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1
Rébillard, Eugénie. "Imposer l'ordre : la police dans les villes et les campagnes de l'Iraq abbasside (IIe-IVe s. / VIIIe-Xe s.)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA01H057.
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Cette thèse se propose d’examiner le rôle de la police dans la mise en place d’un ordre étatique politique, social, fiscal et moral dans les villes et les campagnes de l’Iraq abbasside (IIe-IVe/VIIIe-Xe s.). Cette institution majeure du califat a été peu étudiée. La découverte d’un manuscrit inédit, la Risālat siyāsat al-mulūk, permet d’approcher les modalités de son fonctionnement. Pour l’État abbasside, la police s’imposa vite comme un instrument indispensable à la gouvernance du territoire et au contrôle des populations qui l’occupaient. Son étude offre un nouvel éclairage sur le développement institutionnel qui caractérisa les deux premiers siècles abbassides. La police se structurait à partir du territoire qu’elle cherchait à contrôler. À Bagdad en particulier, la spatialisation de ses activités s’articulait à une spécialisation des tâches et son fonctionnement exigeait un personnel nombreux et qualifié. Longtemps réduite à sa seule dimension urbaine, la police abbasside se déployait également dans les zones rurales. L’extension de la couverture policière, motivée par la répression des révoltes qui rythmèrent les deux premiers siècles abbassides, permet de relire le processus d’intégration du territoire iraqien au sein de l’État. L’évolution des chefs de la police et de leurs pratiques se confond également avec celle de l’armée dont elle était issue. Le calife entretenait une relation singulière avec son chef de la police dont les termes changèrent au cours la période étudiée. Les crises politico-militaires affectèrent durablement les pratiques policières qui cristallisaient les oppositions. La police devait également se définir par rapport au droit. Le chef de la police était chargé de sanctionner les contrevenants à la norme juridique, envisagée comme dynamique, et les opposants à l’ordre politique et social que cherchait à imposer l’ÉtatThis thesis examines the role of the police in the establishment of a political, social, fiscal and moral state order in the cities and countryside of Abbasid Iraq (2nd-4th / 8th-10th centuries). This major institution of the caliphate has been little studied. The discovery of an unpublished manuscript, the Risālat siyāsat al-mulūk, allows us to approach the modalities of its functioning. For the Abbasid State, the police force soon became an indispensable instrument for the governance of the territory and the control of its populations. Its study sheds new light on the institutional development that characterized the first two Abbasid centuries. The police were structured around the territory it sought to control. In Baghdad in particular, the spatialization of its activities was linked to a specialization of its tasks, and its operation required a large and qualified staff. For a long time, the Abbasid police force was considered as a urban institution, but its action was also effective in rural areas. The extension of police coverage, motivated by the repression of the revolts that punctuated the first two Abbasid centuries, allows us to reconsider the process of integration of the Iraqi territory within the Abbasid state. The evolution of the police chiefs and theirs practices is also linked to that of the army from which it was derived. The caliph had a singular relationship with his police chief, the terms of which changed during the period under study. The political-military crises had a lasting effect on police practices, which crystallized oppositions. The police also had to define themselves in relation to the law. The chief of police was responsible for punishing those who violated the legal norm, seen as dynamic, and those who opposed the political and social order that the State sought to impose
2
Cass, Stephen John Robert. "The US takes sides : US policy towards Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386486.
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3
Mathisen, Ragnhild. ""Røverstater" i amerikansk utenrikspolitikk : president Bushs politikk overfor Irak, Iran og Nord-Korea /". Oslo : Statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/57990/57990.pdf.
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4
Gibson, Bryan. "Covert relationship: American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.
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Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq invaded Iran resulting in a costly war from 1980 to 1988, which threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf. From the outset, the stated official American policy was strict neutrality, but this was not the case. The war had provided the United States with an opportunity to improve relations with Iraq, particularly alter Iran reversed the Iraqi invasion in the summer of 1982. Because the Reagan administration could not let Iraq collapse, the United States tilted heavily towards Iraq in defiance of its stated policy. Interestingly, the tilt towards Iraq did not stop the Reagan administration from secretly dealing with Iran in 1985. Consequently, the disclosure of these dealings resulted in the buildup of American naval forces in the region to protect the shipment of oil, and eventually the use of force to end the conflict in 1988.
5
Van, Meter Eric M. "American foreign policy and Iran". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA306611.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.Thesis advisor(s): Peter Lavoy, Robert Looney. "December 1995." Bibliography: p. 105-116. Also available online.
6
Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
7
Gerschoffer, Mark A. "Germany's Iran Policy : beyond "Critical Dialogue" /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA342251.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 1998.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 1998." Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-111). Also available online.
8
Koszel, Bodgan. "Polens Engagement in der euroatlantischen Zone nach dem Irak-Krieg". Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/962/.
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In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic
relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an
article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has
provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as
documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the
rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
9
Salehi, Mohsen. "An analysis of monetary policy in Iran". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28030.
