Literatura académica sobre el tema "Personal Liberty Party (N.Y.)"

Research has shown that people with disabilities (PWD) face ableism, which is associated with their social exclusion. Based on the existing literature regarding the social exclusion of PWD, we hypothesized for the current study that higher education levels, personal experiences with PWD, and openness would reduce ableism and negative attitudes of PWD and increase the social inclusion of PWD. Additionally, we hypothesized that a negative correlation would exist between social inclusion of PWD and ableism and negative attitudes of PWD, moderated by the personality trait openness. Participants consisted of adults (N = 364) who identified as mostly White, female, and nondisabled, and were asked to complete an electronic survey consisting of 4 pre-existing scales measuring ableism, negative attitudes of PWD, social inclusion, and openness. The data were analyzed using regression analyses, t tests, ANOVAs, and moderation analyses. The results showed that higher education levels (R2 = .02) and personal experiences with PWD (d = –0.35) predicted lower ableism. Additionally, more openness predicted more social inclusion (R2 = .03), less ableism (R2 = .14), and higher completed levels of education (R2 = .06). Further, voting for conservative political party candidates predicted higher levels of ableism (R2 = .11), and voting for liberal political party candidates predicted lower levels of ableism (R2 = .13). Although this study had some limitations, it highlights the importance of education and openness in reducing ableism and increasing the social inclusion of PWD.

Background: Stigmatizing attitudes toward persons with mental disorders is a well-established and global phenomenon often leading to discrimination and social exclusion. Although previous research in the United States showed that conservative ideology has been related to stigmatizing attitudes toward mental disorders, there is reason to believe that this mechanism plays a different role in the context of a universal welfare state with a multi-party system such as Sweden. Furthermore, "mental disorders" may signify severe psychotic disorders, which may evoke more negative attitudes. This suggests the importance of specific studies focusing on the more common phenomenon of depression. This paper investigates the relationship between political ideology and stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. Methods: This study is part of the New Ways research program. Data were collected by the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg in 2014 (N = 3246). Independent variables were political ideology and party affiliation. The dependent variable was the Depression Stigma Scale (DSS). Data were analyzed with linear regression analyses and analyses of variance. Results: More conservative ideology (B = 0.68, standard error [SE] = 0.04, P<.001) and more conservative party affiliation (F(8 2920) = 38.45, P<.001) showed more stigmatizing attitudes toward depression. Item-level analyses revealed a difference where the supporters of the conservative party differed (P<.05) from supporters of the liberal party, with a higher proportion agreeing that "people could snap out of " depression if they wanted to; the populist right-wing party differed from the conservative party with a higher proportion agreeing on items displaying people with depression as "dangerous" and "unpredictable." Even self-stigma was highest among the populist right-wing party with 22.3% agreeing that "if I had depression I wouldn’t tell…." Conclusion: Political ideology was associated with stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. The results also confirm the need to distinguish between different forms of conservatism by observing social distance as being a more important driver among voters for the populist right-wing party compared with personal agency and responsibility among voters for the more traditional conservative party.

Over the past decades, altruistic cyber activities of online education volunteers who share useful knowledge with other Internet users have become widespread in the Internet space. Personal and group features of such prosocial behavior, which is strongly influenced by the realization of values, have not been sufficiently studied by psychological science so far. This study continues the psychological analysis of the value-orientation sphere of online educators, focusing on competent education volunteers who deal with the Internet encyclopedia “Wikipedia” (N = 92) and the question-answer (QA) online project “Otvety” (N = 113). The following tools were used in the work: the revised Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ-R2R) by Sh. Schwartz adapted by T.P. Butenko, D.S. Sedova and A.S. Lipatova and the Value Orientations Techniques developed by O.I. Motkov and T.A. Ogneva (version 2). The results of the analysis provide sufficient grounds to characterize the members of both groups as indivi- duals who are productively oriented towards informational and pro-social Internet activities that are not identical in format from the perspective of transfinite altruism, for the implementation of which optimal non-hierarchical-parity conditions have been created in their reference online communities, stimulating liberty in the process of individual self-realization. It is shown that, with a high homogeneity of the value profiles of the Wikipedia authors and QA “Otvety” service experts, the internal value-related self-determination (procedural in nature) has a basal meaning for them, since the external one, set in a heteronomous position, only weakly corresponds to their freedom-seeking way of life. It is concluded that the series of theoretical and empirical psychological studies of the diverse teams of online education volunteers will make it possible, by understanding their personal and group specifics, to lay a solid foundation, which can potentially lead to global unity of people with the prospect of large-scale amplification of knowledge as one of the highest human values.

