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Laurence, Lisa. "La fabrique des financiers : une socialisation scolaire aux normes professionnelles". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UPSLD053.
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Ce travail de thèse présente et analyse les processus de socialisation professionnelle au sein des formations en finance. Il montre dans quelle mesure les étudiantes et étudiants en finance sont positionnés par leurs études et selon leurs origines sociales au sein de l’espace hiérarchisé des professions financières, mais également les façons dont ils intériorisent différemment des normes spécifiques, telle que la recherche systématique de profits, en fonction de leur socialisation antérieure. Il conclut que la socialisation professionnelle en finance favorise l’acceptation du fonctionnement économique capitaliste de la sociétéThis thesis presents and analyzes the processes of professional socialization within finance education programs. It shows how finance students are positioned by their studies and according to their social backgrounds within the hierarchical space of financial professions, but also the ways in which they internalize specific norms differently, such as the systematic pursuit of profits, depending on their prior socialization. It concludes that professional socialization in finance promotes the acceptance of the capitalist economic structure of society
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Thomson, Tiffany Lynn. "Examining dimensions of political discussion and political knowledge". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1185903001.
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Kadlubovich, T. I. y R. V. Mnozhynska. "Political socialization as a factor of electoral culture". Thesis, Izdevniecība "Baltija Publishing", 2019. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/12420.
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Ekman, Joakim. "Schools, Democratic Socialization and Political Participation: Political Activity and Passivity among Swedish Youths". Södertörns högskola, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27399.
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The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
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Bleses, Nancy Joy. "Regional and provincial outriders, the socialization of political orientations". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24574.pdf.
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Beaupre, Charles P. (Charles Paul). "Political socialization of ethnic minorities in Thailand and Taiwan". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28988.
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Thailand and Taiwan have indigenous minority populations which central authorities have sought to assimilate into the national mainstream. In both countries public education has served as an important tool of assimilation. This study examines the political ideology of the moral education curricula as applied to state primary schools serving indigenous populations in three localities in each country. The direct and indirect implementation of moral education was observed and interviews were carried out with teachers, students, parents and community leaders. The results show that as the indigenous minority children become more familiar with the national culture and its value system, they become more aware of ethnic discrimination against them, which in turn leads to a heightened sense of marginality and engenders antipathy toward members of the dominant ethnic group.
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Ibrahim, Hasan Ibrahim Makki. "The Kuwaiti press : how significant for youth political socialization". Thesis, Cardiff University, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252475.
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Hasan, Maryam Mohammad. "Political socialization in Kuwait : a study of school textbooks". Thesis, University of Exeter, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.276532.
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Cho, Young Hwan. "Religious conscientization and political socialization in modernizing Korean society". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.
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Martin, Justin D. Johnston Anne. "News consumption & political socialization among young, urban Jordanians". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2556.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
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Helmstetter, Craig D. P. "The stratification of political consciousness /". view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018371.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-202). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018371.
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Coloroso, Christina M. "The political socialization effects of marriage for American women voters". Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/646030305/viewonline.
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Tucker, Katherine K. "The impact of socialization on the political participation of women in the American political system". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1999. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1385.
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The purpose of this study is to explore the extent to which political socialization agents influence the role that women participate in the American Political Process. These agents include the family, the school, peer groups, religious institutions, the mass media, and occupation class and status. In addition, to determine to what degree have women participated in the American Political Process. In an attempt to fulfill these purposes, the political activity of Trailblazers in the American Political System was examined, and compared to current female electives. Also, the traditional views of women, beginning from the late 1960s to the present were examined, to determine if ideal societal roles of women have changed.
Other procedures used included the use of secondary data derived from the U.S Census reports from the late 1960's to the present. Additional data were taken from the U.S. Board of Elections, the Internet and the 1996 Political Attitudes Survey conducted by the Department of Political Science at Clark Atlanta University.
The results revealed different value systems in society and how they have changed over time. Although women are still far from being equal to that of men, great improvement has been made. Today, women continue to out number men at the polls and are increasingly being elected to political positions. Results also revealed that women were politically active within their, communities, churches, etc, long before gaining the franchise. They were campaign organizers, in attendance at rallies, active demonstrators and even rebellion leaders. Unfortunately, they were not given notoriety for their activism, and consequently, appeared to be less mobile than they truly were.
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Jall, Hutokshi Jamshed. "Raj Kapoor and Hindi Films: Catalysts of Political Socialization in India". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3399.
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This dissertation seeks to describe and analyze Raj Kapoor and Hindi films as direct and latent catalysis of political socialization in India. The main objective of this study is to portray that Raj Kapoor as an actor, director and producer of Hindi films endeavors not only to entertain people but makes them socially conscious by capturing the socioeconomic scenario in the aftermath of the partition of India in 1947, and socializes them to love each other, live in peace, and consequently, contribute towards the resurgence of a reformed, united and vibrant India.
In order to defend the objective of the thesis, films in which Raj Kapoor established himself as an actor or a creator were reviewed and analyzed, and extensive fieldwork was undertaken in Bombay.
The National Film Archive of India, Pune and the Price Gilbert Library, Atlanta provided secondary sources of information. The framework of analysis combines Gabriel Almond, G. Bingham owell and Sidney Verba's model of political socialization with Karl Deutsch's theory of communication and the New Left paradigm.
This dissertation, in the final analysis seeks to establish that Raj Kapoor and Hindi films are capable of assisting the Indian state in the process of nation-building by instilling a buoyant sense of nationalism, and invoking universal values of nonviolence, love, unity, peace and friendship in the individual, national and international spheres.
The significance of this research is unique as it seeks to establish the importance of Hindi film artists who contribute directly or indirectly in shaping the attitude, values and beliefs of the Indian people. Perhaps, this research work is path breaking as it seeks to analytically point out and reiterate the importance of love and nonviolence in the realm of politics, and in improving the quality of everyday life via Hindi films and artists like Raj Kapoor.
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Sohl, Sofia. "Youths' political efficacy : sources, effects and potentials for political equality". Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35006.