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This thesis provides an analysis of monetary policy, source of inflation and potential adoption of inflation targeting in Iran. In particular, the conduct of current monetary policy and the source of inflation in Iran presented in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 investigates the concept of inflation targeting and its specification as well as the prerequisites that should be met by an economy in order to move to inflation targeting strategy. Since a Taylor-type rule it is not a theory-based rule, a model is derived by optimising the monetary authority’s loss function. In order to express the significant role of the variation of the exchange rate on a monetary policy, Chapter 4 derives a theory based central bank reaction function which explicitly includes the exchange rate gap and is empirically tested. The hypothesis of ignoring the fluctuation of exchange rate is rejected. One of the vital elements in success of inflation targeting framework, is the accuracy of the predicted inflation rate from the central bank. After evaluating the P-star model as a representative instrument for forecasting inflation in chapter 5, different measures of velocity, have been evaluated. After structural break test on data and stationarity tests, a VAR has been constructed and the concluding VECM is estimated. From the results of the exogeniety test, the P-star model can be used as an appropriate tool in forecasting inflation in Iran. This thesis contributes to the literature in three aspects. Firstly, a micro-based model of the monetary policy reaction function is derived which considers the target of the inflation explicitly. Secondly, it recommends a practical formation of monetary policy to include exchange rate fluctuations in the reaction function of the Central Bank of Iran and finally, investigates the effectiveness of the P-star model in predicting inflation in Iran.
10
Jamshidifard, Saman. "English language policy and planning in Iran". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2011. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/349430/.
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Iran has been in the headlines in the recent years and decades for many socio-political reasons. Many of these involve the confrontation between Islamic revolutionary values and the foreign policies and aspirations of Western governments. Among the Iranian state’s revolutionary values there are no articulated aspirations to isolate the country from the outside world but progress and globalisation are defined within Islamic, revolutionary and nationalistic discourses and therefore the status of English as a foreign language in Iran has been controversial and questionable. Of course the English language is in demand in Iran and it is associated with globalization and progress. However, in the dominant official discourses it is often considered a threat because it incorporates Western values, allows access to these values, and could thus be deemed harmful to local cultures and identities. The two paradoxical perspectives on the English language in Iran are among the main reasons for tension and difference between top-down official policies and the bottom-up grass-roots English language learning practices of contemporary Iranian society. The state prescribes mainstream English language teaching (ELT) provision from the age of twelve, but parents who can afford private sector ELT provision encourage their children to learn English outside the limited mainstream education system. Restricted and limited mainstream ELT could therefore be seen as the English language learned by the masses, but private sector ELT remains for the privileged few. The aim of this thesis is to make a contribution to studies of language policy and planning in general and to an understanding of language policies and practices in Islamic states in particular, with a special emphasis on Iran. In principle, language policy as a sub-discipline of sociolinguistics can be studied in all communities and nation-states, including Iran, but at the same time one of the main aspirations of the thesis is the introduction of this critical field of research to a context to which it has not previously been applied.
11
Pavliuk, O. I. "The U.S. policy towards Iran: containment options". Thesis, БДМУ, 2017. http://dspace.bsmu.edu.ua:8080/xmlui/handle/123456789/17365.
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12
Styan, David. "France & Iraq : oil, arms, and French policy making in the Middle East /". Londres : I. B. Tauris, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41080804v.
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13
Lötzsch, Gesine. "Vom Sprechen und Schweigen". Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4722/.
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14
Latorre, Aida M. "Role of revolutionary leadership in Iran on its foreign policy". Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002726.
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15
Ozyurt, Gunes Muhip. "Foreign Policy Perspectives Of Political Factions In Iran". Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613782/index.pdf.
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The purpose of this study is to depict and analyze the foreign policy perspectives of political factions in Iran. The focus will be on the goals of the factions while the mechanics of the factional contention will be discussed only to the extent that it is related to this issue. The argument will be that the views of the factions with regards to foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are determined by the needs of the domestic agenda of each faction namely its economic and cultural policies. To develop the thesis, firstly the concept of factionalism will be reviewed within the context of Iranian politics. Secondly, the foreign policy perspectives of the factions in the first two and a half decades of the Islamic Republic will be outlined. Next, an account of the most recent factional positions regarding the foreign policy will be provided. To conclude, an analysis will be made to demonstrate the main arguments of the thesis.
16
Farzin, Mohammad Ali. "Development policy, economic adjustment and welfare in Iran". Thesis, University of Westminster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507842.
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17
Majidi, Ghani. "Fiscal policy and social security reform in Iran". Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446044.
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18
Alburaas, Theyab. "British Labour Government Policy in Iraq, 1945-1950". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc271770/.
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Britain during the Labour government's administration took a major step toward developing Iraq primarily due to the decision of Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Minister, to start a new British policy toward the Iraqi regimes that would increase the British influence in the area. This led to Bevin's strategy of depending on guiding the Iraqi regime to make economic and political reforms that would lead to social justice.
19
Morsy, Ahmed. "Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
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What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.
20
Chase, Gary M. "The impact of U.S. foreign policy on the structure of Iran's government". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FChase.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): James Russell, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-65). Also available online.
21
Bush, Michael R. "The invited Leviathan in Iraq and Afghanistan: strong-men, the Afghan local police, and the Sons of Iraq". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27803.
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Despite robust scholarship on the general themes of state-building, little scholarship exists on the strategies of exogenous powers on the construction of developing states. Further complicating these strategies is the influence of strong men, local elites who seek to mitigate the influence of both the developing state and the exogenous state on local modes of power and influenceoften through the development of armed militias. Appropriating the construct of Barnett and Zurchers peacebuilders construct and utilizing the Sons of Iraq and the Afghan Local Police as case-studies, this thesis seeks to explore the current relationship between local strong men, developing state governments, and the exogenous state (or the invited leviathan) in two states where U.S. policy has dictated the deployment of hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops. Powerful arguments can be made regarding U.S. policy in support of, and against, these militias. This thesis will show that U.S. empowerment of these militias can not only improve local security conditions, but it can empower disenfranchised groups at the state level. Understanding the dynamics at play in these circumstances can help inform the nature of future interaction with strong men, militias, and developing governments.
