Literatura académica sobre el tema "Plans, United States: New Mexico: Santa Fe"

The Mexican-American war has never been analyzed from the perspective of gastronomy and eyewitness reports focus on military aspects as well as on the exotic side –and the “colorful” mores– of the invaded population. Since the late 1980s, the New Historians of the West2 have been writing from the viewpoint of those left out by traditional history, nevertheless food is not their focal point. I discuss (colonial and post-colonial) gastronomy and conquest as seen through the eyes of an 18-year old woman, Susan Magoffin following her husband, a 42-year old trader in a caravan along the Santa Fe Trail on the heels of the conquering army. Along the way she kept a diary.3 Not food, but an insider’s view of conquest made her diary a “minor classic”4 worth publishing in 1926 and reprinting in 2000. The Magoffin’s 14 wagon outfit left Independence, Missouri, less than a month after the start of the war –an event that remains largely unmentioned in the diary– and followed the “natural highway for wheeled vehicles across the Great Plains that linked New Mexico to the United States.”5 Gradually other wagon trains joined their party until it reached 75 or 80 wagons (42),6 then 150 (43) explaining why De Voto stated that in New Mexico “Manifest Destiny took the shape of a large-scale freight operation.”7

In December 2011, edible sunflower sprouts (Helianthus annus) of two different commercially grown cultivars (Sungrown and Tiensvold) exhibiting stem and cotyledon lesions were submitted to the New Mexico State University Plant Clinic for disease diagnosis. The sample originated from an organic farm in Santa Fe County where the grower utilizes a small indoor growing facility. Stem lesions were elongate, reddish brown, and often constricted, resulting in stem girdling. Lesions on the cotyledons were dark brown with tan centers and round to irregular in shape. In some cases, the entire cotyledon was blighted. Fungal hyphae were observed on some lesions using a dissecting microscope. Colletotrichum acutatum was isolated from stem and cotyledon lesions when symptomatic tissue was plated on water agar. Conidia were fusiform ranging from 6.4 to 18.4 μm long and 2.1 to 5.1 μm wide and averaged 11.9 μm × 3.4 μm. Spores were measured from cream-colored colonies produced on acidified potato dextrose agar. PCR amplification and sequence analysis of 5.8S ribosomal DNA and internal transcribed spacers I and II was performed using primers ITS4 and ITS6 (2). An amplification product of approximately 600 base pairs in size was directly sequenced (GenBank Accession No. JX444690). A BLAST search of the NCBI total nucleotide collection revealed a 99% identity to multiple C. acutatum (syn: C. simmondsii) isolates. Four isolates were identified as C. acutatum based on morphological characteristics and DNA analysis. Koch's postulates were performed using four isolates of the pathogen and the two commercial sunflower cultivars (Sungrown and Tiensvold) originally submitted for disease analysis. Sunflower seeds were imbibed in distilled water for 24 h then sewn into peat plugs. Prior to seed germination, 5 ml of a C. acutatum spore solution (1 × 106/ml) from each isolate was applied to five peat plugs using an atomizer. Control plants were inoculated with distilled water and otherwise treated identically. Both sunflower cultivars were inoculated with each isolate of the pathogen and the test was replicated twice. The sewn peat plugs were incubated for 5 days at 21°C and 50% relative humidity. Symptoms similar to the original samples were present on 100% of the sprouts after 5 days. PCR and sequence analysis performed on cultures obtained from lesions showed a 100% match to the original New Mexico isolates fulfilling Koch's postulates. In an indoor organic facility, such as the one in NM, this disease has the potential to be very difficult to manage and the potential to infect a high percentage of the crop resulting in significant economic losses. To our knowledge, this is the second report of C. acutatum on sunflower sprouts in the United States (1) and the first report in New Mexico. References: (1) S. T. Koike et al. Plant Dis. 93:1351, 2009. (2) T. J. White et al. Page 315 in: PCR Protocols: A Guide to Methods and Applications. M. A. Innis et al., eds. Academic Press, San Diego, 1990.