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The aim of this dissertation is to increase knowledge of political efficacy,both theoretically and empirically. A thorough theoretical discussion iscombined with empirical studies of the development of political efficacy and of its effects on political participation. The results are also discussed in the light of political equality. In three papers, quantitative data on Swedish adolescents are analyzed. The first paper discusses what political efficacy actually entails. Based on an overview of previous research, a merged multidisciplinary perspective with a focus on people’s beliefs in their capacities to perform political actions is presented. Four main pathways concerning how youths gain political efficacy are tested. The second paper’s main question is whether, and in which ways, schools can help students gain political efficacy. In the light of political equality, it reflects upon the individual and societal effects of potential gains in youths’ political efficacy. The third paper scrutinizes the effects of political efficacy on political participation. In addition, the combinations of having political efficacy beliefs, and political knowledge or interest, are tested in order to explore potential interaction (leverage) effects. Altogether, this dissertation presents a more refined and stringent view on political efficacy. It further clarifies the concept itself, which may aid clearer, more coherent, and less ambiguous research. It also provides an input into an existing framework for understanding the development of youths’ political efficacy. Finally, it finds that political efficacy seems to work as a lever for participation. Combined with political interest, it facilitatesthe transformation of psychological engagement into political action. The findings will inform discussion on the implications of stimulating youths’ political efficacy to promote political participation and political equality. By boosting political efficacy along various pathways – in part independently of socioeconomic status – political equality may be promoted by benefiting the least advantaged.
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Blomkvist, Pontus. "Political Resocialization : Immigrants from Authoritarianism and Adaptation to Democratic Political Life". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95576.
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To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.
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Rebollo, Diego Aboal. "Political institutions and economic growth". Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504878.
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Electoral systems are rules trough which votes translate into seats in parliament. The political economy literature tells us that alternative electoral systems can generate different distributions of power among different social groups in the legislature and therefore lead to dissimilar equilibrium economic policies~ On the other hand, we know from the endogenous economic growth literature that economic policy can affect growth. vVhat the literature is lacking is a clear link between electoral systems and economic growth. The main objective of this thesis is to establish a connection between them. Once this link is constructed we move our focus to a more primitive question: what are the factors that determine which electoral system is chosen over another? Providing an answer to this question is the second objective of the thesis. We build a dynastic model with heterogeneous agents where one of the engines of growth is public capital. In our model there are three social classes with different levels of wealth and productivity. The source of conflict among these social classes is the level of public capital. Alternative electoral systems can generate different distributions of power in parliament and different equilibrium levels of public capital. Different patterns of capital accumulation lead to different economic growth equilibrium. Social classes who are' aware that alternative electoral systems imply different public policy and welfare choose an electoral system following a simple process of bargaining. A precise ranking of electoral systems in terms of economic growth requires the knowledge of the social structure of the country. Alternative social structures can lead to different rankings. Under complete enfranchisement, equal and not polarized societies choose majoritarian electoral systems, while equal but polarized societies generate proportional representation systems. Only highly unequal societies can lead to anarchy. The empirical evidence supports some of the propositions of the thesis.
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Mizuno, Nobuhiro. "Political Economy and Economic Development". Kyoto University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/120727.
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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
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Dahl, Viktor. "Breaking the law : adolescents' involvement in illegal political activitiy". Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-33225.
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Illegal political activity has always been part of a democratic society. Despite this, not much is known about young people’s involvement in these political activities. Research portrays political influence attempts of this kind in different terms; as troublesome for the democratic political system, as expressions of conscious decisions vital for humanity’s future, and yet other times as illustrations of a coming-of-age rebellion. Overall there is a lack of collective knowledge on illegal political activity, and especially in adolescence – the age period when these political activities seem to peak. The aim of this dissertation is therefore to enhance knowledge of involvement in illegal political activity in adolescence. This dissertation addresses this task in four empirical studies. Results show that mostly boys engage politically with illegal political means. Adolescents involved are also interested in politics, believe in their own abilities to take part in political activities, have long-term political goals, and approve of violent political tactics. In addition, these activities also seem to associate with a challenge of authority. This could be seen in how political dissatisfaction was translated into illegal political activity, and in the way these activities seemed to be reactions to a non legitimized parental authority. Besides authority challenges, these activities are likely the result of important peer relations; influences from peers with experiences of illegal political activity seem to be a most probable answer to why adolescents adopt these political means. Taken together, the results of this dissertation show that adolescents involved in illegal political activity are well-equipped for political involvement, challenge authorities in most contexts of their lives, and are likely to adopt these political means from already involved peers.
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Kimmel, Melissa. "Socialization and attitudes effects of religion, political identification, and class, 1972-2002 /". Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2006. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=637.
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Ferreras, Isabelle 1975. "On economic bicameralism". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28755.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004."September 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-104).
(cont.) for both economic profitability and democratic justice, is explored after the roots of the idea of economic bicameralism in socio-economic history and existing socio-economic institutions (such as Works Councils) are reviewed. Economic bicameralism is thus an original form of governance of the firm with regards to both its philosophy and its institutions. It is founded on the recognition that two quests take place within the context of the firm, each of which is pursued primarily by one of the firm's two major agents, capital and labor. In the structure of economic bicameralism, two chambers, one representing each group of agents, govern the firm jointly. The Chamber of Capital assembles the investors in capital, who value an instrumental rationality while seeking profit as their foremost objective; and the Chamber of Labor assembles the investors in person, who display a political rationality and are best understood as seeking democratic justice as their primary goal. While investors in capital remain the sole legal shareholders of the bicameral firm, the governance of the firm is managed by these two chambers, which occupy an equal footing and are consequently bound to cooperate in order to allow the firm to function efficiently. The collaboration hence induced between investors in capital and investors in labor enables the firm to effectively respect the aspiration towards democratic justice that infuses the work experience with the objective of economic profitability that motivates first the investors in capital.
