Artículos de revistas: "Pmi italiane"

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De Girolamo, Francesca y Lucia Piscitello. "Il successo internazionale delle PMI italiane: quali competenze distintive?" ECONOMIA E POLITICA INDUSTRIALE, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2010): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/poli2010-003009.

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Corsino, Marco, Roberto Gabriele y Sandro Trento. "Il ruolo della dimensione e dell'età nella crescita occupazionale delle PMI italiane". ECONOMIA E POLITICA INDUSTRIALE, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/poli2013-001003.

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Caldarelli, Adele, Luca Ferri y Marco Maffei. "I rischi derivanti dall'implementazione del cloud computing: un'indagine empirica nelle PMI Italiane". MANAGEMENT CONTROL, n.º 3 (octubre de 2016): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/maco2016-003003.

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Brancati, Raffaele. "Le tante crisi e le PMI italiane. Dinamiche, trasformazioni e politiche pubbliche". Sinappsi 12, n.º 3 (2022): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53223/sinappsi_2022-03-1.

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Over the past decade, the Italian industrial system gained appreciable progress featuring an increasing spread of innovative activities. Using updated microeconomic data, we highlight a number of critical factors affecting this process. The possibility of implementing effective policies and overcoming imbalances is conditioned by external constraints, typically concerning the ‘two capitals’: financial and human capital. For the financial structure and liquidity constraints, economic policy interventions have produced appreciable results. Concerning the strengthening of human capital, on the other hand, measures were mostly ineffective in contrasting a constraint that has become increasingly significant over time. Active policies are required, but directly addressing the specific needs and difficulties of operators.

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5

Romanello, Rubina. "Alla ricerca dell'internazionalizzazione precoce e rapida fra le PMI italiane: uno studio esplorativo". ECONOMIA E SOCIETÀ REGIONALE, n.º 1 (abril de 2017): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/es2017-001008.

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Bruzzo, Aurelio. "Le misure di politica economica per le PMI nelle ZFU italiane: opportunitŕ e problematiche". ARGOMENTI, n.º 28 (junio de 2010): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/arg2010-028003.

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Da qualche anno le Zone franche urbane sono oggetto del dibattito di politica economica. Il governo italiano, infatti, dopo aver siglato un contratto con le 22 Amministrazioni locali interessate all'introduzione di un regime di esenzioni nelle zone piů disagiate del loro territorio, alla fine dell'anno scorso ha stravolto - per decreto - l'originario provvedimento assunto in materia. Ma in cosa consiste la politica delle ZFU adottata in Italia e quali sono le specifiche misure da questa previste a favore delle PMI? E soprattutto com'č stata sviluppata tale politica in confronto all'analoga francese cui dichiaratamente essa s'ispira? Il presente articolo, cercando di ricostruire l'intera vicenda, intende fornire una risposta a queste domande, fino a giungere a una complessiva valutazione critica, ancor prima che la politica in questione inizi a essere applicata.

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Venturelli, Andrea, Fabio Caputo y Simone Pizzi. "L'impatto del contratto di rete nei processi di internazionalizzazione: alcune evidenze empiriche sulle PMI italiane". MANAGEMENT CONTROL, n.º 2 (marzo de 2018): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/maco2018-002004.

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Genovino, Cinzia y Rosa Maria Caprino. "Il ruolo della banca nel processo di innovazione del modello di business". ESPERIENZE D'IMPRESA, n.º 2 (enero de 2021): 69–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ei2018-002005.

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Il contributo rappresenta un approfondimento del Rapporto MACREF Strategie di integrazione tra produzioni agroalimentari e turismo ed in particolar modo il ruolo della banca nei processi d'innovazione dei modelli di business per le PMI. Si è cercato di offrire un'analisi critica della letteratura sul tema della scelta relativa alla struttura finanziaria efficiente delle imprese, con particolare riguardo alla realtà delle piccole e medie imprese italiane, ed in particolar modo del settore agroalimentare, attraverso una visione della letteratura empirica sull'argomento. Le PMI si caratterizzano tradizionalmente per l'uso quasi esclusivo di capitale di debito nella copertura del fabbisogno finanziario e presentano di conseguenza una struttura finanziaria quanto mai semplificata, nella maggior parte dei casi composta dal debito bancario da una parte e dal capitale dei soci fondatori dall'altra. In questo momento di crisi e di particolare frammentazione del tessuto societario italiano, in particolar modo quello del comparto agroalimentare, un ruolo determinante è stato rivestito dagli istituti bancari anche come gestori di garanzie e contributi pubblici. La scarsa patrimonializzazione delle nostre aziende, spesso a carattere e proprietà familiare, è stata negli anni supplita con un forte ricorso al credito bancario, dal quale le imprese sono diventate dipendenti a scapito di un corretto equilibrio finanziario. L'intero sistema si trova difronte ad una rieducazione finanziaria, dunque sia le imprese che le banche, quest'ultime spinte dall'innovazione tecnologica e dalla ricerca di redditività, si accingono al superamento della loro tradizionale veste istituzionale legata alla erogazione di credito. Gli istituti di credito possono e stanno quindi trasformando in opportunità tale situazione rivedendo i propri modelli distributivi e di business per diversificare le proprie fonti di reddito concentrandosi sull'offerta di nuovi servizi ad alto valore aggiunto alle imprese, sostenendo lo sviluppo e la crescita economica del nostro paese. Oggi il ruolo trainante della ripresa è infatti rappresentato da quelle imprese che sono innovative, che sanno coniugare la produttività e la tecnologia, che si aggregano tra loro o che si internazionalizzano: è proprio a queste impr- se che il sistema bancario deve guardare offrendo loro un supporto non solo in termini finanziari ma in termini di esperienza, conoscenze, competenza e consulenza.