Three of the most infamous prison riots in the United States took place in Attica, New York; Santa Fe, New Mexico; and Lucasville, Ohio in 1971, 1980, and 1993, respectively. Although an examination of the three riots reveals differences in the uprisings, there are important similarities in the underlying conditions behind them. Analysis of the three riots shows the significant role played by representatives of the media both in negotiating with inmates and taking back the three institutions. In this article, the authors discuss the influence and effect of media coverage on prison riots based on what was learned from the participation of the media in the Attica, Santa Fe, and Lucasville uprisings.

Spanish dance history begins in Roman times with the puellae Gaditanae, the temple dancers who expressed eastern Mediterranean fertility rites through a legendary sensuality. Nineteenth-century accounts of dance in New Mexico that allude to highly sensual movements suggest a continuation of this representation of the female dancing body. In an 1846 diary detailing her travels on the Santa Fe Trail, Susan Magoffin offers a report of the cuna as witnessed in a gambling hall in Santa Fe. Her descriptions echo accounts of notorious Spanish dances from previous centuries like the zarabanda and the zorongo—dances created at crossroads in the Spanish Americas where Spaniards, black Africans, Native peoples, and other Europeans intersected. Studies show that the Spanish language spoken by old New Mexican families contains many archaic elements that have been lost in other Spanish-speaking countries due to the State's isolated geographic location. Like Spanish terminology, were the cuna and other dances remnants of dances forgotten in other Spanish lands? In the first half of the nineteenth century, New Mexico progressed from a Spanish colony to the northern frontier of independent Mexico, before it was absorbed into the United States. Building on narratives found in eyewitness accounts, this paper will explore the role of dance as a preservation site of old Spanish practices as it was shaping a unique New Mexican creole identity.

The phylum Nematomorpha contains approximately 350 species in 19 extant genera. The genus Gordionus contains 56species, four of which occur in the contiguous United States of America. Here we describe two new Gordionus speciesfrom the southern Rocky Mountains. Worms were collected at three sites in the Santa Fe National Forest in northern NewMexico in the southernmost tip of the Rocky Mountains. Sites consisted of first order streams above 3120m in aspen/pinewoodland. Gordionus lokaaus n. sp. has flat, polygonal or roundish, areoles covering all parts of the body. The male cloa-cal opening is surrounded by broad bristles with stout apexes forming a unique tube-like opening. Adhesive warts aresmall and postcloacal spines are thin and triangular-shaped. Gordionus bilaus n. sp. also has flat polygonal or roundshaped areoles, but has indistinct interareolar furrows making neighboring areoles appear fused. The male cloacal openingis surrounded by stout, finger-like bristles in 2‒3 rows. Adhesive warts are larger and postcloacal spines are broad andmound-shaped. These species double the number known from the state of New Mexico and are the first gordiids described from the southern part of the Rocky Mountains.

Catastrophic wildfire is increasingly common in forests of the western United States because climate change is increasing ambient temperatures and periods of drought. In 2011, the Las Conchas wildfire burned in the Santa Fe National Forest of New Mexico, including portions of ponderosa pine and mixed-conifer forests, and grasslands in the Valles Caldera National Preserve, a large, high-elevation volcanic caldera. Following the fire, Caldera staff began monitoring abiotic, plant, and animal responses. In this study, ground-dwelling arachnids were collected in pitfall traps in burned and unburned habitats from 2011–2015. Permutational multivariate analysis of variance (PERMANOVA) mostly at the genus level with some higher taxon levels showed significant fire, year, and interaction effects. Abundance was at or near unburned levels by 2014, but species composition changed in burned areas. Pardosa and Haplodrassus were dominant genera across habitats. Linyphiids were strong indicators of unburned sites. Harvestmen were among the dominant species in the forest habitats, and erythraeid mites were abundant in the burned ponderosa pine forest and the grassland. Years were not significantly autocorrelated, unsurprising given the interannual variation in precipitation in this generally arid region. Although fire is a common feature of these habitats, future fires may be outside of historical patterns, preventing spider communities from re-establishing fully.