22
Parmly, Christopher. "The Role of Iran Policy the Saudi-American Rift". FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2301.
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This thesis explores what effect Saudi and American policy differences towards Iran have had on their bilateral relations. It is based on the recent thaw in Iran-U.S. relations, and the critical reaction of the Saudi government towards this policy. The question has two components – first, how severe the current Saudi-American rift is, and second, to what extent it can be traced to their differences over Iran. The topic will be addressed through process-tracing methods.
The thesis concludes that there is indeed a rift in Saudi-U.S. relations marked by an increasingly assertive and independent Saudi foreign policy, though its alliance with America will likely endure. It also concludes that while the thaw in relations between Iran and the U.S. on the nuclear issue was not ultimately the major factor, more general differences over Iran are one of the most significant reasons for the Saudi-U.S. rift.
23
Smith, James J. "U.S. Post- conflict integration policy of militias in Iraq". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FSmith%5FJames.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 12, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-110). Also available in print.
24
Mohammadi, Mohamad Reza Dallalpour. "Policy impact on urban land use patterns in Iran". Thesis, Cardiff University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260891.
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25
Abid, Ibrahem H. "The agriculture sector in Iraq : policy, performance and impact". Thesis, Keele University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341292.
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26
Robinson, Esther R. "Iraq and failures in U.S. compellence policy 1990-2003". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FRobinson.pdf.
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27
Hussain, N. H. "The regional planning process in Iraq". Thesis, University of Bradford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371474.
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28
Nielsen, Jenny. "U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy and Iran (1969-1980) : an analysis of bilateral policy". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/340994/.
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During their efforts to reformulate and redefine U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy throughout the 1970s, the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, engaged extensively, on a bilateral basis, with the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran’s (AEOI) Director, Dr. Akbar Etemad, in order to pursue an agreement establishing a cooperative relationship in the nuclear energy field. Although the United States attached high strategic importance to maintaining a strong bilateral relationship with Iran, and despite Iranian protestations of discriminatory treatment, the U.S. pursued an increasingly firm position in its negotiations with Iran, by insisting on the inclusion of progressively more restrictive elements to prevent proliferation, in the bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement between the two parties. Although the imposition of stricter conditions frustrated Iran, the US bilateral negotiating position was consistent with its evolving wider nuclear non-proliferation policy. Precisely because of the strong ties and alliance between Iran and the United States at this time, the U.S. --particularly the Carter administration -- wanted to showcase the eventual U.S.-Iranian cooperation agreement as a model for future bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. The U.S. administrations also aimed to exploit their close relationship with the Shah by using him as an intermediary to advance U.S. proliferation concerns in the region. U.S. foreign policy is complex and multifaceted. As identified by Rosenau and further explored by Wittkopf et al, there are external, societal, governmental, role, and individual sources, contributing to foreign policy. Adapting this approach to a specific aspect of U.S. foreign policy -- that of nuclear non-proliferation policy -- this thesis identifies and examines the various sources contributing to U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. The analysis is refined further by examining the specific bilateral policy case study in the context of the general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during this period. This comparative approach allows the thesis to identify the objectives of U.S. bilateral nuclear cooperation policy with Iran in a systematic manner and conclude that the bilateral objectives were consistent with general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation objectives, which evolved throughout the three presidencies. This thesis contributes to the literature on U.S.-Iran bilateral foreign policy on nuclear issues in the 1970s and U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy more broadly. The originality of its contribution resides particularly in its is extensive empirical research using authoritative primary sources, specifically declassified official U.S. government documents sourced from the U.S. National Security Archive, and the relevant presidential libraries. These archival sources are supplemented and supported by existing secondary sources as well as semi-structured interviews of U.S. and Iranian officials.
29
Samuelsson, Jacob. "American Foreign Policy : A Study of American Policy Decisions in Iraq to Promote Democracy". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91343.
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The essay aims to analyze and understand the policy decisions taken by the Americans during their tenure as occupying force from 2003-2004. By understanding what policy was enacted it is possible to judge how it impacted things down the line. Using democratization theory, it becomes possible to categorize a large amount of policy during that time. Meaning there can be a large-scale analysis of the policies and judge if they pushed democracy forward in Iraq. The two research questions are how the US planned to turn Iraq into a democracy and if the policy covered all the five arenas of democratization. After analyzing the material through the five arenas, the two research questions are answered. The US planned for the wrong things and only in Iraq did their plan crystalize. It involved focusing on changes in society that benefitted democracy, but with a top down approach. The policies covered all five arenas of democratisation meaning they were widely applied and pushed democracy in Iraq. The US intended to turn Iraq into a democracy and the policy employed during their tenure supports that goal.
30
Shannon, Matthew K. "An augury of revolution the Iranian student movement and American foreign policy, 1960-1972 /". View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/shannonm/matthewshannon.pdf.