This study contributes to normative democratic theory by exploring the relevance of the democratic ideal within the context of the capitalist economic system. It reviews the five traditional arguments for economic democracy before advancing a sixth, original argument, which both encompasses and surpasses its predecessors, based on the political meaning of the work experience. This provides for an understanding of the "political rationality" that animates workers, who, in investing their own person in the firm, experience work as an expressive, political experience that places them in a public space where their conceptions of the just are challenged in complying with the rules of the workplace. In the traditional capitalist shareholder firm, where workers are not entitled to take part in setting those rules, this political rationality also involves a normative content: an aspiration towards democratic justice within the context of the firm, embodied in the idea that every investor-in person as well as in capital- should have a say in the decisions that concern the organization. Consequently, after reviewing the limits of the traditional models of the shareholder firm and the stakeholder firm, this study introduces a theory of the firm capable of reflecting the two rationalities that animate the firm: on the one hand, the traditional rationality of the capitalist firm which is instrumental, displayed by the shareholders (the investors in capital), which is tied to the quest for economic profitability, and on the other hand the political rationality, displayed by the workers (the investors in person), informed by a quest for democratic justice. The scheme of the bicameral firm, whose institutions are conceived in order to jointly address the quests
by Isabelle Ferreras.
S.M.
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Liebenberg, Andre. "The relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/30619.
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The research aims to investigate the relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth. The Arab Spring placed renewed interest on the topic of freedom, yet current economic conditions seemingly contradicted the established theory. The largest free economies were being outperformed by those with less political and economic freedom.Three objectives were specified to answer the research question. The first objective aimed to determine the association between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth, for which Spearman’s correlation was used. The second objective aimed to investigate causal relationships between the variables, for which Granger’s causality was employed. The third objective aimed to examine complex relationships between the variables, for which vector autoregression was used.Economic growth was weakly correlated with the independent variables. Civil liberties, political rights and economic freedom, however, had strong correlations with each other. Economic freedom and economic growth had bi-directional Granger-causality. Political rights Granger-caused economic freedom whilst civil liberties Granger-caused political rights and economic freedom. Using vector autoregression, the model consisting of economic growth, economic freedom and civil liberties had the greatest explanatory power towards economic growth. Existing theory therefore remains valid: political freedom enhances economic freedom, which, in turn, enhances economic growth.The relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growthDissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
unrestricted
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Gilboa, David. "The economic conditions of political liberty". The Ohio State University, 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/42197316.html.
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Qizilbash, M. "Corruption, political systems and economic theory". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358574.
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Navajas, Alvaro Ruiz. "Socio-political determinants of economic growth". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499872.
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Harell, Allison. "The micro-story of multiculturalism: diverse social networks and the socialization of tolerance". Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19294.
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Does political tolerance have any limits? What must people "put up with" to be considered politically tolerant? In political science, tolerance has been conceived and measured as an absolute democratic value. The politically tolerant are willing to put up with everything and any objection to public expression is branded intolerant by empirical political science. This dissertation challenges this approach to the concept of tolerance. It demonstrates that civil liberties decisions in contemporary, multicultural democracies are increasingly complicated by values other than freedom of expression, such as social inclusion and non-discrimination. A more nuanced view of political tolerance is necessary. Drawing from comparative and critical race legal studies' of free speech, a theoretical distinction is developed between exclusionary expression and other types of objectionable speech. Exclusionary speech is defined as a form of public expression with the intent to exclude minorities from full participation in society. The focus is on rights denial, and such speech typically comes from more privileged social groups. This speech is argued to be fundamentally different from other types of speech. This theoretical distinction is examined empirically using the Comparative Youth Study, a survey conducted with 10th and 11th grade students in Belgium and Canada (n=9599). Results suggest that many young people in these countries do distinguish between exclusionary and other forms of speech when making civil liberties judgments. Young people who express tolerance for some forms of speech, but draw the line at exclusionary speech are considered to endorse a multicultural form of political tolerance. Multicultural tolerance is shown to be empiriY a-t-il des limites à la tolérance politique? Faut-il que les gens supportent tous genres d'expression pour être considérés comme tolérants? En science politique, la tolérance a été conçue et mesurée comme une valeur démocratique absolue. Les personnes politiquement tolérantes doivent tout supporter et ne jamais restreindre l'expression publique d'aucune manière. Cette thèse remet en question cette approche de la tolérance. Elle démontre que dans les démocraties multiculturelles, les jugements sur les libertés civiques sont fortement compliqués par des valeurs autres que la liberté d'expression, comme l'inclusion sociale et la non-discrimination. Une perspective plus nuancée est nécessaire. En utilisant les perspectives comparatives et les études de critical race theory, une distinction théorique se développe entre les expressions d'exclusion et d'autres types d'expressions publiques. Les propos d'exclusion sont définis par l'expression publique d'idées qui ont pour but d'exclure les minorités de la pleine participation sociétale. Ces propos tendent à bafouer les droits et proviennent d'habitude de groupes sociaux plus privilégiés. Cette forme d'expression publique est considérée comme fondamentalement différente d'autres types d'expression. Cette distinction théorique est examinée avec l'Étude Comparative de la Jeunesse, une enquête présentée aux étudiants de IVème et Vème années de Secondaire, en Belgique et au Canada (n=9599). Les résultats suggèrent que dans ces deux pays, beaucoup de jeunes font la distinction entre les propos d'exclusion et d'autres formes d'expression lorsqu'ils portent des jugements sur les libertés civiques. Les jeunes qui sont capables de tolérer cert
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MacIntyre, Jean. "Political socialization of youth in the Soviet Union : its theory, use, and results /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA272609.
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Aydin, Seda. "Political socialization processes of return migrants. The case of Turkish returnees from Germany". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669708.
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Esta tesis doctoral se centra en la relación entre experiencia migratoria y formación de valores y actitudes politicos. Busca contribuir a la literatura desentrañando el proceso de socialización política migrante , con un estudio de casos en profundidad de migrantes turcos que habían regresado a Turquía desde Alemania. Su estructura básica se construye sobre cuatro argumentos centrales en diálogo con la literatura existente sobre socialización política: 1) la socialización política es, en sí, un proceso politico, 2) la agencia de migrantes en el proceso de socialización política está subestudiado, 3) las dinámicas transnacionales de socialización política de migrantes han sido pasadas por alto, 4) la dimension procesal de la socialización política no se ha abordado. Siguiendo estos puntos críticos, la tesis pretende examinar el papel de la agencia de migrantes en el contacto e interacción con los agentes de socialización alemanes; identificar el proceso de socialización política negativa como alternativa al modelo de socialización política migrante; y mostrar las trayectorias de socialización política transnacional de los migrantes.