Abstract The Rio Grande rift hosts a remarkable record of Quaternary river incision preserved in an alluvial terrace sequence that has been studied for more than a century. However, our understanding of Rio Grande incision history in central New Mexico since the end of basin filling ca. 0.78 Ma remains hampered by poor age control. Robust correlations among Rio Grande terrace sequences in central and southern New Mexico are lacking, making it difficult to address important process-related questions about terrace formation in continental-scale river systems. We present new age controls using a combination of 40Ar/39Ar, 36Cl surface-exposure, and 14C dating techniques from alluvial deposits in the central New Mexico Socorro area to document the late Quaternary incision history of the Rio Grande. These new age controls (1) provide constraints to establish a firm foundation for Socorro basin terrace stratigraphy, (2) allow terrace correlations within the rift basin, and (3) enable testing of alternative models of terrace formation. We identified and mapped a high geomorphic surface interpreted to represent the end of basin filling in the Socorro area and five distinct, post–Santa Fe Group (ca. 0.78 Ma) alloformations and associated geomorphic surfaces using photogrammetric methods, soil characterization, and stratigraphic descriptions. Terrace deposits exhibit tread heights up to 70 m above the valley floor and are 5 to >30 m thick. Their fills generally have pebble-to-cobble bases overlain by fine-to-pebbly sand and local thin silt and clay tops. Alluvial-fan terraces and associated geomorphic surfaces grade to former valley levels defined by axial terrace treads. Carbon-14 ages from detrital charcoal above and below a buried tributary terrace tread show that the most recent aggradation event persisted until ca. 3 ka during the transition from glacial to modern climate conditions. Drill-log data show widespread valley fill ∼30 m thick that began aggrading after glacial retreat in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado (ca. 14 ka). Aggradation during this transition was likely due to hillslope destabilization, increased sediment yield, decreased runoff, and reduced stream competence. Chlorine-36 ages imply similar controls on earlier terraces that have surface ages of ca. 27–29, 64–70, and 135 ka, and suggest net incision during glacial expansions when increased runoff favored down-cutting and bedload mobilization. Our terrace chronology supports existing climate-response models of arid environments and links tributary responses to the axial Rio Grande system throughout the central Rio Grande rift. The terrace chronology also reflects a transition from modest (60 m/m.y.) to rapid (300 m/m.y.) incision between 610 and 135 ka, similar to patterns observed throughout the Rio Grande rift and the western United States in general.

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between architectural heritage in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States, providing insights for place-based learning (PBL). The researcher analyzes the similarities and differences between New Mexico (NM) and Saudi Arabia, such as materials, color, and motif units, to design and apply them to develop a range of modern designs. The study method used is an experiential approach based on a case study, based on the author’s living experience in NM from 2014 to 2018, visiting museums and heritage areas, taking photographs, and tasting the culture. Moreover, this study includes a literature review for PBL. In addition, the research study uses a descriptive and experimental method and practical procedure by designing, borrowing, and analyzing the inspiration of specific traditions and integrating both cultures into artworks and ornaments in weaving beads and textiles. The result of the study applied six innovative designs by creating art projects through experimental learning. The result presented three themes: (1) similarities in instructions, materials, and colors of the architectural heritage between the Santa Fe and Saudi Najd styles, (2) differences between the architectural heritage doors, windows, and roof system, and (3) drawing inspiration from architectural heritage for textile bead weaving designs.