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9

Grandi, Silvia. "Cooperazione decentrata tra la Regione Emilia-Romagna e Stato Del Paranà per lo sviluppo del cooperativismo e delle filiere agroalimentari di qualità: Il caso del Programma Brasil Próximo". Revista Movimentos Sociais e Dinâmicas Espaciais 6, n.º 2 (27 de noviembre de 2017): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51359/2238-8052.2017.231109.

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La cooperazione tra aree subnazionali, comunemente chiamata cooperazione decentrata o più recentemente “partenariato territoriale” nella nuova legge italiana per la cooperazione allo sviluppo (L. 125/14), assume di solito un ruolo marginale in termini finanziari ma può risultare molto rilevante in termini di efficacia ed influenza nelle policy per lo sviluppo locale. È quanto emerge del programma Brasil Próximo in cui cinque Regioni italiane (Umbria, Marche, Toscana, Emilia-Romagna, Liguria) hanno creato, tra il 2004 e il 2015, un articolato sistema di relazione e di progettualità in un’ottica di cooperazione di transizione post-aid. L’obiettivo si è concretizzato con l’attivazione di un vasto network, di rafforzamento e sviluppo di politiche e strumenti, di creazione di reciproche opportunità - anche commerciali - e di interventi tesi ad accompagnare processi endogeni di sviluppo locale sostenibili capaci di intervenire sui problemi socio-economici derivanti da una squilibrata distribuzione della ricchezza. In particolare questo paper pone l’attenzione sul rapporto della Regione Emilia-Romagna con lo Stato del Paranà analizzando le attività svolte per il rafforzamento di politiche e di progetti pilota volti a sostenere i piccoli produttori nelle filiere agroalimentari attraverso la crescita delle microimprese, delle PMI, del sistema fieristico locale specialistico e del cooperativismo. Un approccio sostanzialmente basato sulle persone, sulla condivisione delle buone prassi maturate nel territorio regionale e sulla mise en reseau. I dilemmi sempre aperti dopo la conclusione anche dei progetti di cooperazione considerati di successo sono: è stato veramente sostenibile? Cosa significa sostenibile per le parti in gioco? Quanto la politica influisce nella sostenibilità di questi processi?

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Goretti, Leo. "Sport popolare italiano e Arbeitersport tedesco-occidentale (1945-1950)". PASSATO E PRESENTE, n.º 78 (octubre de 2009): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078004.

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- Focuses on the sport policies of the Italian Communist Party and the West German Social Democratic Party in the post-war period. Whereas the Pci leadership decided to build up a flanking sports association (the Unione Italiana Sport Popolare, established in 1948), the Spd abandoned the pre-Nazi tradition of the Arbeitersport (workers' sport). Based on a research undertaken in the archives of the two parties, the article analyses their sport policies in a comparative perspective. Particular attention is paid to the legacy of the Nazi and Fascist regimes and the different political contexts in the two countries after World War II.Keywords: Italian Communist Party, West German Social Democratic Party, Sport, Labour Movement, Leisure.Parole chiave: Partito comunista italiano, Partito socialdemocratico tedesco-occidentale, sport, movimento operaio, tempo libero.

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11

Fijał, Małgorzata. "Treni della felicità. Społeczna inicjatywa na rzecz dzieci w powojennych Włoszech". Politeja 19, n.º 1(76) (10 de mayo de 2022): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.03.

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TRENI DELLA FELICITÀ: A SOCIAL INITIATIVE FOR CHILDREN IN POST-WAR ITALY This paper is devoted to the analysis of the origins and development of a social initiative, the so-called Treni della felicità (Trains of happiness) and its impact on shaping civil society and sense of national community in the post-war Italy. This project, initiated by the Union of Italian Women (Unione Donne Italiane, UDI) and then promoted mainly by the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI) assumed the transfer of tens of thousands of children from families in need from southern Italy to relatively more developed north-central regions of the country in order to provide them better living conditions after World War II. This example of the fight against poverty and inequalities seems to be a forgotten symbol of solidarity and renewal of the idea of civil society in post-totalitarian Italy. Moreover, this action for children is not only an example of civic activity, but also an important element in the debate on the traditional division of Italy into North and South.

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12

Possieri, Andrea. "El Partito comunista italiano, su herencia política y la identidad de la izquierda italiana". Investigaciones Históricas. Época Moderna y Contemporánea, n.º 41 (3 de diciembre de 2021): 869–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ihemc.41.2021.869-900.

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El 21 de enero de 2021 se celebró el centenario del nacimiento del Partito comunista italiano. ¿Cuáles son los motivos por los cuales, aún hoy, se reflexiona acerca de la historia del Pci? En primer lugar porque el Pci ha sido el partido comunista más grande del mundo occidental entre 1945 y 1989. En segundo lugar porque el Pci ha sido un partido que ha tenido algunas características originales respecto a los otros Partidos comunistas occidentales. Por último, porque su herencia ha tenido influencia por muchos años en la identidad de la izquierda italiana, después de 1989. El Partito comunista italiano ha dejado una profunda herencia cultural en el sistema político italiano.

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13

Rothenberg, Nina. "The Catholic and the Communist Women's Press in Post-War Italy—An Analysis of Cronache and Noi Donne". Modern Italy 11, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2006): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600937053.