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31
Dinpajouh, Mona. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iran Under Vladimir Putin: 2000 - 2008". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610874/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Russia towards Iran during Vladimir Putin&rsquos presidency. This thesis examines energy, security and regional issues in relation to the cooperation between these two states. Contrary to the view that Russia&rsquo
s relation with Iran is an example of strategic partnership, this thesis argues that Russia does not consider Iran as a strategic partner due to her own global ambitions. Russia just seeks to keep Iran under her sphere of influence. In fact, Russia&rsquo
s is not willing to consider Iran as a strategic partner due to the differences in state structures and national interests of these states. This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. The second chapter gives a historical background on Russian &ndash
Iranian relations until Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s rise to presidency in 2000. The third chapter discusses the role of energy, while the fourth chapter analyses the importance of security issues and their effects on the dynamics of &ldquo
cooperation&rdquo
between Russia and Iran. The fifth chapter discusses regional dimension of Russia&rsquo
s relations with Iran. Final chapter is the conclusion.
32
Donovan, Michael Patrick. "US political intelligence and American policy on Iran, 1950-1979". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/27927.
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This Ph.D. thesis examines United States political intelligence in regard to the regime of Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlvai, the Shah of Iran, the accuracy of this intelligence, and it's influence on American policy from 1950-1979. Based on archival material, declassified documents, and interviews with relevant personalities, this thesis seeks to chronicle nearly three decades of intelligence analysis on the factors governing political stability in Iran, and establish the veracity of this analysis vis-à-vis the historical record. In the early 1950s, American intelligence operatives contributed to the overthrow of the nationalist government in Iran headed by Dr. Muhammad Musaddiq, and the restoration to a position of authority of the Shah. In its exploration of the motives behind the 1953 covert political intervention to unseat Musaddiq, the thesis finds that the Eisenhower administration acted out of a set of Cold War priorities that included the need to maintain cohesion in the Anglo-American special relationship and fears of Iranian neutrality. In doing so, the United States gained a pliant ally, but one who's power base was tenuous. By the end of the Eisenhower administration, intelligence analysts concluded that, in the absence of significant economic and political reform, the Shah's regime had become so unstable as to virtually guarantee revolutionarily change. Acting on a broad consensus among the intelligence community about the regime's weaknesses, the Kennedy administration sought to bolster the government with limited financial and political support while encouraging reform. American pressure on this front led the Shah, in 1963, to announce the "White Revolution", a six point program for reform designed to shift the monarch's base of support from the traditional ruling elite to the lower classes. While American policymakers viewed to program as a progressive step forward, intelligence analysts were included to view the reforms as ill-conceived and designed largely to consolidate power in the hands of the Shah.
33
Hoyt, Timothy D. "Military industry and regional defense policy : India, Iraq, and Israel /". London [u.a.] : Routledge, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip067/2006002171.html.
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34
Shareef, Mohammed Jalal Majeed. "President George W. Bush’s policy towards Iraq: change or continuity?" Thesis, Durham University, 2010. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/501/.
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A substantial amount of commentary has been dedicated to George W. Bush’s policy towards Iraq, with many perceiving it as a departure from traditional US foreign policy practice. The objective of this research is to address and challenge this contention. This thesis takes 1979 as the launching point from which to examine this assertion, as it is both the year in which Saddam Hussein gained power as president of Iraq and also the year when the United States began tilting favourably towards, and reviving its relations with, this country. To embark on this study a descriptive and analytical narrative of the evolution of US foreign policy towards Iraq is presented, ending with the George W. Bush terms of office. This study contends that US policy towards Iraq has two major dimensions: the first is US policy towards Arab Iraq and the second its de facto policy towards Iraqi Kurdistan; both are defined by US strategy at the supra-national level. To guide this study, continuity and change were used as guiding concepts for analysing US Iraq policy at the national and sub-national levels. The study argues that US Iraq policy is primarily one of continuity rather than change, as US national interests and security, as regards Iraq, are defined by the same fundamental concerns, regardless of the nature of the American administration in office. The research concludes that, from the inception of the Bush administration, and the attacks on 9/11 that followed, the actual invasion of Iraq and US actions in its aftermath were all guided by the same considerations and goals.
35
Gibson, Bryan R. "US foreign policy, Iraq, and the Cold War 1958-1975". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/720/.
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This thesis analyses the ways in which U.S. policy toward Iraq was dictated by its broader Cold War strategy between 1958 and 1975. While most historians have focused on ‘hot’ Cold War conflicts such as Cuba, Vietnam, and Afghanistan, few have recognized Iraq’s significance as a Cold War battleground. This thesis shows where Iraq fits into the broader historiography of the Cold War in the Middle East. It argues that U.S. decisions and actions were designed to deny the Soviet Union influence over Iraq and a strategic base in the oil-rich Gulf region. This was evident in the Eisenhower administration’s response to Iraq’s revolution in 1958, when it engaged in covert action to prevent communists from gaining control of the state; in the Kennedy administration’s efforts to bolster the first Ba’th regime during its war with the Kurds in 1963 because it perceived it as anti-communist; in the Johnson administration’s support for the anti-communist, Arab nationalist regimes during the mid-1960s; and in the Nixon administration’s decision to support the Kurdish rebels in 1972-75 after the second Ba’thist regime drew Iraq partially into the Soviet orbit. This suggests a clear pattern. Using newly available primary sources and interviews, this thesis reveals new details on America’s decision-making toward and actions against Iraq during a key part of the Cold War. Significantly, it raises questions about widely held notions, such as the CIA’s alleged involvement in the 1963 Ba’thist coup and the theory that the U.S. sold out the Kurds in 1975. Finally, it argues scholars have relied excessively and uncritically on a leaked congressional report, the Pike Report, which has had a distorting affect on the historiography of U.S.-Iraqi relations. This thesis seeks to redress these historiographical deficiencies and bring new details to light.