Introduction Utopia has always been countercultural, and ever since technological progress has allowed, utopia has been using alternative media to promote and strengthen its underpinning ideals. In this article, I am seeking to clarify the connections between counterculture and alternative media in utopian contexts to demonstrate their reciprocity, then draw together these threads through reference to a well-known figure of the Rainbow Region–Rusty Miller. His trajectory from iconic surfer and Aquarian reporter to mediator for utopian politics and ideals in the Rainbow Region encompasses in a single identity the three elements underpinning this study. In concluding, I will turn to Rusty’s Byron Guide, questioning its classification as alternative or mainstream media, and whether Byron Bay is represented as countercultural and utopian in this long-running and ongoing publication. Counterculture and Alternative Media in Utopian Contexts Counterculture is an umbrella that enfolds utopia, among many other genres and practices. It has been most often situated in the 1960s and 1970s as a new form of social movement embodying youth resistance to the technocratic mainstream and its norms of gender, sexuality, politics, music, and language (Roszak). Many scholars of counterculture underscore its utopian impulses both in the projection of better societies where the social goals are achieved, and in the withdrawal from mainstream society into intentional communities (Yinger 194-6; McKay 5; Berger). Before exploring further the connections between counterculture and alternative media, I want to define the scope of countercultural utopian contexts in general, and the Rainbow Region in particular. Utopia is a neologism created by Sir Thomas More almost 500 years ago to designate the island community that demonstrates order, harmony, justice, hope and desire in the right balance so that it seems like an ideal land. This imaginary place described in Utopia (1516) as a counterpoint to the social, political and religious shortcomings of contemporary 16th century British society, has attracted accusations of heresy (Molner), and been used as a pejorative term, an insult to denigrate political projects that seem farfetched or subversive, especially during the 19th century. Almost every study of utopian theory, literature and practice points to a dissatisfaction with the status quo, which inspires writers, politicians, architects, artists, individuals and communities to rail against it (see for example Davis, Moylan, Suvin, Levitas, Jameson). Kingsley Widmer’s book Counterings: Utopian Dialectics in Contemporary Contexts reiterates what many scholars have stated when he writes that utopias should be understood in terms of what they are countering. Lyman Tower Sargent defines utopia as “a non-existent society described in considerable detail and normally located in time and space” and utopianism as “social dreaming” (9), to which I would add that both indicate an improvement on the alternatives, and may indeed be striving to represent the best place imaginable. Utopian contexts, by extension, are those situations where the “social dreaming” is enhanced through human agency, good governance, just laws, education, and work, rather than being a divinely ordained state of nature (Schaer et al). In this way, utopian contexts are explicitly countercultural through their very conception, as human agency is required and their emphasis is on social change. These modes of resistance against dominant paradigms are most evident in attempts to realise textual projections of a better society in countercultural communal experiments. Almost immediately after its publication, More’s Utopia became the model for Bishop Vasco de Quiroga’s communitarian hospital-town Santa Fe de la Laguna in Michoacan, Mexico, established in the 1530s as a counterculture to the oppressive enslavement and massacres of the Purhépecha people by Nuno Guzmán (Green). The countercultural thrust of the 1960s and 1970s provided many utopian contexts, perhaps most readily identifiable as the intentional communities that spawned and flourished, especially in the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand (Metcalf, Shared Lives). They were often inspired by texts such as Charles A. Reich’s The Greening of America (1970) and Ernest Callenbach’s Ecotopia (1975), and this convergence of textual practices and alternative lifestyles can be seen in the development of Australia’s own Rainbow Region. Located in northern New South Wales, the geographical area of the Northern Rivers that has come to be known as the Rainbow Region encompasses Byron Bay, Nimbin, Mullumbimby, Bangalow, Clunes, Dunoon, Federal, with Lismore as the region’s largest town. But more evocative than these place names are the “rivers and creeks, vivid green hills, fruit and nut farms […] bounded by subtropical beaches and rainforest mountains” (Wilson 1). Utopian by nature, and recognised as such by the indigenous Bundjalung people who inhabited it before the white settlers, whalers and dairy farmers moved in, the Rainbow Region became utopian through culture–or indeed