A diferencia de los habituales enfoques de la socialización política de migrantes, esta tesis se basa en una investigación en profundidad aplicando métodos orientados al proceso, como el abordaje relacional y la metodología de la teoría fundamentada al análisis de las entrevistas biográficas con migrantes turcos que regresaron desde Alemania. Centrada en estudiantes migrantes y trabajadores migrantes, así como migrantes de segunda y tercera generación, el diseño de la investigación contribuye a la literatura captando un amplio conjunto de complejidades de la experiencia de socialización política en un periodo de casi seis décadas , extendiéndose desde la pre-migración hasta el post- regreso. Muestra que clase, capital cultural y social, condiciones transnacionales y los contextos politicos de Turquía y Alemania correspondientes al tiempo de migración se encuentran entre los factores que explican las variaciones intra- e inter-grupos. El enfoque basado en grupos no solo cuestiona la vision del retorno del migrante como un fracaso, sino que también desafía la tendencia a tratar el grupo étnico como la unidad primaria de análisis en los estudios sobre migración y socialización política migrante. El abordaje cualitativo permite estudiar las propias narraciones de los migrantes sobre sus experiencias cotidianas, complementando la revisión de las encuestas, que trabaja con numerosas variables formales en las dinámicas pre- y post-proceso o en poblaciones de los migrantes que regresaron y no migrantes.
El análisis muestra que, en muchos casos, a veces por razones más allá́ de su control, los migrantes que regresaron no tuvieron suficiente contacto con los agentes alemanes de socialización politica como para haberse sometido en Alemania a los procesos de socialización política convencionalmente aceptados. Cuando sí tuvieron contacto a menudo usaron estratégicamente su agencia para filtrar, ignorar y jugar con estos socializadores en función de sus necesidades y preocupaciones respecto a las desigualdades de poder en la sociedad alemana. Por otra parte, las narraciones de los migrantes que regresaron revelan un proceso alternativo de “socialización política negativa”. En contraste con la imagen convencional de asunción acrítica de los valores del país anfitrión por parte del migrante para “encajar” , la socialización politica negativa supone el aprendizaje de un papel de forastero en el estado alemán y su contribución a los difusos mecanismos del sistema de protección desde dicha posición de forastero. Por ultimo, el análisis aporta una respuesta al nacionalismo metodológico en los estudios de socialización política, que asumen que el proceso está circunscrito a los límites nacionales de los paises anfitrión y de origen. Revela que podemos diferenciar entre trayectorias directa e indirecta de socialización política transnacional, en que los vínculos trasnfronterizos, identidades y costumbres de los migrantes juegan un papel central.This doctoral thesis focuses on the relationship between migration experience and formation of political values and attitudes. It seeks to contribute to the literature by unpacking the process of migrant political socialization with an in-depth case study of the Turkish migrants returning from Germany. Its main structure is based on four central arguments in dialogue with the existing political socialization literature: 1) the political socialization is itself a political process, 2) migrant agency in the process of political socialization is understudied, 3) transnational dynamics of migrant political socialization are overlooked, 4) the processual dimension of political socialization is given limited attention. Following these critical points, the thesis seeks to examine the role of migrant agency in migrants’ contact and interaction with German agents of political socialization, identify the process of negative political socialization as an alternative migrant political socialization model, and reveal transnational political socialization trajectories of the migrants. Distinct from the common approaches to migrant political socialization, this thesis relies on an in-depth inquiry through the application of process-oriented methods such as the relational approach and grounded theory methodology to the analysis of the biographical interviews with Turkish returnees from Germany. Focusing on labor and student returnees, as well as the roots migrants, the research seeks to contribute to the literature by capturing a wide array of complexities of the political socialization experience in a time span of almost six decades, extending from pre-migration to post-return. It shows that class, social and cultural capital, transnational conditions, and the political contexts of Turkey and Germany that correspond to the time of migration are among the factors that account for group variations. The group-based approach also defies the tendency to treat the ethnic group as the primary unit of analysis in migration and migrant political socialization studies. Overall, the qualitative nature of the research permits studying the migrants’ own narratives about their everyday experiences. By doing so, it seeks to complement survey research, which works with a number of formal variables for pre-process and post-process dynamics or non-migrant and returnee populations. The analysis shows that in many cases the returnees have not been subject to the conventionally assumed processes of political socialization in Germany because, sometimes for reasons beyond their control, they did not have sufficient contact with the German agents of political socialization, such as the German media, political parties, and electoral campaigns. When there was contact, they often used their agency to strategically filter, ignore and play around these socializers based on their needs and concerns within the power inequalities of the German society. Furthermore, the narratives of the returnees reveal an alternative process of “negative political socialization”. In contrast to the conventional image of migrants’ uncritical embracement of host country values to “fit in”, negative political socialization refers to migrants learning their place as the outsiders of the German polity and their contribution to diffuse system support mechanisms from this position. Lastly, the analysis provides a response to methodological nationalism in political socialization studies, which assumes that the process is contained to the national boundaries of the host and home countries. It reveals that we can differentiate between direct and indirect trajectories of transnational political socialization, in which the migrants’ cross-border ties, identities and practices play a central role. Overall, the findings shed light on the political and processual nature of migrant political socialization, its transnational dynamics, as well as the role of the migrant agency in it.
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Saltman, E. M. "Turning right : a case study on contemporary political socialization of the Hungarian youth". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1427437/.
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Young Central and Eastern Europeans are growing up in newly solidifying democratic political systems with parents raised under an entirely different regime. In order to comprehend future sociopolitical dynamics within these countries it is crucial to question how the youth are developing their political knowledge and how they are engaging in political activism. As such, political socialization provides a lens for analyzing what forms youth activism is taking and tracking the roots of current political trends. Political socialization, as a theory, is relatively straightforward. The influences of agents affecting an individual in their earlier in life have a significant impact on political outlooks and activism in later years. However, ‘political socialization’ is also a process and a field of research with certain methods and structures. Through primarily qualitative analysis, this report investigates the influences behind post-communist political trends among the youth, targeting the primary agents of socialization: family unit, educational institutions and the media. These agents are analyzed in the context of political parties and grassroots social movements. Although socialization theory targets these agents as key actors affecting political development, there is limited previous research into multi-agent analysis, with the majority of research focusing on one agent. This report also analyzes social movements as an agent of socialization, not traditionally targeted by previous political socialization theory. Thus, this report adds to wider political socialization research while presenting a unique case study into youth political developments in Hungary. Hungary is an important experiencing a growing political shift away from liberal European values, giving preference to nationalist and increasingly exclusionary politics. Larger trends of right wing and radical right voter support are also heightened among the youth population. Tracking how these shifts are developing and mainstreaming serves to better define what is a national anomaly in Hungary and what might be a predictor of larger regional or European trends.