36
Latorre, Aida. "Role of Revolutionary Leadership in Iran to its Foreign Policy". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4349.
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This study investigated the role of different leadership styles within Iran and how such leadership changes influenced Iranian foreign policy. The study utilized event-data analysis of Iranian history and current events and discussed the role of realist and idealist to the development of Iran into the regional power it is today as well as how Western relations played a role in developing Iranian foreign policy, particularly with regard to its nuclear development. The main body of the study drew from the dynamics within Iran, its relations with the West, relations with Israel, and relations with other foreign powers. The event-data analysis also took into account the political and socioeconomic stability and conditions within Iran as it would readily influence the foreign policy-making within the nation. The first part of the study analyzed Iranian society under the Shah and the under the revolutionary guidance of the Ayatollah Khomeini; the second part analyzed the post-Khomeini period in Iran. In addition to reviewing the role of different revolutionary leadership styles within Iran, this study considers the role that Iranian-Western relations have played in Iranian policy-making. Further, this study considers the tumultuous role that nuclear development has had in Iran's foreign relations. Findings showed that there is a relationship between Western presence in the Middle East and growing aggression by Iranian leadership. Moreover, the study demonstrates that the role of revolutionary leadership styles is critical in accessing the manner in which foreign policy decisions are made. The study found that the role of Islam in Iranian politics has brought much contention but found that in the post-Khomeini years, it has not been the central reason for policy decisions. Recommendations were made for the continued study of the role of nuclear development in Iranian-Western relations as this study was able to find some evidence of it having some level of relevance. Additionally, recommendations were made that additional research be conducted with regard to the role of Islam in shaping Iranian foreign policy in the Post-Khomeini era.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
37
Rix, Derya. "United States foreign policy towards Iran in the 21st century". Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/8483/.
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Since the revolution of 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has become a major foreign policy issue for American administrations. When George W. Bush was inaugurated as the 43rd president of the United States, Iran was still one of the unsolved issues on his table. This thesis examines the foreign policy towards Iran during the presidency of Bush as a contemporary history study informed by foreign policy analysis. The first and the most important variable is the executive branch, which conducts foreign policy with the input of various departments, the most visible of these are the Defense and State departments. During the first term, the Bush administration constructed a foreign policy that revolved around Iran’s inclusion in the “Axis of Evil” and failed to capitalize on cooperation opportunities. The second term witnessed a softening in America’s attitude, but this time the Iranian government was not receptive. Secondly, the posture and the influence of the US Congress are examined through exploring the hearings of both the House and the Senate. The Congress affected the foreign policy through the imposition of sanctions, keeping the executive branch accountable, being publicly accessible and through the accounts of individual members. Regarding Iran, the Congress consistently implemented sanctions and was not open to engagement. Thirdly, the position and impact of prominent think tanks and the Israel lobby are analyzed as beyond the federal government influences. These organizations contribute to the policy-making atmosphere by supplying expert and insider opinions, giving testimonies before Congress and providing personnel for the government agencies. The main argument of this thesis is that the Bush administration failed to produce a consistent foreign policy -an unchanging logic and a coherent strategy- towards Iran that was able to persuade the Iranian government to cooperate with the US or Europe concerning its nuclear programme and its ties to terrorism. All three variables contributed to this inconsistency either by supporting conflicting policies or by misinterpreting Iranian domestic policies.
38
Pejman, Niloofar. "Animal welfare in Europe and Iran: policy perspective and society". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673996.
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Intensive animal production systems are compromising current animal welfare standards. Societies' growing concerns regarding how animals are raised have resulted in continuous policy reforms and regulations that have banned certain intensive farming methods. However, these concerns toward animal welfare can vary across different countries and cultures. In many developed countries, EU policymakers are continuously identifying and implementing more restrictive regulations driven by social changes that go beyond the current minimum animal welfare requirements. However, animal welfare is also an emerging concern in developing countries. In this context, the main objectives of this thesis are threefold:
Firstly, to analyze the EU consumers' and citizens' attitudes towards more restrictive animal welfare (AW) regulations. The Logit Model (LM) regression was used in eight European countries (Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Greece, Lithuania, Romania, Italy, and Sweden) on a sample of 3860 respondents. The results showed that consumers are more reluctant to adopt more restrictive regulations than respondents in their role of citizens. Respondents from northern European countries (Poland and Sweden) are more likely to support more restrictive animal welfare regulations than respondents from southern countries (Spain and Italy). Women were found to be more concerned with the welfare of pigs and laying hens, giving credibility to the Internet as an information source and more likely to support more restrictive animal welfare legislation. Secondly, the students' opinions towards the inclusion of the AW subjects in their educational program were analyzed. The Logit Model (LM) from eight European Union (EU) countries with 1,952 secondary students and 1,929 graduate students was also used. The results showed that female university students with a high level of subjective and objective knowledge on AW and who required more restrictive AW regulations gave support to include the concept in their educational programs. However, students who support medical experiments that use animals to improve human health were less likely to accept the inclusion of the AW in their educational curricula. Furthermore, students in Italy compared to those in Sweden were prone to support AW educational programs.