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This article aims to provide a systematic, comparative analysis of two of the main women's mass publications in order to trace continuities and changes in the development of women's role in the public sphere in Italy. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the social and political context, which is crucial for the understanding of media texts in general. It shows how the existence of only limited political spaces in post-war Italian society due to the polarisation of Catholicism and communism delayed both an open political discourse on women's conditions and the gradual development of an autonomous and lay feminist movement. Noi Donne of Union Donne Italiene (UDI) was closely aligned with and financed by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and lacked any substantial autonomy until the early 1970s, while Cronache of the Catholic women's organisation Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) was a faithful instrument for the propagation of those Catholic concepts of femininity that were redefined and reinforced by the Vatican in the Catholic publication Civiltà Cattolica.

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14

Cortizo, María del Carmen. "Socialismo e democracia: Bobbio e os marxistas italianos". Sociologias 17, n.º 38 (abril de 2015): 254–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/15174522-017003821.

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O trabalho apresenta alguns aspectos do debate mantido entre Norberto Bobbio e intelectuais vinculados ao Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) sobre a teoria marxista do Estado, entre 1975 e 1976. Nas discussões, são explicitados os elementos teóricos que fundamentaram a construção da "via italiana ao socialismo", a participação do PCI na vida parlamentar italiana, e a afirmação da "democracia como valor universal". Os temas que constituem o centro do debate são, por um lado, a crítica ao modelo soviético e a afirmação da necessidade da socialização do poder político além da socialização da economia, e, por outro, a incorporação crítica dos direitos individuais e dos procedimentos da democracia representativa burguesa aos projetos políticos socialistas.

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Donofrio, Andrea. "1968: la contestación estudiantil en Italia y el PCI". Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, n.º 21 (1 de julio de 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/pasado2020.21.07.

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En Italia, el movimiento estudiantil comenzó a adquirir dimensiones de masa ya a finales de 1967. Paulatinamente, despertó el interés político y mediático nacional siendo los sucesos acaecidos en Valle Giulia, Roma, en marzo 1968, el momento de máxima repercusión. Este artículo se propone investigar una serie de cuestiones interdependientes, con el objetivo principal de poner de manifiesto la importancia que tuvo 1968 en el devenir del Partido Comunista italiano (PCI). El punto de partida es la constatación de la existencia de un ‘mayo italiano’ anterior al francés, que sin duda fue menos popular, pero que contó con sus propias características y peculiaridades. El análisis crítico hace hincapié en la influencia y la repercusión que tuvo el mayo francés en la movilización italiana y, sobre todo, en el debate interno y la reacción del PCI ante estos dos fenómenos.

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Castellina, Luciana. "The pci: The Communist Giraffe". Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, n.º 2 (14 de febrero de 2022): 356–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020008.

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Abstract This commentary offers an insight into ‘the Gramsci genome’, the concept typically used to underline Gramsci’s influence on the historical experience of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano; pci). Drawing on a personal and specific experience of political militancy within the party, this contribution explores how the pci, by assuming the role of a collective subject in Gramscian terms, pursued the Gramscian line of revolution as a protracted process of democratic expansion and conquest of essential forms of power in civil society. The article underlines the pivotal role played in this endeavour by party leadership until the death of Palmiro Togliatti; it assesses the events that led to the end of pci – including Berlinguer’s failed attempt to revive a left alternative after the historic compromise position; and underlines the persistent need for communism (a ‘more robust communism’) in view of the disaster caused by capitalism over the last 40 years.

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Ghidini, Sergio, Giovanni Loris Alborali, Silvio De Luca, Antonio Marco Maisano, Federica Guadagno, Mauro Conter, Adriana Ianieri y Emanuela Zanardi. "Predictivity of Antemortem Findings on Postmortem Inspection in Italian Heavy Pigs Slaughterhouses". Animals 11, n.º 8 (23 de agosto de 2021): 2470. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani11082470.

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Pigs slaughtered in European abattoirs must be submitted to antemortem inspection (AMI) and postmortem inspection (PMI), as required by the current European legislation in the matter of official controls. AMI and PMI are equally essential to guarantee food safety and to monitor swine health and welfare. However, little is known about the ability of AMI to predict conditions that are possibly found during PMI. In this study, such a correlation was explored together with the assessment of conditions typically found during AMI and PMI in heavy pigs slaughtered in two Italian slaughterhouses. An assessment scheme containing 13 variables for AMI and 34 lesions for PMI was used for the scope. The herd size was also considered as a variable and included in the study. A total of 24,510 pigs and 30,961 pigs were assessed during AMI and PMI, respectively. The most common conditions found were manure on the body covering more than 30% of the body (dirt >30%) and pluck lesions (‘pleurisy’, ‘pericarditis’, and ‘pneumonia’) for AMI and PMI, respectively. A significant correlation (p < 0.05) between some antemortem (AM) findings and postmortem (PM) conditions was found. In particular, the AM conditions ‘dirt >30%’and ‘skin lesions’ were positively related with PM conditions ‘skin wounds’ and ‘dermatitis’, while the complexes of respiratory and kidney lesions were predicted only by the condition ‘dirt >30%’. The variable ‘standardized herd size’ was negatively associated with ‘milk spot liver’ and positively associated with ‘arthritis/bursitis’. The results of this study show that findings reported during AMI can potentially be used to predict certain conditions found in pigs at PMI. These data can be useful for the competent authorities in characterizing swine farms using a risk-based approach and in developing systems and specific plans for official controls.

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De Matos, Vera Margarida Coimbra. "3D: Ditadura, Democracia e Diplomacia". Revista Estudos do Século XX, n.º 17 (27 de diciembre de 2018): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_17_11.