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Epstein, Evan Sarah. "The political socialization effects of The daily show and The Colbert report in high school aged adolescents". Online access for everyone, 2007. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Spring2007/E_Epstein_050407.pdf.
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Huh, Nam-Sung. "The quest for a bulwark of anti-communism : the formation of the Republic of Korea Army Officer Corps and its political socialization, 1945-1950". The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1234534892.
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Murugesan, Vani. "Impressionable years the long-term effect of political environment on young adults /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1971760591&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Börner, Kira Astrid. "Political Institutions and Incentives for Economic Reforms". Diss., lmu, 2005. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-31652.
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Dell, Melissa. "Essays in economic development and political economy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/72831.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 2012.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 183-197).
This thesis examines three topics. The first chapter, entitled "Persistent Effects of Peru's Mining Mita" utilizes regression discontinuity to examine the long-run impacts of the mita, an extensive forced mining labor system in effect in Peru and Bolivia between 1573 and 1812. Results indicate that a mita effect lowers household consumption by around 25% and increases the prevalence of stunted growth in children by around six percentage points in subjected districts today. Using data from the Spanish Empire and Peruvian Republic to trace channels of institutional persistence, I show that the mita's influence has persisted through its impacts on land tenure and public goods provision. Mita districts historically had fewer large landowners and lower educational attainment. Today, they are less integrated into road networks, and their residents are substantially more likely to be subsistence farmers. The second chapter, entitled "Trafficking Networks and the Mexican Drug War" examines how drug traffickers' economic objectives influence the direct and spillover effects of Mexican policy towards the drug trade. Drug trade-related violence has escalated dramatically in Mexico during the past five years, claiming over 40,000 lives. By exploiting variation from close mayoral elections and a network model of drug trafficking, the study develops three sets of results. First, regression discontinuity estimates show that drug trade-related violence in a municipality increases substantially after the close election of a mayor from the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which has spearheaded the war on drug trafficking. This violence consists primarily of individuals involved in the drug trade killing each other. The empirical evidence suggests that the violence reflects rival traffickers' attempts to wrest control of territories after crackdowns initiated by PAN mayors have challenged the incumbent criminals. Second, the study predicts the diversion of drug traffic following close PAN victories by estimating a model of equilibrium routes for trafficking drugs across the Mexican road network to the U.S. When drug traffic is diverted to other municipalities, drug trade-related violence in these municipalities increases. Moreover, female labor force participation and informal sector wages fall, corroborating qualitative evidence that traffickers extort informal sector producers. Finally, the study uses the trafficking model and estimated spillover effects to examine the allocation of law enforcement resources. Overall, the results demonstrate how traffickers' economic objectives and constraints imposed by the routes network affect the policy outcomes of the Mexican Drug War. The third chapter, entitled "Insurgency and Long-Run Development: Lessons from the Mexican Revolution" exploits within-state variation in drought severity to identify how insurgency during the Mexican Revolution, a major early 20th century armed conflict, impacted subsequent government policies and long-run economic development. Using a novel municipal-level dataset on revolutionary insurgency, the study documents that municipalities experiencing severe drought just prior to the Revolution were substantially more likely to have insurgent activity than municipalities where drought was less severe. Many insurgents demanded land reform, and following the Revolution, Mexico redistributed over half of its surface area in the form of ejidos: farms comprised of individual and communal plots that were granted to a group of petitioners. Rights to ejido plots were non-transferable, renting plots was prohibited, and many decisions about the use of ejido lands had to be countersigned by politicians. Instrumental variables estimates show that municipalities with revolutionary insurgency had 22 percentage points more of their surface area redistributed as ejidos. Today, insurgent municipalities are 20 percentage points more agricultural and 6 percentage points less industrial. Incomes in insurgent municipalities are lower and alternations between political parties for the mayorship have been substantially less common. Overall, the results support the hypothesis that land reform, while successful at placating insurgent regions, stymied long-run economic development.
by Melissa Dell.
Ph.D.
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Ivlevs, Artjoms. "Economic and political economy aspects of migration". Aix-Marseille 2, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006AIX24009.
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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’explorer plusieurs phénomènes liés à la migration en prenant en considération différents aspects de la réalité économique contemporaine : l’importance du secteur non-échangeable, l’asymétrie entre les flux migratoires et les flux des investissements, ainsi que les problèmes persistants entre différentes communautés ethniques. Dans le premier chapitre introductif, nous explorons la littérature sur la politique économique de l’immigration et nous étudions les différentes voies par lesquelles les immigrés peuvent affecter le bien-être des résidents domestiques. Dans la deuxième partie, nous développons un cadre théorique afin d’analyser les effets de l’immigration sur le bien-être individuel dans une petite économie ouverte avec le secteur non-échangeable. Nos résultats expliquent pourquoi les résidents domestiques sont généralement opposés à l’immigration peu qualifiée et favorisent l’influx des immigrés hautement qualifiés. Dans le chapitre trois, nous faisons une extension du modèle élaboré dans le chapitre deux, en prenant en compte les flux internationaux du capital. D’abord nous cherchons à décrire le lien entre la migration peu et hautement qualifiée et les investissements directs à l’étranger. Puis, nous analysons le changement dans les attitudes envers l’immigration suite à l’introduction de la mobilité internationale du capital. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous démontrons comment la diversité ethnique peut affecter les intentions d’émigrer. Nous traitons le cas de la Lettonie où les minorités ethniques constituent 40% de la population. Nous pouvons constater que les individus appartenant aux minorités ethniques sont plus probables d’émigrer et que cette probabilité augmente avec le revenu. Les individus appartenant à la majorité ethnique, au contraire, sont plus probables d’émigrer si leurs revenus sont plus basThe objective of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of migration-related economic issues in the world today. We concentrate both on immigration and emigration and at various stages of our work address all three parties involved in migration process : people hosting immigrants, people left behind and the migrants themselves. We account for several important features of today’s rapidly globalising life : the importance of the non-traded sector, asymmetry between capital and labour flows, and persisting problems between ethnic communities. The first chapter in an overview of the political economy of immigration literature and addresses the multiple ways in which immigrants may affect natives’ welfare. In particular, we discuss the role of economic and non-economic arguments in shaping immigration attitudes and summarise main labour market and welfare-state effects of immigration. Chapter two develops open economy with a non-traded sector. Our finding provide additional understanding of why native population is generally opposed to low-skilled immigrants and favouring high-skilled foreign workers. The third chapter extends the model developed in chapter two to accommodate internationally mobile capital. First, we investigate whether immigration of high-skilled and low-skilled labour leads to positive or negative FDI. Then, we find out how would immigration attitudes change if a country allows international capital movements. Chapter four investigates how ethnic diversity at home may influence emigration intentions of an individual. We explore the case of Latvia where ethnic minorities constitute 40% of the population. We find that ethnic minorities are more likely to emigrate and are positively self-selected on the basis of income, while the opposite is true for ethnic majority population
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Neggers, Yusuf. "Essays in Economic Development and Political Economy". Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493380.
