the “big game” in the South Caucasus around the prospects of a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan as a result of the 2020 war in which the players of the world forefront with their own interests are already involved, and the second fact is the recognition of the President Erdogan that in 2028 he will leave big politics. The purpose. The purpose of the study is to reveal the phenomenon of the “neo-Ottoman project” as a geopolitical projection of Turkey’s “soft” and “hard” power within the former Ottoman Empire. As a certain strategy of Ankara’s greatness policy, it [power projection] has been considered in a systemic approach which has made it possible to clarify the most controversial events and facts of the project. The achievement of the goal has facilitated by three tasks, the content of which has disclosed in three sections of the study. This is to reveal the identity of the President R.T. Erdogan as a new wave politician; to position “neo-Ottomanism” as a geopolitical project of Turkish greatness within the borders of the former Ottoman Empire; and to reveal the content of Ankara’s efforts in the implementation of the “rhythmic diplomacy” strategy. The chapters are organically connected and reflect the content of the problem. Methodology. The research has been carried out on the basis of the use of comparative, dialectical, historical and systemic methods. This has made it possible to consider the phenomenon of the “neo-Ottoman project” as a whole picture of the restoration of the greatness of Turkey of the past, to reveal its peculiarities and retrospectives. Results. The mechanism and tools of the “rhythmic diplomacy” strategy has been revealed. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of its [tools] application in geographical and regional projects in Central Asia and in African countries. It has been proven that since 2010 – the beginning of the “Arab Spring” Turkey’s activity in the Mediterranean region as the former “place of greatness” of Ankara began to be perceived as a challenge to the interests of the traditional players of world politics in this region. This forced the Turkish government to adjust its line of behavior. This was clearly demonstrated during the last visit of the Turkish president to Egypt and a meeting with the country’s leader. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in the block of humanitarian disciplines that consider issues of international politics and regional security. Value/originality. The scientific novelty of the study consists in revealing the ontological foundations of the phenomenon of “neo-Ottomanism” in the development of the course of “greatness” of Turkey initiated by the President R.T. Erdogan and clarification of successes and problematic issues in the implementation of the declared policy. The strategy of “rhythmic diplomacy” has been considered as the synchronization of Ankara’s efforts in the key regions of the former Ottoman Empire and in the states of the Central Asian Five. The strategy involves the creation of various formats of cooperation where Ankara has taken a leading role. Conclusions. The project of “neo-Ottomanism”, which since the 2000s has been consistently implemented by Ankara, is the materialization of Turkey’s course to acquire the status of a “regional state”. Having lost the prospects of joining the EU, the new wave of Turkey’s elite turned to the historical memory and narratives of the past as the eternal foundations of statehood and the greatness of the national spirit. It is symbolic that Ankara’s foreign policy ambitions are in tune with the slogans and modalities of Ahmet Davutoglu’s “Strategic Depth” (2002) which should be regarded as a reassessment of Turkey’s European prospects. The conflict of interests that gave rise to the project of “neo-Ottomanism” was clearly manifested in the most sensitive place of its vitality which is the South Caucasus. Starting from 2020, when the Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan ended, it became a “stumbling block” for establishing peace in the region. Today, the “Armenian node” threatens the countries of the region with a new escalation of violence and a radical reformation of the security environment.
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Salem, Fadi y Yasar Jarrar. "Learning from Failure". En Handbook of Research on E-Services in the Public Sector, 419–30. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61520-789-3.ch031.
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Large-scale electronic government projects had mixed results over the past decade. A considerably large percentage of such projects effectively failed. The over-ambitious promise of e-governance positively transforming public sectors in developing nations didn’t fully materialize. The actual causes of e-government failures are still to be explored in more detail to improve the understanding of the phenomenon by practitioners and scholars alike. This chapter explores the causes of e-government failures within the context of Arab states and discusses prevailing views of such failures in earlier literature. Based on a survey of senior e-government practitioners in nine Arab countries, our findings indicate that the underlying roots of failure in e-government projects in Arab countries (which we classify in nine main categories) are entwined with multifaceted social, cultural, organizational, political, economic and technological factors. We argue that, despite their many similarities, e-government initiatives in the Arab states would be better equipped for avoiding failure when a local ‘fit’ is established between leadership commitment, sustainable cross-government vision, appropriate planning, rational business strategy, suitable regulatory framework, practical awareness campaigns and rigorous capacity building for the public administrators and society at large. Based on our findings, we argue that replicable “best practices” in a complex and developing field of e-government rarely exist. We conclude with a proposal to nurture a culture more tolerant to risk-taking and failure in the relatively new area of e-government in the Arab states. Until a local maturity level is reached, such culture should be accompanied with home-grown e-government risk management approaches as well as effective mechanisms of knowledge management to enable extracting relevant local lessons from failed projects and partial successes.
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Wenzelburger, Georg. "Law and Order Policies and Conservative Parties". En The Partisan Politics of Law and Order, 131–68. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190920487.003.0005.
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Chapter 5 presents evidence on how two conservative governments, the Bildt government in Sweden in the early 1990s and the French UMP governments at the beginning of the 2000s, embarked on rather different policy paths although both governments had pledged to implement harsher law and order policies. The difference between the two countries is explained by the fact that the Swedish political system constrains radical policy shifts by a legislative process that is lengthy and aimed at consensus. Therefore, the government simply did not have enough time to implement what might have been a major policy change. Second, the importance of law and order policies was greatly reduced in Sweden due to a major financial and economic crisis that hit the country only months after the government took office—hence, crime and security were not a priority. In France, in contrast, institutional constraints were weak, which explains the shift toward a harsher stance.
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De Vries, Catherine E., Sara B. Hobolt, Sven-Oliver Proksch y Jonathan B. Slapin. "12. Policy Outcomes in Europe". En Foundations of European Politics, 211–32. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198831303.003.0012.
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This chapter explores policy outcomes by looking at a number of European countries. It considers some salient policy areas, including those that are decided primarily at the national level, for example health, and policies that are determined at the more macro, European Union (EU) level, for example trade. It also looks at policy areas that involve shared decision-making across different levels of government, examples here include immigration and the environment. The chapter also focuses on the role of position-taking by political parties and other groups, such as interest groups and social groups or movements. It considers how these explain variations in policy outcomes.
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Daudu, Basil Osayin, Goddy Uwa Osimen y Amodu Salisu Ameh. "Rethinking Democratic Governance in African Politics". En Democratization of Africa and Its Impact on the Global Economy, 32–47. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-0477-8.ch003.
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Good governance and accountability, amongst others, are hallmarks of a democratic system of government, practiced by most African countries. At the inception of democracy in most African nations, political parties were formed according to constitutional laws, and eligible candidates were voted into political office through elections. African politics is majorly marred with the problem of leadership as argued by most scholars and non-scholars alike. Against this backdrop, the lead questions are: Is democracy in Africa progressive or retrogressive? Is leadership the only major problem of African politics? In what practical ways can one ensure good governance in African politics? Thus, this chapter argues that every problem marring African politics is traceable to attitudinal crises, which must be addressed to guarantee and promote good governance in Africa.
Informes sobre el tema "Political parties; Arab countries; politics and government"
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, octubre de 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.
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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.