counterculture–during the 1973 Aquarius Festival in Nimbin when the hippies of Mullumbimby and the surfers of Byron Bay were joined by up to 10,000 people seeking alternative ways of being in the world. When the party was over, many Aquarians stayed on to form intentional communities in the beautiful region, like Tuntable Falls, Nimbin’s first and largest such cooperative (Metcalf, From Utopian Dreaming to Communal Reality 74-83). In utopian contexts, from the Renaissance to the 1970s and beyond, counterculture has underpinned and alternative media has circulated the aims and ideals of the communities of resistance. The early utopian context of the Anabaptist movement has been dubbed as countercultural by Sigrun Haude: “During the reign of the Münster (1534-5) Anabaptists erected not only a religious but also a social and political counterculture to the existing order” (240). And it was this Protestant Reformation that John Downing calls the first real media war, with conflicting movements using pamphlets produced on the new technology of the Gutenberg press to disseminate their ideas (144). What is striking here is the confluence of ideas and practices at this time–countercultural ideals are articulated, published, and disseminated, printing presses make this possible, and utopian activists realise how mass media can be used and abused, exploited and censored. Twentieth century countercultural movements drew on the lessons learnt from historical uprising and revolutions, understanding the importance of getting the word out through their own forms of media which, given the subversive nature of the messages, were essentially alternative, according to the criteria proposed by Chris Atton: alternative media may be understood as a radical challenge to the professionalized and institutionalized practices of the mainstream media. Alternative media privileges a journalism that is closely wedded to notions of social responsibility, replacing an ideology of “objectivity” with overt advocacy and oppositional practices. Its practices emphasize first person, eyewitness accounts by participants; a reworking of the populist approaches of tabloid newspapers to recover a “radical popular” style of reporting; collective and antihierarchical forms of organization which eschew demarcation and specialization–and which importantly suggest an inclusive, radical form of civic journalism. (267) Nick Couldry goes further to point out the utopian processes required to identify agencies of change, including alternative media, which he defines as “practices of symbolic production which contest (in some way) media power itself–that is, the concentration of symbolic power in media institutions” (25). Alternative media’s orientation towards oppositional and contestatory practices demonstrates clear parallels between its ambitions and those of counterculture in utopian contexts. From the 1960s onwards, the upsurge in alternative newspaper numbers is commensurate with the blossoming of the counterculture and increased utopian contexts; Susan Forde describes it thus: “a huge resurgence in the popularity of publications throughout the ‘counter-culture’ days of the 1960s and 1970s” (“Monitoring the Establishment”, 114). The nexus of counterculture and alternative media in such utopian contexts is documented in texts like Roger Streitmatter’s Voices of Revolution and Bob Osterlag’s People’s Movements, People’s Press. Like the utopian newspapers that came out of 18th and 19th century intentional communities, many of the new alternative press served to educate, socialise, promote and represent the special interests of the founders and followers of the countercultural movements, often focusing on the philosophy and ideals underpinning these communities rather than the everyday events (see also Frobert). The radical press in Australia was also gaining ground, with OZ in Australia from 1963-1969, and then from 1967-1973 in London. Magazines launched by Philip Frazer like The Digger, Go-Set, Revolution and High Times, and university student newspapers were the main avenues for youth and alternative expression on the Vietnam war and conscription, gay and lesbian rights, racism, feminism and ecological activism (Forde, Challenging the News; Cock & Perry). Nimbin 1973: Rusty Miller and The Byron Express The 1973 Aquarius Festival of counterculture in Nimbin (12-23 May) was a utopian context that had an alternative media life of its own before it arrived in the Rainbow Region–in student publications like Tharnuka and newsletters distributed via the Aquarius Foundation. There were other voices that announced the coming of the Aquarius Festival to Nimbin and reported on its impact, like The Digger from Melbourne and the local paper, The Northern Star. During the Festival, the Nimbin Good Times first appeared as the daily bulletin and continues today with the original masthead drawn by the Festival’s co-organiser, Graeme Dunstan. Some interesting work has been done on this area, ranging from general studies of the Rainbow Region (Wilson; Munro-Clark) to articles analysing its alternative press (Ward & van Vuuren; Martin & Ellis), but