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The three chapters in this dissertation examine aspects of the relationships between transparency, government accountability, and the quality of public services. In the first chapter, I ask how ethnic diversity, or lack thereof, among polling station officials affects voting outcomes. I exploit a natural experiment occurring in the 2014 parliamentary elections in India, where the government mandated the random assignment of state employees to the teams that managed polling stations on election day. I find that the presence of officers of minority identities within teams led to significant shifts in vote share toward the political parties associated with these groups. Results suggest that the magnitude of these effects is large enough to be relevant to election outcomes. Using large-scale survey experiments, I provide evidence of own-group favoritism in polling personnel and identify the process of voter identity verification as an important channel through which voting outcomes are impacted.
The second chapter examines whether electronic procurement (e-procurement), which increases access to information and reduces personal interactions with potentially corrupt officials, improves procurement outcomes in India and Indonesia. We find no evidence of reduced prices but do find that e-procurement leads to quality improvements in both countries. Regions with e-procurement are also more likely to have winners come from outside the region. On net, the results suggest that e-procurement facilitates entry from higher quality contractors.
The third chapter studies the effects of the enactment across U.S. states of open meetings laws which ostensibly increase the public availability of information on legislator behavior. As recent work shows that increased remoteness of capital cities in U.S. states is strongly associated with reduced accountability and worse government performance, I also investigate how the impacts of open meetings vary with state capital isolation. I find that open meetings increase spending on public goods and heighten confidence in state government on average. Heterogeneous impacts on incumbent vote share suggest that at both low and high levels of initial accountability, open meetings provide citizens with additional information that influences voting decisions.Public Policy
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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
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Belmonte, Alessandro. "Essays on political economy". Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2014. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/158/1/Belmonte_phdthesis.pdf.
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While a vast literature has been collected pointing out the role
of the human capital on economic growth, a few has been
said, in Economics, on the mechanism through which education
directly impacts on democracy. The present dissertation
proposes a novel microfoundation of this nexus based on the
paramount role of education as economic growth engine and
determinant of political participation. The first two works
introduce elements of political psychology in order to shed
lights on individual cognitive process that might favor, overall,
a culture of democracy. Education is then a cognitive tool
that citizens/voters can use to decode the information content
of political signals and to keep rulers in charge accountable.
We formally show that the entire initial distribution of
education matters for a successful democracy and that the
median is pivotal in the political process. Motivated by that
in the last work we propose a statistical analysis of the distribution
of the Italian primary school service. Primary schools
tend to distribute in a complex way according to geographical
features of the territory, schooling aged population density,
and possible interactions between the two. Despite the school
system is financed at a State level, we outline the persistence
of remarkable differences not directly attributable to historical
divergences among different macro-area of the country
but rather between montane areas and more dynamic regions
deputed to explain economic and political divergences. Chapter 2: We propose a political agency model where rent-maximizer rulers are constrained by sophisticated principals/producers that use an awareness-management model `a la B´enabou and Tirole. Sophistication is explained by educational attainments
and producers are endowed with different levels of education,
that increase over time with human capital investments.
We allow education to be both the engine of growth and a
determinant of political participation; in equilibrium, more
educated societies are more able to punish politicians that,
in turn, invest more in productive public goods such as infrastructure,
roads or legal rules for contracts enforcement.
We prove the existence of multiple steady states featuring, respectively,
a sophisticated society with congruent politicians
in office, and a naive society ruled by dissonant politicians.
Finally, we address inequality concerns and show how, for
intermediate values, inequality opposingly hits citizens and
ruler and only the latter is found to better off; conversely, citizens
are averse to inequality, contributing to explain, via sophisticated
accountability, why most people dislike living in
a society which is too unequal. Chapter 3: The paper originally attempts to explain the rise of the new
wave of populism in Europe and the persistence of the Latin
American populism. Such phenomena rose an unresolved
political puzzle according to which populist politicians has
been widely supported by the electorate while ultimately hurt
the economic interests of the majorities. We address this puzzle
by looking at the electorate side and, specifically, at individual
citizens that are endowed with different level of political
sophistication. According to the Political Psychology
literature, we approximate political sophistication in terms of
individual education attainments whose distribution evolve
over time with human capital investments. In each period,
the distribution of political sophistication within a country
generates different incentive structure for the incumbent that accordingly optimally decide whether to be a populist or a responsible
type whereas between countries might determine
completely different equilibria in the long run, one with populist
politicians and one ruled by responsible ones. I argue
that rent-maximizer politicians have the chance to behave in a
populist fashion when a naive electorate fail in keeping rulers
politically accountable. Despite citizens are politically committed
to responsible economic policy, naive voters are basically
unaware of the politicians intentions providing to the
latter opportunities for the manipulation of the economy and
the electoral outcome. Populist rulers carry out inefficient investment
with the only intent to induce a mean-increasing
spread in future distributions of human capital so as to increase
electoral consensus based on a naive electorate and to
maximize tax revenues based on a few of rich. Chapter 4: We characterize the statistical law according to which Italian
primary school-size distributes. We find that the schoolsize
can be approximated by a log-normal distribution, with
a fat lower tail that collects a large number of very small
schools. The upper tail of the school-size distribution decreases
exponentially and the growth rates are distributed
with a Laplace PDF. These distributions are similar to those
observed for firms and are consistent with a Bose-Einstein
preferential attachment process. The body of the distribution
features a bimodal shape suggesting some source of heterogeneity
in the school organization that we uncover by an indepth
analysis of the relation between schools-size and citysize.