The article explores one Bolshevik functionary between 1917 and the early 1930s, N. N. Tagunov. A child of the working class who completed secondary education, Tagunov represents a type of young Bolshevik actively involved in political life, passionate about philosophical problems, and irreconcilable to any deviation from the party line. In 1925–1934, Tagunov repeatedly sent letters to Joseph Stalin and several times received responses. In November 1925, Tagunov, as a member of the district committee bureau of the Central city district in Leningrad, sent a letter to the gubkom with sharp criticism of Zinoviev’s supporters on the eve of the Fourteenth party congress. Information about Tagunov’s letter was brought to Stalin, who replied to Tagunov; Tagunov in turn sent Stalin two long letters about the mood of Leningrad’s party leadership. At the same time, Tagunov tried to interest Stalin in his own theoretical works in the field of philosophy. After a short stay at the Institute of Red Professors in 1927, he sharply attacked leading Marxist philosophers of the time, accusing them of serious theoretical errors. At that time Stalin did not support Tagunov. After moving from Leningrad to Moscow in 1931, Tagunov worked in various institutions. At the end of December 1934, he sent Stalin a long letter for the last time, accusing former chairman of the Leningrad Soviet N. P. Komarov and a number of employees of the Party apparatus of feeding a gang of “Zinoviev’s murderers”. Stalin’s resolution read: “I read it. It is possible that comrade Tagunov is right”. The letter was sent to a number of Politburo members. After 1940 Tagunov was a personal pensioner.

Personal freedom is an inalienable property of a person embedded in his very essence, it is the embodiment of individuality and self-sufficiency of everyone, a normal condition for the development of an individual and society as a whole. We suggest that socially dangerous acts, which are provided by art. 146, 1461, 147, 149, 151, 349, 3491, 371, 444 of Criminal Code of Ukraine.Every time, researching the issue of the existence of criminal responsability and the forms of its implementation, scientists do not bypass the question of the social conditioning of these legal phenomena. In modern conditions of globalization, all civilized countries are trying to build their legislation, including criminal legislation, and, accordingly, to develop a system of countermeasures against socially dangerous acts, based on international normative acts. The international legal need to establish criminal law prohibitions in Ukrainian legislation depends on the international obligations that Ukraine has assumed before the international community. In accordance with such obligations, national legislation must be brought into line with the requirements and recommendations established in international legal documents to which Ukraine is a party. All these conventions establish the right of a person to personal freedom. In addition, some of them contain provisions on the need to establish criminal responsability and punishment for crimes related to illegal deprivation of liberty.Characterizing the criminally illegal acts connected with illegal deprivation of liberty to date, and analyzing in detail their crime-forming features, one should talk about their social danger. And the nature and degree of public danger of such criminally illegal acts is determined by the value of the entire system of criminal law protection objects, which are negatively affected.

The study is a focused application on the imagology field. The thesis in whose direction it is argumented is the following: a) the concept of identity retrieved in psychology, sociology, philosophy; b) the vision of the Romanians about themselves sequential exposed in the pages of the magazine „Dilema Veche” (“Old Dilemma”) in the period September-October 2006. Recently appeared on the scientific scene, the concept of identity is an essential component of the social contemporary existence. Romanian masters discover with sadness that in 2006 elements of cultural and identity, tradition are still imported and that‟s why, badly understanding democracy and liberty, Romanians allow themselves anything: gregarious spirit, colloquial talking, violence, brutish, arbitrariness. According to N. Berdiaev the concept of liberty implies respects the other‟s liberty, namely: we are free as long as personal liberty doesn‟t defy the other‟s right to liberty. The chaos and haste are the two constants that control the Romanians amplifying stress, abridging them the deepness of things. It is to be remarked also the superficiality and indifferent attitude towards the people and rejecting the values to the new generation which, although wanting to be free, still remains stuck into libertinism.