Thirdly, in order to have a comparative view of a developing country compared to results in EU, Iranian citizens' and consumers' willingness to pay (WTP) for animal welfare (AW) milk products were analyzed using the choice experiment. The results indicate that citizens are willing to pay the highest price for traditional AW milk but not for industrial and traditional milk without AW certification. Moreover, individuals in their role as consumers exhibit a higher WTP for all types of milk but with a marked preference for industrial AW than traditional. Citizen's women and those who rely on the Internet were more concerned with dairy cattle farms and were more likely to choose AW milk. Citizens below 55 years of age were more reluctant to pay a premium to choose industrial and traditional milk without AW certification. Furthermore, consumer women and those who do not have children show a higher preference for industrial AW milk with lower animal welfare standards. However, consumers who support using animals for sport and those who assign high credibility to the television as an information source were less likely to pay a premium for AW products. Our results highlighted that both consumers and citizens are demanding higher standards regarding animal welfare. Consumers by purchasing animal welfare-friendly products and citizens by adopting a holistic approach to society legislation to achieve a minimum standard of welfare conditions. Finally, our results highlight the importance of policymakers adopting reforms that are in accordance with societal preferences and concerns to create more effective and acceptable animal welfare policies.Los sistemas de producción animal intensiva están comprometiendo los estándares actuales de bienestar animal. La creciente preocupación de las sociedades con respecto a cómo se crían los animales ha dado lugar a continuas reformas políticas y regulaciones que han prohibido ciertos métodos de cultivo intensivo. Sin embargo, estas preocupaciones sobre el bienestar animal pueden variar entre diferentes países y culturas. En muchos países desarrollados, los formuladores de políticas de la UE están identificando e implementando continuamente regulaciones más restrictivas impulsadas por cambios sociales que van más allá de los requisitos mínimos actuales de bienestar animal. Sin embargo, el bienestar animal también es una preocupación emergente en los países en desarrollo. En este contexto, los principales objetivos de esta tesis son tres: En primer lugar, analizar las actitudes de los consumidores y ciudadanos de la UE hacia normas más restrictivas sobre el bienestar de los animales (AW). La regresión del Modelo Logit (LM) se utilizó en ocho países europeos (España, Reino Unido, Polonia, Grecia, Lituania, Rumania, Italia y Suecia) en una muestra con una muestra de 3860 encuestados. Los resultados mostraron que los consumidores son más reacios a adoptar regulaciones más restrictivas que los encuestados en su papel de ciudadanos. Los encuestados de los países del norte de Europa (Polonia y Suecia) son más propensos a apoyar regulaciones de bienestar animal más restrictivas que los encuestados de los países del sur (España e Italia). Se descubrió que las mujeres estaban más preocupadas por el bienestar de los cerdos y las gallinas ponedoras, lo que da credibilidad a Internet como fuente de información y es más probable que apoye una legislación de bienestar animal más restrictiva. En segundo lugar, se analizaron las opiniones de los estudiantes hacia la inclusión de las asignaturas AW en su programa educativo. También se utilizó el modelo Logit (LM) de ocho países de la Unión Europea (UE). Los resultados mostraron que estudiantes universitarios con un alto nivel de conocimiento subjetivo y objetivo sobre AW y que requerían regulaciones de AW más restrictivas dieron apoyo para incluir el concepto en sus programas educativos. Sin embargo, los estudiantes que apoyan los experimentos médicos que utilizan animales para mejorar la salud humana tenían menos probabilidades de aceptar la inclusión del AW en sus planes de estudios educativos. Además, los estudiantes de Italia, en comparación con los de Suecia, eran propensos a apoyar los programas educativos de AW. En tercer lugar, para tener una visión comparativa de un país en desarrollo en comparación con los resultados de la UE, se analizó la disposición a pagar (DAP) de los ciudadanos y consumidores iraníes por productos lácteos de bienestar animal (AW) utilizando el experimento de elección. Los resultados indican que los ciudadanos están dispuestos a pagar el precio más alto por la leche AW tradicional, pero no por la leche industrial y tradicional sin certificación AW. Además, los individuos en su rol de consumidores exhiben una DAP más alta para todos los tipos de leche, pero con una marcada preferencia por la AW industrial que la tradicional. Las mujeres ciudadanas y las que dependen de Internet estaban más preocupadas por las granjas de ganado lechero y eran más propensas a elegir la leche AW. Además, las mujeres consumidoras y las que no tienen hijos muestran una mayor preferencia por la leche industrial AW con un estándar de bienestar animal más bajo. Sin embargo, los consumidores que apoyan el uso de animales para el deporte y aquellos que asignan una alta credibilidad a la televisión como fuente de información tenían menos probabilidades de pagar una prima por los productos AW. Nuestros resultados destacaron que tanto los consumidores como los ciudadanos exigen estándares más altos en materia de bienestar animal. Los consumidores compran productos respetuosos con el bienestar animal y los ciudadanos adoptan un enfoque holístico de la legislación de la sociedad para lograr un estándar mínimo de condiciones de bienestar. Finalmente, los resultados muestran que la enseñanza del concepto de AW en las universidades y programas escolares, principalmente en los países mediterráneos en las escuelas secundarias, es necesaria.
Sostenibilitat
39
Azizi, Tara. "Ett barnperspektiv på svenska humanitära biståndsinsatser : Exemplet Irak och Islamiska staten (ISIS)". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Barn- och ungdomsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-126977.