to date, there has been no focus on the Rainbow Region’s first alternative newspaper, The Byron Express. Co-edited by Rusty Miller and David Guthrie, this paper presented and mediated the aims and desires of the Aquarian movement. Though short-lived, as only 7 issues were published from 15 February 1973 to September 1973, The Byron Express left a permanent printed vestige of the Aquarian counterculture movement’s activism and ideals from an independent regional perspective. Miller’s credentials for starting up the newspaper are clear–he has always been a trailblazer, mixing “smarts” with surfing and environmental politics. After graduating from a Bachelor of Arts in history from San Diego State College, he first set foot in Byron Bay during his two semesters with the inaugural Chapman College affiliated University of the Seven Seas in 1965-6. Returning to his hometown of Encinitas, he co-founded the Surf Research accessory company with legendary Californian surfer Mike Doyle, and launched Waxmate, the first specially formulated surf wax in 1967 (Davis, Witzig & James; Warshaw 217), selling his interest in the business soon after to spend a couple of years “living the counterculture life on the Hawaiian Island of Kauai” (Davis, Witzig & James), before heading back to Byron Bay via Bells Beach in 1970 (Miller & Shantz) and Sydney, where he worked as an advertising salesman and writer with Tracks surfing magazine (Martin & Ellis). In 1971, he was one of the first to ride the now famous waves of Uluwatu in Bali, and is captured with Steven Cooney in the iconic publicity image for Albe Falzon’s 1971 film, Morning Of The Earth. The champion surfer from the US knew a thing or two about counterculture, alternative media, advertising and business when he found his new utopian context in Byron Bay. Miller and Guthrie’s front-page editorial of the inaugural issue of The Byron Express, published on 15 February 1973, with the byline “for a higher shire”, expressed the countercultural (cl)aims of the publication. Land use, property development and the lack of concern that some people in Byron had for their impact on the environment and people of the region were a prime target: With this first issue of the Byron Express, we hope to explain that the area is badly in need of a focal point. The transitions of present are vast and moving fast. The land is being sold and resold. Lots of money is coming into the area in the way of developments […] caravan parts, hotels, businesses and real estate. Many of the trips incoming are not exactly “concerned” as to what long term effect such developments might have on the environment and its people. We hope to serve as a focus of concern and service, a centre for expression and reflection. We would ask your contributions in vocal and written form. We are ready for some sock it to ya criticism… and hope you would grab us upon the street to tell us how you feel…The mission of this alternative newspaper is thereby defined by the need for a “focal point” that inscribes the voices of the community in a freely accessible narrative, recorded in print for posterity. Although this first issue contains no mention of the Aquarius Festival, there were already rumours circulating about it, as organisers Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen had been up to Main Arm, Mullumbimby and Nimbin on reconnaissance missions beginning in September 1972. Instead, there was an article on “Mullumbimby Man–Close to the Land” by Nicholas Shand, who would go on to found the community-based weekly newspaper The Echo in 1986, then called The Brunswick Valley Echo and still going strong. Another by Bob McTavish asked whether there could be a better form of government; there was a surf story, and a soul food section with a recipe for honey meade entitled “Do you want to get out of it on 10 cents a bottle?” The second issue continues in much the same vein. It is not until the third issue comes out on 17 March 1973 that the Aquarius Festival is mentioned in a skinny half column on page four. And it’s not particularly promising: Arrived at Nimbin, sleepy hamlet… Office in disused R.S.L. rooms, met a couple of guys recently arrived, said nothing was being done. “Only women here, you know–no drive”. Met Joanne and Vi, both unable to say anything to be reported… Graham Dunstan (codenamed Superfest) and John Allen nowhere in sight. Allen off on trip overseas. Dunstan due back in a couple of weeks. 