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Nos anos 60 e até ao período de transição democrática em Portugal (1974-1976), as relações diplomáticas entre Roma e Lisboa foram utilizadas pelos partidos italianos como arma de ataque político. Durante o Estado Novo, o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Socialista Italiano (PSI) usam-nas para atacar o Partido da Democracia-cristã (PDC), líder das sucessivas alianças governativas de centro-esquerda formadas, desde 1963, entre os partidos do centro e os socialistas. O objetivo era aprofundar a abertura à esquerda. Durante a transição democrática, a possibilidade de o PCI entrar no Governo devido à sua base eleitoral leva o PDC e o PSI a utilizar a radicalização de esquerda da revolução portuguesa para enfraquecer a popularidade dos comunistas, acusando-os de quererem instalar em Itália um regime ditatorial estalinista, tal como o Partido Comunista Português, com o qual mantinham estreitas ligações, fazia em Portugal. Simultaneamente, o PCI recorria aos acontecimentos portugueses para pressionar a Democracia-cristã a aceitar uma aliança governativa com os comunistas, chamada compromisso histórico.

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19

Travis, D. J. "Communism in Modena: the Provincial Origins of the Partito Comunista Italiano (1943–1945)". Historical Journal 29, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1986): 875–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019099.

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Few fields of study are as frequently subject to revision as the history of contemporary politics. This is especially true for communist movements, where new interpretations constantly rework the old. The outpouring of recent work on the Partito comunista italiano (PCI) is a case in point. The peculiarity of Italian communism and the popularity of the PCI within Italy pose intriguing problems which have attracted the attention of many political scientists. In the search for answers to these questions, most authors also end up recounting the Party's history. Unfortunately, the inspiration for these projects is rarely historical per se, but is rather ‘scientific’, intended in the outdated sense of a discipline which extracts its subject from a specific environment in order the better to study it.

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20

Califano, Licia. "A família e os filhos na Constituição Italiana". Revista Brasileira de Direitos Fundamentais & Justiça 6, n.º 20 (30 de septiembre de 2012): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30899/dfj.v6i20.309.

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Este artigo analisa o tratamento da família e dos filhos pela Constituição Italiana, descrevendo a lenta evolução da disciplina do direito de família nos últimos 200 anos. A matéria, primeiramente, era vista totalmente vinculada ao Direito Canônico. Com a separação da Igreja do Estado, contudo, a família passou a ter uma regulamentação civil, sobretudo, influenciada pelo Código Napoleônico. O Código Civil Italiano de 1942 marca uma fase de absoluto domínio do Estado sobre a família, servindo a instituição de base para o Regime Fascista. Esta fase é assinalada pelo autoritarismo do pai e pela visão tradicional de família, havendo distinção entre filhos frutos do casamento conjugal e filhos de relações não matrimoniais. Somente em tempos recentes, com a nova Constituição Italiana, a família passou a ser vista com valores plurais, admitindo-se direitos de igualdade aos filhos, independente se nascidos, ou não, de relações matrimoniais. Dentro desta evolução legislativa e cultural, o texto desenvolve o novo tratamento da família italiana.

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Manzotti, Andrea, Sonia Zanini, Sofia Colaceci, Niccolò Giovannini, Agnese Antonioli, Alice Ziglioli, Francesco Frontani y Giovanni Galeoto. "Cross-Cultural Adaptation and Validation of the Pregnancy Mobility Index for the Italian Population: A Cross-Sectional Study". Healthcare 10, n.º 10 (8 de octubre de 2022): 1971. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare10101971.

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Introduction: Pregnancy is a specific condition that modifies the mobility of women. In this population, it seems important to use specific tools to properly assess them. The Pregnancy Mobility Index (PMI) was created in 2006 with the aim of assessing mobility in pregnant women. The goal of this study was to translate, adapt, and evaluate the statistical properties of the questionnaire in the Italian pregnant population. Methods: The PMI underwent translation and transcultural adaptation. Reliability and concurrent validity, compared to the Oswestry Disability Index (ODI), was investigated on a sample of pregnant women. An ANOVA was performed to detect differences in the PMI score considering the Body Mass Index (BMI) and age of the sample. Results: The PMI was forward translated, back translated, and transculturally adapted. A consensus meeting accepted the final version of the questionnaire. The PMI was given to 93 pregnant women. PMI showed excellent reliability for every item and the total score (Cronbach’s alpha of 0.945). Concurrent validity compared with ODI items 2–9 was strong considering the total score, with r = 0.726, but moderate comparing the first item of the ODI and the total score of the PMI, r = 470, and considering the total score of both questionnaires (r = 0.683). The ANOVA showed statistical difference in pregnant women with lower BMI for every subscale and total score of PMI (p = 0.009) and for outdoor mobility considering age (p = 0.019). Conclusions: The PMI seems to be a valid and reliable tool to assess mobility in the pregnant population. Pregnant women with a lower BMI showed a greater mobility score in the PMI. In turn, younger pregnant women presented a lower mobility score compared to older pregnant women.

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Nascimento, Lorivaldo do y Aparecida Favoreto. "Os escritos gramscianos e suas publicações na Itália após a II Guerra Mundial". Revista HISTEDBR On-line 22 (9 de noviembre de 2022): e022030. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rho.v22i00.8670000.