The goal of the article is to critically analyse and deconstruct museum narratives about communism in East-Central Europe 30 years after transformation. The research material is museum exhibitions interpreted in accordance with the methodology of visual research (composition analysis, content analysis, analysis of material objects, and analysis of meanings). The first and most important museum type from the perspective of the memory cano The Act of 6 June 1997 Penal Code (Journal of Laws of 1997, item 553). Art. 125. § 1. Whoever destroys, damages or takes away a cultural object in an occupied area or in which military operations are taking place, violating international law, shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for a term of between one and 10 years. § 2. If the act concerns goods of particular importance for culture, the perpetrator shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for not less than 3 years. Art. 278. § 1. Whoever takes away someone else’s movable property for the purpose of appropriation shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for a term of between 3 months and 5 years. § 2. The same punishment shall be imposed on anyone who, without the consent of the authorised person, obtains someone else’s computer program in order to gain financial benefits. § 3. In the case of an act of a lesser significance, the perpetrator is subject to a fine, limitation of liberty or deprivation of liberty for one year. § 4. If the theft was committed to the detriment of the closest person, the prosecution takes place at the request of the injured party. Art. 279. § 1. Whoever steals by burglary is punishable by imprisonment from one to 10 years. § 2. If the burglary was committed to the detriment of the closest person, the prosecution takes place at the request of the injured party. n, as it represents the official historical policy of most East-European states, is the so-called identity or heroic museum. Its purpose is not so much to show the truth about the past but to create the collective memory of a society and its positive self-image.

This article reconstructs the early history of the Soviet militia in Western Siberia. The research was based on the personal archive of Lieutenant Colonel A. N. Ovchinnikov and previously unpublished official documents stored in the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Altai Krai and in the Novosibirsk Region. The research featured A. N. Ovchinnikov’s professional activity and personal participation in the development of militia in the Altai Krai and Kuzbass. When A. N. Ovchinnikov joined the militia forces, the institution was undergoing some radical reforms, e.g. it merged with the Joint State Political Directorate, became militarized and politicized, etc. In the 1920s – 1940s, the Soviet militia turned into a command and administrative system that made collectivization and industrialization possible. Militia officers were evaluated not only by their professional qualities, but also by their party affiliation, political views, and education. The sources made it possible to reveal A. N. Ovchinnikov’s personal position in the process of militia development in the 1930s – 1940s. Despite the constant personnel shortage and the low level of education, the party managed to improve the discipline, qualifications, moral qualities, and political consciousness of militia officers, thus increasing their performance. The authors believe that personal historic narratives can be a valuable contribution to the historical studies of Soviet militia.

Different user groups will tend to value different third-party mobile payment offerings differently, and so make different adoption decisions. Millennials are regarded as creative, socially conscious and more willing to provide opinions on the advantages and disadvantages of new technologies. Therefore, it is important to investigate the key factors that affect Chinese Millennials' adoption behavior of third-party mobile payments as they grow in popularity in China. This study establishes a new conceptual model based on the Technology Acceptance Model incorporating additional variables such as perceived risk, personal innovativeness, compatibility, and social influence. This research collected quantitative data by questionnaire (N=380). The data was analyzed by SPSS. This study suggests that social influence and attitude directly affect adoption intention towards third-party mobile payments, whereas perceived usefulness, compatibility, perceived ease of use and personal innovativeness only indirectly affect adoption intention towards third-party mobile payments.