10 weeks to go till “they” all come… and to what… nobody is quite sure. This progress report provides a fascinating contemporary insight into the tensions–between the local surfies and hippies on one hand, and the incoming students on the other–around the organisation of the Aquarius Festival. There is an unbridled barb at the sexist comments made by the guys, implicit criticism of the absent organisers, obvious skepticism about whether anyone will actually come to the festival, and wonderment at what it will be like. Reading between the lines, we might find a feeling of resentment about not being privy to new developments in their own backyard. The final lines of the article are non-committal “Anyway, let’s see what eventuates when the Chiefs return.” It seems that all has been resolved by the fifth issue of 11 May, which is almost entirely dedicated to the Aquarius Festival with the front page headline “Welcome to the New Age”. But there is still an undertone of slight suspicion at what the newcomers to the area might mean in terms of property development: The goal is improving your fellow man’s mind and nourishment in concert with your own; competition to improve your day and the quality of the day for society. Meanwhile, what is the first thing one thinks about when he enters Byron and the area? The physical environment is so magnificent and all encompassing that it can actually hold a man’s breath back a few seconds. Then a man says, “Wow, this land is so beautiful that one could make a quid here.” And from that moment the natural aura and spells are broken and the mind lapses into speculative equations, sales projections and future interest payments. There is plenty of “love” though, in this article: “The gathering at Nimbin is the most spectacular demonstration of the faith people have in a belief that is possible (and possible just because they want it to be) to live in love, through love together.” The following article signed by Rusty Miller “A Town Together” is equally focused on love: “See what you could offer the spirit at Nimbin. It might introduce you to a style that could lead to LOVE.” The centre spread features photos: the obligatory nudes, tents, and back to nature activities, like planting and woodworking. With a text box of “random comments” including one from a Lismore executive: ‘I took my wife and kids out there last weekend and we had such a good time. Seems pretty organized and the town was loaded with love. Heard there is some hepatitis about and rumours of VD. Everyone happy.” And another from a land speculator (surely the prime target of Miller’s wrath): “Saw guys kissing girls on the street, so sweet, bought 200 acres right outside of town, it’s going to be valuable out there some day.” The interview with Johnny Allen as the centrepiece includes some pertinent commentary on the media and reveals a well-founded suspicion of the mediatisation of the Aquarius Festival: We have tried to avoid the media actually. But we haven’t succeeded in doing so. Part of the basic idea is that we don’t need to be sold. All the down town press can do is try and interpret you. And by doing that it automatically places it in the wrong sort of context. So we’ve tried to keep it to people writing about the festival to people who will be involved in it. It’s an involvement festival. Coopting The Byron Express as an “involved” party effects a fundamental shift from an external reporting newspaper to a kind of proponent or even propaganda for the Aquarius festival and its ideas, like so many utopian newspapers had done before. It is therefore perhaps inevitable that The Byron Express should disappear very soon after the Aquarius festival. Fiona Martin and Rhonda Ellis explain that Rusty Miller stopped producing the paper because he “found the production schedule exhausting and his readership too small to attract consistent advertising” (5). At any rate, there were only two more issues, one in June–with some follow up reporting of the festival–and another in September 1973, which was almost entirely devoted to environmentally focused features, including an interview with Kath Walker (Oodgeroo Noonuccal). Byron Bay 2013: Thirty Years of Rusty’s Byron Guide What Rusty did next is fairly well known locally–surfing and teaching people how to surf and a bit of writing. When major local employer Walkers slaughterhouse closed in 1983, he and his wife, social geographer Tricia Shantz, were asked by the local council to help promote Byron Bay as a tourist destination, writing the first Byron guide in 1983-4. Incorporating essays by local personalities and dedicated visitors, the Byron guide perpetuates the ideal of environmental awareness, spiritual experimentation, and respect for the land and sea. Recent contributors have included philosopher Peter Singer, political journalist Kerry O’Brien, and writer John Ralston Saul, and Miller and Shantz always have an essay in there themselves. “People, Politics and Culture” is the new byline for the 2013 edition. And Miller’s opening essay mediates the same utopian desires and environmental community messages that he espoused from the beginning of The Byron Express: The name Byron Bay represents something that we constantly try to articulate. If one was to dream up a menu of situations and conditions to compose a utopia, Australia would be the model of the nation-state and Byron would have many elements of the actual place one might wish to live for the rest of their lives. But of course there is always the danger of excesses in tropical paradises especially when they become famous destinations. Australia is being held to ransom for the ideology that we should be slaves to money and growth at the cost of a degraded and polluted physical and social environment. Byron at least was/is a refuge against this profusion of the