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Denna uppsatsstudie har som syfte att utifrån olika myndigheters och organisationers erfarenheter samt policy och positionspapper, undersöka hur barnperspektivet kommer till uttryck i de svenska humanitära biståndsinsatserna till den humanitära krissituationen i Irak. Metoden som användes för att ta sig an forskningsområdet, barnperspektiv i det humanitära biståndsarbetet, är grundad teori. Datainsamlingen utgörs av sju kvalitativa intervjuer med myndigheter och organisationer och två textanalyser. Det humanitära biståndsarbetet är väldigt omfattande. Resultatet har utmynnat i en kärnkategori och tre underkategorier som tillsammans skapat samverkansmodellen. För att barnperspektivet ska komma till uttryck i det humanitära biståndsarbetet, är det viktigt att samverkansarbetet mellan de olika aktörerna, sker utifrån ett barnperspektiv. Det är viktigt att ett barnperspektiv kommer till uttryck i varje underkategori för att barnet och barnets behov ska realiseras i policy men också i verkligheten det vill säga i den humanitära krissituationen som utspelar sig i Irak.
40
Souzanchi, Kashani Ebrahim. "Contested framings and policy evolution : evolution of the GM biosafety policy-making process in Iran, 2006-2009". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7076/.
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Vigorous debates have taken place in many European countries, and between the EU and the USA, about regulatory policy regimes covering the assessment and approval of GM crops. In such countries the debates have, to a large extent, taken place in public arenas and with the active participation of broadcast and print media. In Iran, a very vigorous and hotly-contested policy debate concerning legislation covering GM crops took place between 2004 and 2009, but it was almost entirely confined within the Government with no public debate and minimal media coverage. From early 2006 to late 2008 a protracted dispute occurred between different parts of the Iranian regime, which was characterised by an apparent stalemate. In 2008-2009, conspicuous policy shifts occurred, which culminated in the passage of a Biosafety Law by the Iranian Parliament (or Majlis). This thesis describes, analyses and explains the policy-making process from 2006 to 2009. It explains firstly how and why a stalemate arose in the disputes between ministries and departments. It then explains how that impasse was overcome, and how a particular policy regime came to be adopted. The chosen analytical framework draws mainly on two bodies of literature, namely the regulation of technological risk, and the analysis of public policymaking. A task-specific analytical framework is developed which uses the concept of the ‘framing assumptions', which underpin the particular positions taken by the diverse protagonists in the debate, to analyse the characteristics of the seemingly irresolvable dispute. The differences between those framing assumptions are used to provide an explanation of why the stalemate arose and remained unresolved for several years. The explanation of the eventual policy outcome takes account of those framing assumptions, but on their own they are not sufficient to explain the eventual policy decisions. To provide that explanation, considerations of the unequal division of political power between parts of the Iranian regime are required. The Iranian case study, despite some of its unique characteristics, can support several general conclusions about the dynamics of risk policy making, the conditions under which disputes can arise and those under which they may be resolved.
41
Alazemi, Talal Zaid A. "Kuwaiti foreign policy in light of the Iraqi invasion, with particular reference to Kuwait's policy towards Iraq, 1990-2010". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/13803.
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The study sheds light on the impact of the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 on Kuwaiti foreign policy, with particular reference to changes in behaviour towards Iraq, from 1990-2010, and the impact of this invasion on changes to the concepts of Kuwaiti foreign policy at regional, Arab and international levels. Thus, the study investigates the ‘impact’ of this invasion on Kuwaiti foreign behavior towards Iraq during the period from 1990 to 2010, the principles and determinants of Kuwaiti foreign policy towards Iraq in this period, and the ‘outstanding issues’ between Iraq and Kuwait and the Kuwaiti vision for Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime from 2003 until 2010. It finds that the trauma of the invasion drastically affected both Arab politics overall and Kuwait’s own policy: for the first time the notion of alliance became a cornerstone of Kuwait’s overall foreign policy – even if its geographical location and exposure to possible threats from Iraq meant that, after Saddam’s fall in 2003, there was a gradual evolution towards trying to help a stabilisation in that country occur. The combination of geographical location and ideational factors in the shape of sectarian cleavages crossing domestic and regional theatres, meant a continued sharp focus not only on military security with external help, but also on the pre-emption of spill-over effects from the sectarianised Iraqi political landscape to Kuwait’s own latent ethno-sectarian divisions. Even so, there were certain red lines that remained uncrossed, in the shape of the so-called outstanding issues that remained to be resolved between Iraq and Kuwait.
42
Murphy, Daniel E. "Responding to Saddam U.S. policy toward Iraq since the Gulf War /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA379081.
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Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
44
Shaoulian-Sopher, Efrat. "Israeli foreign policy towards Iran 1948-1979 : beyond the realist account". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3622/.