We propose a novel cluster methodology and a new
spatial interaction approach among schools which outline the
variety of policies implemented in Italy. Different regional
policies are also discussed shedding lights on the relation between policy and geographical features.
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Furtado, Rafael Barbosa. "Socialização política e suas agências socializadoras em jovens de Juiz de Fora – MG: uma investigação e um estudo de caso". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/6606.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O presente trabalho versa sobre o conceito de socialização política sob um enfoque do processo de socialização e a forma pelo qual o fenômeno que o conceito de socialização abarca se dá entre um grupo de jovens juiz-foranos através das agências de socialização envolvidas. Se almejou investigar quais são as agências de socialização política de maior relevância e a atuação delas sobre estes indivíduos. É proposto uma discussão do conceito de socialização política através da apresentação de seu desenvolvimento histórico e críticas referentes a ele. No trabalho, uma amostra de sessenta jovens da cidade de Juiz de Fora, participantes de um projeto de educação política do poder legislativo estadual, interpretado no presente trabalho como uma experiência constituinte do processo de socialização política, é analisada através de dados quantitativos preliminares recolhidos por um survey e de uma entrevista, vista como um estudo de caso deste processo, em busca de dados qualitativos. O presente estudo traz uma análise dos dados recolhidos a luz da bibliografia percorrida, corroborando com o papel que as agências de socialização possuem na socialização política dos jovens e da percepção de estudos recentes quanto a internet como uma nova agência socializadora de grande importância para os jovens, trazendo algumas reflexões referente aos papéis que os jovens cumprem também enquanto agentes de socialização política.
The present work deals with the concept of political socialization under a focus of the socialization process and the way in which the phenomenon occurs among a group of young through the socialization agencies involved. It was hoped to investigate which agencies of political socialization have greater relevance and they act on these individuals. It is proposed a discussion of the concept of political socialization through the presentation of historical development and criticisms concerning it. In the study, sixty young people from the city of Juiz de Fora-MG, participants in a project of political education of the state legislative power, interpreted in the present work as a constituent experience of the process of political socialization, is analyzed through preliminary quantitative data collected by a survey and an interview, seen as a case study of this process, in search of qualitative data. The present study provides an analysis of the data collected in the light of the bibliography, corroborating the role of socialization agencies in the political socialization of young people and the perception of recent studies about the Internet as a new socializing agency of great importance for young people, bringing some reflections on the roles that young people also as agents of political socialization.
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Vela, Ramón G. (Ramón Geraldo Vela Córdova) 1969. "A theory of economic democracy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8958.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2000."June 2000."
Includes bibliographical references (p. 189-194).
What is economic democracy? What, if anything, justifies it? This thesis argues that liberal theories of justice are objectionable insofar as they emphasize the distribution of resources, having little to say about how production is governed. The commitments central to liberal democracy call for some degree of workplace democracy as well as distributive justice. Many liberals begin from a set of fundamental values, derive principles of distribution, and propose to organize economic institutions so as to realize these principles. I call this the 'Fabian logic of contemporary liberalism'. And I argue that it cannot be sustained. The values and ideas central to liberal democracy have implications for economic governance that are independent of distributive justice. They call for some degree of workplace democracy. The thesis defends this claim against three objections: that workplace democracy would be unnecessary in a just society; that there are non-employees -- e.g., community residents -- with a claim to govern the firm; and that workplace democracy is incompatible with liberal neutrality. The liberal conception of democracy underlying this argument has implications beyond the employment relationship. It suggests, most generally, that liberalism has a stronger connection to democratic institutions than its proponents, and many of its critics, have recognized.
by Ramón G. Vela.
Ph.D.
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Sun, Cheng. "Reputation games and political economy". Thesis, Princeton University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3714502.
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This dissertation studies the applications of reputation games in social media and finance as well as decision games in political economy. Chapter 1 develops a reputation game in which a biased but informed expert makes a statement to attract audiences. The biased expert has an ideological incentive to distort his information as well as having a reputation concern. The expert knows that his expertise may vary in different topics, while the audiences cannot identify such differences. The biased expert is more likely to announce his favorite message when he knows less about it. Moreover, the biased expert is less willing to lie when the audiences have better outside options, and such improvements in outside options may benefit both the expert and the audiences.
Chapter 2 studies a credit rating game with a credit rating agency(CRA), an issuer and an investor. The privately informed and biased CRA provides a rating on the issuer's project, and the investor decides to purchase the project or not according to the report. As long as the CRA obtains a contract, he will inflate the rating. When the default risk is high, the CRA tells the truth. Moreover, he is more likely to tell the truth when the issuer's private benefit is larger. When the default risk is low, the CRA sends a good rating. He is more likely to inflate the rating if the issuer has a higher private benefit.
Chapter 3 presents a model in secessions and nationalism, with a special emphasis on the role of civil war. In our model, a disagreement on secession between the central government and the minority group leads to disastrous military conflicts. As a result, the tremendous potential cost of the war distorts the political choice of the minority group, and helps the central government to exploit them both economically and politically. Several key ingredients, such as population, per capita income and perceived winning chance of the civil war, play an essential role in the decision making process of the minority group. I also conduct an empirical test of this model, which supports the major findings stated above.
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Bougher, Lori Diane. "Reassessing the family's role in individual political development : a developmental and cognitive approach". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610623.
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Culshaw, T. A. "Political troglodytes and economic lunatics : is economic rationalism in Australia's best interests? /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc968.pdf.
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Peeva, Aleksandra. "Political Goals, Economic Constraints: Explaining the Motivation and Effects of Economic Sanctions". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19473.