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Esta pesquisa aborda a temática da publicação das obras de Gramsci na Itália após a II Guerra Mundial através de uma ação político-pedagógica denominada, justamente, Operação Gramsci. Assim, em primeira instância, elucida a disputa pela herança literária de Gramsci entre Togliatti e a família russa (família Schucht), envolvendo os principais expoentes da Internacional Comunista. Após a vitória de Togliatti, e a svolta de Salerno, que estabeleceu um governo de coalizão nacional entre os diversos partidos políticos italianos, inclusive o comunista, iniciou-se o projeto político-pedagógico mencionado, no qual a publicação das obras de Gramsci servia para a formação política das classes e, consequentemente, para o crescimento do Partido Comunista na Itália. A pesquisa utiliza-se, em modo especial, da correspondência entre os familiares russos de Gramsci, os membros do PCI – Partido Comunista Italiano e da Internacional Comunista. Portanto, o estudo visa preencher uma lacuna na medida em que as obras de Gramsci são difundidas no Brasil, a partir de traduções das edições italianas, que não aprofundam o contexto sociopolítico e o projeto político-pedagógico que motivou sua publicação na Itália após a II Guerra Mundial.

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Piazzoni, Irene. "Il Pci e il "governo" delle televisioni negli anni del compromesso storico (1976-1979)". SOCIETÀ E STORIA, n.º 173 (noviembre de 2021): 493–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2021-173003.

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Negli anni della "solidarietà nazionale", per tutte le forze politiche italiane il "governo" del sistema televisivo, investito da un terremoto che ne disarticolava la geografia ridefinendo gli equilibri tra "mano" pubblica e soggetti privati, si pose come un ineludibile cimento. Tanto più ne fu investito il Pci, giunto nell'area della maggioranza e forte di una folta rappresentanza parlamentare. Qual fu il suo ruolo in quello snodo? Quali obiettivi il partito si proponeva? Quale la coesione interna con cui si mosse? Quali furono le strategie messe in campo? Quali i presupposti ideologici che le sostenevano? Quali gli alleati? Sono le questioni su cui l'articolo si interroga, ricostruendo la sintassi della concertazione tra i partiti cui il Pci si affidò e di cui fu protagonista. Ne emergono i nodi e le ragioni che portarono, anziché a una legge di regolamentazione, a un appeasement che si rivelò brodo di coltura di quelle storture che avrebbero generato l'anomalia del caso italiano.

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Costantini, Emanuela. "Relations between the PCI and the league of communists from the second post-war period to the mid-1960s". Balcanica, n.º 53 (2022): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253243c.

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The relations between Tito and Togliatti and their respective parties were conditioned by the omnipresent influence that Communist party of Soviet Union had on both partners. During the period of Stalin?s rule, the Italian communist were staunch Stalinists, thus Tito?s split with Stalin and the issue of Trieste were the main obstacles in bilateral relations. Khrushchev?s destalinization process opened new possibilities for inter party relations across the Adriatic, which however continued to be conditioned by the strategy of their Soviet comrades. Khrushchev?s lessening of the control over ?sister? parties give more space for Italians to learn more about Yugoslav path to communism. Nevertheless, the PCI continued to follow the Moscow line, while PCY looked to create its own based on nonaligned movement and self-management, which continued to be closely watched but not applied by PCI during Togliatti?s time in office.

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Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War". Modern Italy 20, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.

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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.

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26

Drake, Richard. "Italian Communism and Soviet Terror". Journal of Cold War Studies 6, n.º 2 (abril de 2004): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.

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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.

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27

Abbate, Corrado y Augusto Merlini. "Distretti industriali: aree di concentrazione di PMI specializzate". RIVISTA DI ECONOMIA E STATISTICA DEL TERRITORIO, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 34–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/rest2010-001003.

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La struttura produttiva italiana, caratterizzata prevalentemente da piccole e medie imprese (PMI), č considerata come un fattore limitante della capacitŕ di crescita economica, in considerazione delle limitate possibilitŕ di effettuare investimenti, e quindi di fare progressi nel campo della ricerca e dell'innovazione. Le piccole e medie imprese vantano perň un loro punto di forza ove esse siano organizzate in distretti industriali, molti dei quali sono noti come distretti del "made in Italy". Riprendendo le definizioni teoriche di distretto industriale, introdotte da Marshall e da Becattini e gli studi che hanno affrontato il problema dell'identificazione statistica dei distretti industriali1, in questo lavoro, dopo un'analisi critica delle metodologie attualmente applicate, si propone una metodologia alternativa. Essa intende ricercare un legame piů stringente tra i concetti teorici utilizzati dagli economisti - come per esempio quelli di comunitŕ di persone, di concentrazione e di specializzazione - e i concetti statistici che li possono meglio rappresentare.

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28

Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe". Journal of Cold War Studies 3, n.º 2 (mayo de 2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby forced the West European Communist parties into extra-parliamentary opposition. Not until after the poor showing of the PCI in the 1948 Italian elections was the party able to regain a viable role. Stalin's conflicting advice to the PCI was indicative of his tenuous grasp of the situation in Western Europe.

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29

Saravia, Felipe. "Los italianos de Parral. La colonia antes de Colonia Dignidad". Revista Pensamiento y Acción Interdisciplinaria 8, n.º 2 (2022): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.29035/pai.8.2.201.

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Los italianos de Parral. La colonia antes de Colonia Dignidad es un libro que se publica a comienzo del año 2022 gracias a Ediciones UCM. Se trata de una crónica histórica que aborda los acontecimientos relativos a la colonia italiana de San Manuel de Parral, en Chile, entre los años 50 y 60; en particular, relata el fracaso técnico y social del proyecto emprendido por los gobiernos de ambos países y la posterior ocupación del territorio por parte de Colonia Dignidad, bien conocida por las atrocidades que en ella se cometieron. El libro se orienta al rescate de la memoria local y no se propone como objetivo desarrollar una reflexión teórica, aunque se detiene sobre tópicos relevantes, como la relación entre espacio y tiempo, el lenguaje, la comunidad y la identidad individual. En este sentido, tiene implicancias teóricas, o bien se desarrolla a partir de supuestos teóricos subyacentes que quisiera discutir.