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Israeli foreign policy towards Iran in the period 1948-1979 has been generally explained through the Realist perspective, claiming that Israeli relations with Iran were established and developed due to converging strategic interests and common threats. This thesis argues that the existing literature does not fully appreciate the role that individuals, especially with their perceptions and misperceptions and human agency played in the formation and implementation of Israeli foreign policy. By not fully appreciating the role of human agency, the existing literature on Israeli relations with Iran has not fully explored the methods that made Israel’s foreign policy with Iran a success. For instance, the existing accounts do not examine how the actions of specific Israeli diplomats in Tehran such as Ambassador Meir Ezri prevented attempts from groups in Iran such as the Iranian Foreign Ministry and certain religious clerics to stop Israeli-Iranian relations. For three decades, the relationship between Israel and Iran, though discreet and often kept secret, flourished within the context of the Cold War and the rise of Pan Arabism. Many covert joint operations yielded widespread collaboration in the areas of trade, civilian technology, oil, agriculture, and extensive military intelligence collaboration on areas such as Yemen, Iraq and the Kurds. That changed with a shift in Israeli personnel in 1973, and ended completely after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. If Israeli-Iranian relations did solely stem from converging strategic interests, relations would have been more likely to survive the 1979 Revolution. Rather, the Israelis’ change in personnel in Tehran, their relationships with the Iranians, and their perceptions of world events greatly influenced the 1973 and 1979 shifts. This thesis concludes that any analysis of Israeli foreign policy formation and implementation towards Iran must include the multidimensional role of decision-makers, diplomats, and other foreign policy actors in order to complete the analysis presented by the existing Realist-leaning accounts. The thesis bases its argument on extensive International Relations-based examination of Israeli diplomatic history. Analysis of the role of prime ministers and diplomats such as David Ben Gurion, Tzvi Doriel and Meir Ezri; including their perceptions and misperceptions and human agency—forges a new understanding of Israeli foreign policy towards Iran from 1948 to 1979. Through the use of personal interviews, memoirs in Hebrew, English and Farsi, recently de-classified documents from the Israel State Archives, and unseen documents from private family collections, this thesis presents an argument that addresses the gaps in the existing literature.
45
Shukri, Nawzad Abdullah. "Explaining U.S. foreign policy towards Kurdistan Region of Iraq (2003-2015)". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/39353.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine U.S. foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) from 2003-2015. It argues that after 2003 there has been a considerable change in U.S. policy towards the KRI, and attempts to explain the key reasons behind this change. The regime change in Iraq in 2003 can be considered the beginning of a dramatic departure from the U.S.' traditional policy towards the Kurds, which was mostly embodied in the rejection of any Kurdish aspirations for autonomy and independence. From 2003, the U.S. backed the Kurds and pursued more flexible policy towards the KRI, yet it was always limited by the U.S.’ position on maintaining Iraq as a unitary state. Whilst the U.S. worked with the Kurds and supported Kurdish autonomous region, it nevertheless blocked the Kurdish aspirations for independence. In particular when it appeared to threaten U.S. policy in Iraq and the Middle East. However, this U.S. policy changed further from 2012 to 2015, during which the KRI was seen as almost the final platform of stability in Iraq, a perception that was strengthened by the rise of ISIL in 2014. Thus, the U.S. position towards Kurdish interests and even a Kurdish independent state changed, as the KRI in particular became more important to the U.S. strategy in Iraq and region. However, the position of the KRI highlights a wider set of issues. The regime change in Iraq in 2003 was latest part of the U.S.’ wider strategy to enhance its regional hegemony, and so its behaviour towards the Kurds depended on the extent to which they contributed to its interests. As such, this thesis provides a case study to explain the changing approach of U.S. policy towards the KRI, and in doing so also provides a useful and detailed case study of U.S.-Kurdish policy.
46
Kitchen, Christopher. "Constructing identity in British foreign policy towards Iran after 9/11". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4062/.
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47
Bonakdarian, Mansour. "Britain and the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906-1911 : foreign policy, imperalism, and dissent /". Syracuse : Syracuse university press, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401423014.
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48
Morton, Michael Charles. "Engaging Iran : a study of modifying the United States of America's foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran /". (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2001. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Al-Ansari, Basma. "ALCOHOL POLICY IN MUSLIM MAJORITY COUNTRIES". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22095.
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Background: Due to the Islamic prohibition of alcohol consumption in Muslim Majority Countries (MMCs), alcohol policy research has been limited. However, consumption in MMCs has recently increased. Also, globalization and governmental transition can all affect alcohol policy development. This research examines the extent of civil alcohol prohibition in MMCs. Using Iran as a case study, it describes how alcohol prohibition can be translated into policy, including alcohol treatment policy, in a MMC. Methods: The research was conducted in three languages: Arabic, Persian and English. Policy analysis drew on case study and qualitative research methods and narrative synthesis for literature review. For Iran, publicly available literature and policy documents were collected, and information verified through consultation. Newspapers were reviewed over three time periods. Walt & Gilson’s framework was used to identify alcohol policy content, context, actors and process, including in treatment policy. Results: Four broad approaches to civil alcohol policy in MMCs were identified. From the 50 MMCs, only five have total prohibition, 10 have prohibition with concessions, others have restriction or regulation policies. Despite its approach of prohibition with concessions for non-Muslims, Iran has used nine out of ten recommended WHO alcohol policy strategy domains in a context-specific way. Pricing and taxation is not used. Iran has started a multisectoral approach to treatment of unhealthy alcohol consumption. Conclusion: MMCs face challenges in creating alcohol policies. Many have implemented civil alcohol policies that are not limited to Islamic prohibition. However, WHO alcohol policy assessment tools do not detect many MMC alcohol policies, because tools were designed for non-Muslim and developed countries. Policy formation in MMCs could benefit from external expert support and relevant research.
50
Henry, Clarence C. "The Iraq-Kuwait crisis : a critique of United States policy 1990-91". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324893.
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