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Diese Dissertation untersucht ökonomische Sanktionen im Kontext der empirischen politischen Ökonomie. Obwohl sie aus drei unabhängigen Kapiteln besteht, ist das übergeordnete, verbindende Ziel dieser Forschungsarbeit ein Gesamtverständnis der Motivation und der Effekte von Sanktionen anzubieten, getragen von der generellen Idee der Wechselwirkungen zwischen ökonomischen Anreizen und politischen Zielen. Meine Forschung zeichnet die ökonomischen Restriktionen ab, mit denen sich die politischen Entscheidungsträger im Bereich der internationalen Beziehungen auseinandersetzen.This dissertation explores economic sanctions in an empirical political economy context. While consisting of three independent papers, it aims at providing a holistic understanding of the motivation and effects of sanctions in particular, and the interplay between economic incentives and political goals in general. My research delineates the economic constraints that policymakers encounter in the field of international relations.
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Dollins, Ramona R. "Parental influence on political development among late adolescents". Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10192006-115601/.
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Caliche, Arnaldo Pinto Teixeira. ""Socialization of the countryside" and its consequences for agricultural production in Manica district - Mozambique, 1975-1987". Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21362.
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A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters by Coursework and Research Report in the Department of History, the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, JohannesburgThis study analyzes the “socialization of the countryside” and its consequences for agricultural production in Manica district during the postcolonial period from 1975 until 1987. The impact of this policy, developed by FRELIMO as guerrilla movement during the struggle of liberation of Mozambique (1964-1974) and as FRELIMO government from 1975 until 1987, has been analyzed here in historical perspective. During the struggle in liberated zones, FRELIMO along with the rural African population developed a collective form of production inspired by African socialism developed by President Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. FRELIMO’s new policy was implemented in whole country after independence in 1975, through the creation of the state companies, communal villages, and cooperatives of production between 1976 and 1987. This policy was implemented in the countryside without having the rural experience necessary to inform its functioning. Additionally, the weakness of human resources in its management of the policy further undermined its success. Furthermore, the war led by RRENAMO from 1976 until its end in 1992 weakened the state’s resolve. These three factors became the basic causes of the policy’s abandonment in 1983, and its replaced by the neo-liberal economic adjustment policy in 1987.
MT2016
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Franco, Estanislau Stefan. "O impacto da crise económica nas desigualdades de género e nas atitudes e participação política na Europa do sul: uma análise longitudinal (1985-2014)". Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/17530.
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Os estudos de género e política têm explorado pouco os países do sul da Europa. Por
conseguinte, persistem algumas lacunas tanto ao nível comparativo como ao nível diacrónico.
Por outro lado, os estudos emergentes da crise económica (2008-2012) nas novas democracias
europeias, sobre ativismo político e atitudes políticas, não levaram em consideração o
possível impacto desta nas desigualdades de género. Consequentemente, a presente
investigação tem três objetivos principais: num primeiro momento, pretende-se fazer uma
análise longitudinal (1985 até 2014) para perceber a diferença entre os níveis de participação
e envolvimento político de mulheres e homens, comparando os países da Europa do sul entre
si.
Num segundo momento, procurar-se-á analisar o impacto da crise económica nas
desigualdades de género nos países mais afetados (países da Europa do sul) em comparação
com os países menos afetados, tais como, os países nórdicos, os países da Europa central e
ocidental e os países da Europa do leste.
Por último, realizar-se-á um estudo exploratório sobre a socialização política dos
estudantes universitários portugueses procurando averiguar se as experiências de vida na
infância terão transitado para a vida adulta. A intenção é fazer um estudo exploratório sobre a
influência dos agentes de socialização (familiares, escola, comunidade e igreja) na relação dos
jovens com a política.Studies on gender and politics rarely explore such matters in Southern Europe. As a result, shortcomings remain visible both at a comparative level and diachronically. Furthermore, the research emerging from the economic crisis (2008-2012) in the new European democracies, on political activism and attitudes, have not considered its possible impact on gender inequality. Consequently, the present research has three principles objectives. Firstly, a longitudinal analysis (1985 to 2014) seeks to understand the difference between levels of participation and political engagement of women and men by comparing Southern European countries with each other. Secondly, an analysis will be made of the impact of the economic crisis on gender inequalities in the most affected countries (Southern European countries) compared to those least affected, the Nordic and the Central, Western and Eastern European countries. Finally, an exploratory study will be conducted on the political socialization of Portuguese university students, seeking to ascertain if life experiences in childhood will have passed into adult life. The aim is to explore the influence of socialization agents (i.e. family, school, community and church) on the relations of young people with politics.
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Chakrabarti, Rama. "Political socialization of students in metropolitan Calcutta". Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3474.
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Liu, Chien-Tzu y 劉欣虹. "The Process of Political Socialization of Adolescents". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/28105110042913032951.
Texto completoResumen
碩士大葉大學
教育專業發展研究所碩士在職專班
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The main purposes of the study were to explore the impact of political socializa-tion of adolescents with different variables, including parents’ and peers’ political atti-tudes , power consciousness, adolescents’ political attitudes, and the political participa-tion of adolescents between variables from different backgrounds. Also, relationships between the major variables parents and peers’ political attitude, youth power con-sciousness, adolescents’ political attitude and adolescents’ political participation would be discussed. Finally, the study would analyze the prediction of adolescents’ political participation. This study adopted questionnaire survey. Subjects, 607 students from junior high school, senior high school and vocational high school in Chunghwa County, were ad-ministrated by Basic Investigation; Parents and Peers’ Political Attitude Scale；Youth Power Consciousness Scale；Adolescents’ Political Attitude Scale and Adolescents’ Political Participation Scale. Data was analyzed by descriptive statistics, t-test, ANOVA, and canonical correlation, multiple regression. The results of the study are as follows : (1) There are significant differences on the different background variables of the impact of adolescents’ political socialization. (2) There are significant differences on the different background variables of adolescents’ political participation. (3) Different variables affect the political socialization of ado-lescents’ are associated with political participation. (4) There are significant predic-tions on different variables of adolescents’ political socialization on adolescents’ politi-cal participation. In this study, according to the literature and research findings, parents, teachers, educational administration, and future researchers and recommendations were made. Key Words: adolescents, political socialization, political attitude, political par-ticipation