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30

Girelli, Chiara Roberta, Laura Del Coco, Samanta Zelasco, Amelia Salimonti, Francesca Luisa Conforti, Andrea Biagianti, Daniele Barbini y Francesco Paolo Fanizzi. "Traceability of “Tuscan PGI” Extra Virgin Olive Oils by 1H NMR Metabolic Profiles Collection and Analysis". Metabolites 8, n.º 4 (30 de septiembre de 2018): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/metabo8040060.

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According to Coldiretti, Italy still continues to hold the European Quality record in extra virgin olive oils with origin designation and protected geographical indication (PDO and PGI). To date, 46 Italian brands are recognized by the European Union: 42 PDO and 4 PGI (Tuscan PGI, Calabria PGI; Tuscia PGI and PGI Sicily). Specific regulations, introduced for these quality marks, include the designation of both the geographical areas and the plant varieties contributing to the composition of the olive oil. However, the PDO and PGI assessment procedures are currently based essentially on farmer declarations. Tuscan PGI extra virgin olive oil is one of the best known Italian trademarks around the world. Tuscan PGI varietal platform is rather wide including 31 specific olive cultivars which should account for at least 95% of the product. On the other hand, while the characteristics of other popular Italian extra virgin olive oils (EVOOs) cultivars from specific geographical areas have been extensively studied (such as those of Coratina based blends from Apulia), little is still known about Tuscan PGI EVOO constituents. In this work, we performed, for the first time, a large-scale analysis of Tuscan PGI monocultivar olive oils by 1H NMR spectroscopy and multivariate statistical analyses (MVA). After genetic characterization of 217 leaf samples from 24 selected geographical areas, distributed all over the Tuscany, a number of 202 micro-milled oil samples including 10 PGI cultivars, was studied. The results of the present work confirmed the need of monocultivar genetically certified EVOO samples for the construction of 1H-NMR-metabolic profiles databases suitable for cultivar and/or geographical origin assessment. Such specific PGI EVOOs databases could be profitably used to justify the high added value of the product and the sustainability of the related supply chain.

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31

Cammalleri, Vittoria, Daniela Marotta, Carmela Protano, Matteo Vitali, Paolo Villari y Maria Cattaruzza. "How Do Combustion and Non-Combustion Products Used Outdoors Affect Outdoor and Indoor Particulate Matter Levels? A Field Evaluation Near the Entrance of an Italian University Library". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, n.º 14 (18 de julio de 2020): 5200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17145200.

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Particulate Matter (PM) is a well-known health risk factor and pollutes both outdoor and indoor air. Using PM as an air pollution indicator, the aims were to assess outdoor and indoor air pollution due to combustion and/or non-combustion products used outdoors and to compare the PM levels emitted by different products. PM with an aerodynamic diameter ≤10, 4, 2.5 and 1 µm (PM10, PM4, PM2.5, PM1) was simultaneously measured in two areas, respectively, indoors (with smoking ban) and outdoors (where people commonly smoke) of a university library during the morning and the afternoon of two weekdays. Both combustion and non-combustion products determined a relevant worsening of outdoor air quality, with the highest PM1 levels achieved when a single traditional cigarette (9920 µg m−3), a single e-cigarette (9810 µg m−3) and three simultaneous traditional cigarettes (8700 µg m−3) were smoked. An increase of indoor PM1 levels was found during outdoor smoking/vaping sessions, persisting also after the end of sessions. The results highlighted the need for a revision of smoke-free laws, especially for outdoor areas, to include non-combustion products. In addition, it is essential to make society aware of the dangers of smoking outdoors by implementing health promotion interventions.

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32

Baroni, Walter Stefano. "Paradoxes of the self: the autobiographical construction of the subject in the Italian Communist Party and in Italian neo-feminism". Modern Italy 23, n.º 1 (22 de enero de 2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.68.

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This article compares the autobiographical practices used by the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) in the aftermath of the Second World War with those developed by Italian neo-feminism from the late 1960s onwards. The former involved a repeated injunction for activists to write about and express themselves upon joining the party, in what amounted to self-criticism. The latter, meanwhile, took shape as a result of self-consciousness exercises practised by feminist groups in various cities across Italy. The terms of comparison of this article aim to describe what changed and what remained the same in the technologies used to produce the political self within the Italian Left in the twentieth century, beginning from its split in the 1960s. In this context, the paper reveals that the communist and feminist experiences were supported by the same discursive mechanism, which hinged on a paradoxical enunciation of the self. Communist activists and feminists thus faced the same difficulty in political self-expression, which was resolved in two different ways, both equally unsatisfactory. In conclusion, examining the communist autobiographical injunction allows a radical critical reappraisal of the idea that the use of the first person and the political affirmation of subjectivity are determining features exclusively bound to the feminist experience.

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33

Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism". Journal of Cold War Studies 6, n.º 3 (julio de 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.

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34

Njølstad, Olav. "The Carter Administration and Italy: Keeping the Communists Out of Power Without Interfering". Journal of Cold War Studies 4, n.º 3 (julio de 2002): 56–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039702320201076.

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From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.

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35

IANDOLO, ALESSANDRO. "Unforgettable 1956? The PCI and the Crisis of Communism in Italy". Contemporary European History 23, n.º 2 (2 de abril de 2014): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000046.