so-called real-world perception that holds profit over environment as the way we must choose for our future. Even when writing for a much more commercial medium, Miller retains the countercultural utopian spirit that was crystallised in the Aquarius festival of 1973, and which remains relevant to many of those living in and visiting the Rainbow Region. Miller’s ethos moves beyond the alternative movements and communities to infiltrate travel writing and tourism initiatives in the area today, as evidenced in the Rusty’s Byron Guide essays. By presenting more radical discourses for a mainstream public, Miller together with Shantz have built on the participatory role that he played in launching the region’s first alternative newspaper in 1973 that became albeit briefly the equivalent of a countercultural utopian gazette. Now, he and Shantz effectively play the same role, producing a kind of countercultural form of utopian media for Byron Bay that corresponds to exactly the same criteria mentioned above. Through their free publication, they aim to educate, socialise, promote and represent the special interests of the founders and followers of the Rainbow Region, focusing on the philosophy and ideals underpinning these communities rather than the everyday events. The Byron Bay that Miller and Shantz promote is resolutely utopian, and certainly countercultural if compared to other free publications like The Book, a new shopping guide, or mainstream media elsewhere. Despite this new competition, they are planning the next edition for 2015 with essays to make people think, talk, and understand the region’s issues, so perhaps the counterculture is still holding its own against the mainstream. References Atton, Chris. “What Is ‘Alternative’ Journalism?” Journalism: Theory, Practice, Criticism 4.3 (2003): 267-72. Berger, Bennett M. The Survival of a Counterculture: Ideological Work and Everyday Life among Rural Communards. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2004. Cock, Peter H., & Paul F. Perry. “Australia's Alternative Media.” Media Information Australia 6 (1977): 4-13. Couldry, Nick. “Mediation and Alternative Media, or Relocating the Centre of Media and Communication Studies.” Media International Australia, Incorporating Culture & Policy 103, (2002): 24-31. Davis, Dale, John Witzig & Don James. “Rusty Miller.” Encyclopedia of Surfing. 10 Nov. 2014 ‹http://encyclopediaofsurfing.com/entries/miller-rusty›. Downing, John. Radical Media: Rebellious Communication and Social Movements. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Davis, J.C. Utopia and the Ideal Society: A Study of English Utopian Writing 1516-1700. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983. Forde, Susan. Challenging the News: The Journalism of Alternative and Independent Media. Palgrave Macmillan: London, 2011. ---. “Monitoring the Establishment: The Development of the Alternative Press in Australia” Media International Australia, Incorporating Culture & Policy 87 (May 1998): 114-133. Frobert, Lucien. “French Utopian Socialists as the First Pioneers in Development.” Cambridge Journal of Economics 35 (2011): 729-49. 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This chapter surveys death and burial in nineteenth-century New Mexico as the region transitioned from Spanish, to Mexican, to United States control. Highlighting Albuquerque and Santa Fe, it considers the territory’s multiracial and multicultural past by tracing Indian and Spanish burial practices, the influence of colonialism and independence, and ultimately the arrival of non-Catholic “Anglo,” African American, European, and Asian newcomers to transform the local burial landscape. Although earlier archival and archaeological evidence suggests that New Mexicans did not segregate their dead by race and ethnicity, subsequent imperial shifts, new concern over public health, evolving church influence, and religious and racial transformation led to new practices to separate the dead by faith, national origin, race, and economic standing.

ABSTRACT Three native trouts occur in the southwestern United States. The Rio Grande cutthroat trout <em>Oncorhynchus clarkii virginalis</em> persists in New Mexico and southern Colorado on the Santa Fe, Carson, and Rio Grande national forests and private lands. The Gila trout <em>O. gilae</em> and the Apache trout <em>O. gilae apache</em> (also known as <em>O. apache</em>) occur in isolated headwater streams of the Gila and Little Colorado rivers on the Gila and Apache- Sitgreaves national forests and Fort Apache Indian Reservation in southwestern New Mexico and east-central Arizona, respectively. For more than two decades, intensive management has been directed at the Apache, Gila, and Rio Grande cutthroat trouts. Despite the efforts, their decades-long listed status remains unchanged for the Gila and Apache trouts, and the Rio Grande native is under consideration for listing. The objectives of this paper are to review the literature and management activities over the past quarter of a century in order to delineate why recovery and conservation have been so difficult for southwestern trout.