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AbstractThe Italian left has always perceived 1956 as an extraordinary year, because of the succession of international events that supposedly shocked many Italian militants and convinced them to abandon communism and the Italian Communist Party. On the contrary, this article claims that the real reasons for the crisis of communism in Italy had little to do with international events and must be found instead in the momentous economic and social changes that Italy was experiencing at the time. Unforgettable 1956 was therefore only a moment in a longer-term process that was destined to change communism in Italy. The article is based on previously unused documents now available at the Italian Communist Party Archive.

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36

Carucci, F., R. Garramone, R. Aversano y D. Carputo. "SSR markers distinguish traditional Italian bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) landraces from Lamon". Czech Journal of Genetics and Plant Breeding 53, No. 4 (10 de noviembre de 2017): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/91/2016-cjgpb.

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In this study, 12 microsatellite markers (SSR) were evaluated for their applicability to protect from frauds and misuse the Italian PGI product “Common bean from Lamon”. SSR analysis generated polymorphic alleles, with an average of 4 alleles per locus and all in the range of molecular weight between 181 and 284 bp. Twenty-nine variety-specific fragments were identified, which might be reasonably adopted for characterization and traceability purposes. Cluster analysis well outlined the relationships between the genotypes studied. Overall, our study underlines the use and usefulness of molecular markers to protect both farmers and consumers from frauds.

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37

Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.

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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.

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38

Drake, Richard. "Rendiconto: La sinistra italiana dal Pci a oggi". Journal of Cold War Studies 23, n.º 3 (2021): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01036.

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Drake, Richard. "Terrorism and the Decline of Italian Communism: Domestic and International Dimensions". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 2 (abril de 2010): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.110.

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This essay looks at two recent Italian books about the evolution of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Drawing on archival materials, the books trace the conflict between the radicals and the reformers within the PCI's ranks, a conflict that gave way to violent splinter groups that regarded the PCI as too staid and conciliatory. As the far left took a violent turn in Italy in the late 1960s, it paved the way for the spasm of grisly far-left and far-right terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. The books lend weight to the view that the PCI, through its exaltation of Communist revolution and its demonization of the Christian Democratic establishment, facilitated the emergence of extremist groups that perpetrated more than 8,400 terrorist attacks in the latter half of the 1970s.

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40

Kertzer, David. "Rituais políticos e a transformação do Partido Comunista Italiano". Horizontes Antropológicos 7, n.º 15 (julio de 2001): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-71832001000100002.

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Os rituais exercem um papel central na vida política contemporânea, mesmo que, freqüentemente, este papel não seja reconhecido. Demonstramos, através da análise da transformação, entre 1989-1991, do Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) em um partido pós-comunista, o papel-chave do ritual na política moderna. Ao longo deste caminho, examinamos e ilustramos as maneiras pelas quais os rituais são empregados para propósitos políticos. Após a queda do muro de Berlim, líderes do PCI decidiram que a identidade comunista tornou-se demasiadamente estigmatizada, e que uma nova identidade era necessária para o Partido, para que se evitasse o seu declínio. Desde a metade dos anos 1979, o segundo maior partido da Itália, o PCI, vinha constantemente perdendo suporte eleitoral. Na tentativa de mudar sua identidade, no entanto, os líderes do PCI deparam-se com a grande força do simbolismo associado ao Comunismo na Itália. Para muitos membros, o ser "Comunista" era parte central de sua própria auto-imagem. A oposição dentro do Partido tirou vantagem da força deste simbolismo, e dos ritos associados a ele, para opor-se à mudança. A inabilidade para inventar novos ritos e símbolos que tivessem o mesmo poder, deixou a liderança vulnerável. Este artigo examina esta disputa, pensada através do simbolismo e do ritual, olhando para o processo pelo qual o Partido Comunista Italiano tornou-se o Partido Democrático da Esquerda (PDS).

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41

Irene, Mordiglia. "La voce di Fanon. Letture italiane de I dannati della terra (1962-1971)". PASSATO E PRESENTE, n.º 85 (febrero de 2012): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085009.

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The voice of Fanon. Italian readings of The Wretched of the Earth examines through related analyses, articles and essays published between 1962 and 1971. The key issue in the reception of the book, from the Italian Left parties (Pci, Psi) to the New Left of the student protest movement of 1968, was violence in its moral and political implications.

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42

Mazzoni, Giuliana y Sergio Cesare Masin. "The “Entry Points” in the Italian Alphabet". Perceptual and Motor Skills 68, n.º 1 (febrero de 1989): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1989.68.1.237.

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The 6 “entry points” (EPs) reported for the English alphabet correspond to the pauses of the “Alphabet Song.” The hypothesis that the EPs are fictitious (because they would just reflect the pauses of the song) was tested experimentally using the Italian alphabet, which is learned without the use of any rhythmical song. Seven EPs were found also for the Italian alphabet. However, in a second experiment the majority of subjects scanned the Italian alphabet with the same preferred rhythmical recitation, the pauses of which correspond to the EPs. These results suggest that the interpretation of EPs as entities should be cautious.

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43

Scarano, Gianluca. "Sindacato e cambiamento tecnologico nella piccola e media impresa italiana. Un'indagine sul Veneto". SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, n.º 163 (agosto de 2022): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2022-163013.

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Questo contributo si concentra sul ruolo dei sindacati nel contesto dell'implementazione delle tecnologie legate a "Industria 4.0" a livello delle PMI. A tal proposito, sono state condotte interviste a rappresentanti sindacali di alcune imprese del settore metalmeccanico del Veneto, sia a livello di impresa che di terri-torio. Le evidenze sono state organizzate sulla base di tre dimensioni: adattamento delle imprese rispetto ai cambiamenti provenienti dall'ambiente esterno; compe-tenze dei dipendenti; atteggiamento e supporto del management e della proprietà. I risultati mostrano come ci sia un legame tra prospettive dell'innovazione tecnologica e futuro delle strategie contrattuali sul territorio. Ulteriori considerazioni chiamano in causa la debolezza dei processi formativi, la scarsa pianificazione e condivisione delle scelte aziendali.

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44

Anchústegui Igartua, Esteban y Juan José Gómez Gutiérrez. "La revista Il Politecnico y el Partido Comunista italiano: historia de un debate sobre política cultural (1945-1947)". Historia Contemporánea, n.º 70 (3 de octubre de 2022): 951–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/hc.21980.

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A través del examen de la polémica entre Elio Vittorini, director de Il Politecnico, y algunos miembros prominentes del aparato cultural del Partido Comunista Italiano, se exponen aquí los términos en los que se substanció el debate entre política y cultura en el entorno del marxismo italiano de posguerra, y el papel concreto de los intelectuales en la estrategia de hegemonía que el PCI pretendía desarrollar.

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45

Nencioni, Tommaso. "Un capitolo di storia della sinistra italiana Riccardo Lombardi, Lelio Basso e la crisi del Partito d'azione". ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, n.º 267 (noviembre de 2012): 211–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2012-267002.

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L'autore individua nel 1947 un anno di svolta nella lotta politica italiana e internazionale. Nell'ambito della sinistra, questo decisivo tornante sanziona tanto il passaggio all'opposizione dei partiti del movimento operaio con l'affermarsi del centrismo degasperiano, quanto, all'interno di quel campo, l'egemonia comunista. Questi fattori sono allo stesso tempo causa ed ef- fetto di profondi mutamenti nella galassia socialista. Sempre nel 1947 il Partito socialista italiano (Psi) inizia un percorso che lo porterŕ a una netta cesura sia con la tradizione prefascista, sia con le socialdemocrazie europee, e dunque alla costituzione insieme al Pci, in vista delle elezioni del 1948, del Fronte popolare. Infine, in quell'anno giunge a maturazione la definitiva crisi di un altro dei soggetti politici che, da sinistra, aveva contribuito all'abbattimento del fascismo: il Partito d'azione (Pd'a), la maggioranza del cui gruppo dirigente andrŕ a ingrossare proprio le file del Psi. Attraverso la ricognizione di come Riccardo Lombardi, ultimo segretario azionista, e Lelio Basso, allora segretario socialista, agirono nel corso di quei tumultuosi eventi, l'Autore intende gettare luce su alcuni aspetti di lungo periodo delle relazioni interne al campo della sinistra in Italia.

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46

Dragisic, Petar. "The Yugoslav perspective on Italian Eurocommunism in the second half of the 1970s". Balcanica, n.º 53 (2022): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253301d.

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The article outlines the key elements of the Yugoslav perceptions of the Italian Communist Party?s (PCI) ideological and political orientation during its Eurocommunist phase. In addition, it investigates the relationship between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and PCI in the latter half of the 1970s. The article is primarily based on an analysis of Yugoslav archival sources and press materials.

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47

Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, n.º 2 (13 de abril de 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.

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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "

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48

PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions". Contemporary European History 18, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.

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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture

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49

Messina, Patrizia. "Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League". Government and Opposition 33, n.º 4 (octubre de 1998): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00462.x.

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SINCE 1989 THE NATURE OF OPPOSITION IN SEVERAL WESTERN democracies has been subject to change, and Italy is no exception. But the Italian case is distinct because the changes which occurred in Italy after 1989 amount to a revolution compared to the traditional political equilibrium. The Italian political scene was dominated, from the post-war years (1948) to the 199Os, by two political parties: the DC (Christian Democracy) and the PCI (Italian Communist Party), which respectively occupied the positions of ruling party and opposition party for over forty years.

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50

Scarpa, Paola, Beatrice Ruggerone, Sara Gironi, Tiziana Vitiello y Saverio Paltrinieri. "Haematological and biochemical reference intervals in healthy racing and retired Italian Greyhounds". Acta Veterinaria Hungarica 68, n.º 1 (marzo de 2020): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/004.2020.00006.

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AbstractIn view of the enormous variability of dog breeds, breed-specific reference intervals (RIs) are recommended for use in veterinary clinical decision-making. The aim of this study was to determine whether RIs of the general canine population may be applied to the Italian Greyhound (Piccoli Levrieri Italiani or PLI), and to generate breed-specific RIs, where appropriate. Sixty-three privately owned clinically healthy fasted dogs were examined. Routine haematology and biochemistry were performed on 58 enrolled patients using the ADVIA 120 haematology analyzer and the Cobas Mira system, respectively. Changes in haematological and biochemical parameters depending on sex, age and attitude (resting vs. running dogs) were investigated. The results of PLI were compared with the RIs of the general canine population. In those cases in which these RIs were not validated, new RIs were generated according to the guidelines of the American Society of Veterinary Clinical Pathology. Pre-existing RIs were considered valid based on the recommendations by the Clinical & Laboratory Standards Institute (CLSI). RIs were higher for mean corpuscular haemoglobin (MCH), mean cell haemoglobin concentration (MCHC), cell haemoglobin concentration mean (CHCM) and lower for large unstained cells (LUC). A wider discrepancy between pre-existing and newly established RIs was found for some ADVIA parameters regarding red blood cell (RBC) or reticulocyte morphology. For total protein and cholesterol the new RIs were wider than the pre-existing ones, while albumin, calcium and iron were higher. This study suggests that most of the RIs published in veterinary textbooks cannot be validated for PLIs.

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