Ljuba Jovanovic belongs to the generation that prepared, organized and carried out the liberation and union of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into a single state. In 1876, as a grammar school student, together with friends, he organized the student organization 'Branko Radicevic', spreading the spirit of liberty among the youth of Boka Kotorska Bay. When the Second Boka Uprising broke out in Krivosije in 1882, the members of the organization decided to leave the grammar school and join the insurrectionists. After the uprising was put down, he fled to Serbia. In this new and unfamiliar setting, he made his way to the highest honors and titles, thanks exclusively to his own worthiness and abilities. He was among the initiators of the great national and cultural organizations whose activities would reverberate throughout the Slavic South: Sokoli, National Defense, Serbian Literary Cooperative. An initiative was launched in Boka Kotorska for Ljuba Jovanovic to head the candidate list for parliament of the National Radical Party in Dalmatia, due to his personal ties with his place of birth. Even though he came to hold some of the leading potations in Serbia and The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, he remained an honest man, leading the fight against corruption in the National Radical Party.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter examines the politicization of Minnesota's temperance movement between the end of the Civil War and the passage of a High License Law in 1887. It shows how Minnesota's temperance activists pushed the temperance cause into the political arena, giving rise to a temperance politics that moved the temperance issue at the center of party, electoral, and state politics. It explains how the popularity of the temperance cause forced both Republicans and Democrats to engage with the arguments of both temperance reformers and opponents involving Irish and German Americans while also carefully negotiating their position within the legal battles about alcohol. It also considers how personal liberty emerged as a contentious issue in the High License debates. These debates led to an equilibrium between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party and even provoked the founding of a third party solely geared toward the extinction of the liquor traffic, the Temperance Party of Minnesota. The chapter concludes with a discussion ofd the rise of a women's temperance movement during the period.

The Southern ratification debate on the 14th Amendment was a part of the bitter, decade-long struggle to reconstruct and later redeem the South. This book makes clear that amidst all the conflict and cacophony of the period, the commands of the 14th Amendment were widely and uniformly understood. The three great clauses of Section 1 of the 14th Amendment were intended both to guarantee everyone the fundamental rights of citizenship and personhood and to nationalize the protection of those rights within the federal structure ordained by the Constitution. That means that the states were to retain primary responsibility for defining and protecting those rights, subject only to the requirement that they treat all fairly and equally. Rooted in the natural rights philosophy of the Declaration of Independence rather than in the text of the Bill of Rights, the commands of the 14th Amendment were intended to protect liberty in an inseparable union of states. This study lets the participants in these events speak for themselves: in official reports; in party platforms and campaign speeches; in resolutions from meetings, rallies, and conventions; in editorials and letters to the editor; and in private diaries and personal correspondence. Much of the documentary evidence in this book is being published for the first time.

Abstract Except for the era of the Civil War, the last several years of the eighteenth century were the most politically contentious in United States history. With no George Washington in office to calm the emotions and reconcile the clashing interests, sectional antagonisms became more and more bitter. Some leaders began predicting a French invasion of the United States and envisioned once again a breakup of the Union. As the Federalist and the Republican parties furiously attacked each other as enemies of the Constitution, party loyalties became more intense and began to override personal ties, as every aspect of American life became politicized. People who had known one another their whole lives now crossed streets to avoid confrontations. Personal differences easily spilled into violence, and fighting erupted in the state legislatures and even in the federal Congress. By 1798 public passions and partisanship and indeed public hysteria had increased to the point where armed conflict among the states and the American people seemed likely. By the end of the decade, in the opinion of the British foreign secretary, the “whole system of American Government ” seemed to be “tottering to its foundations. “

This chapter details how, despite the seemingly favorable situation for the Chilean government, in 1967 things would begin to go in a very different direction. After the first two successful years of the Frei administration, the attitude of the opposition stiffened noticeably, and even within the Christian Democratic Party some leaders began to voice their disagreement with the character and the pace of some of the reforms implemented by the government. Eduardo Frei himself was still a popular figure, a condition he would continue to enjoy for most of his tenure and beyond. In addition, his positive international standing reinforced his image in Chile. However, his own personal popularity would not translate into a continuation of the success of the first two years of his administration. The changing winds of Chilean politics and the declining fortunes of the Lyndon B. Johnson administration would get in the way, and it was, in fact, a situation connected to the close relationship between the Frei administration and the United States that marked the beginning of the end of the Revolution in Liberty.

The authors examine organisations' approach to internal communication from below and above as part of the philosophical approach of total quality management (TQM). The main objective of the research is to evaluate the implementation of selected forms of communication from below and above as a part of the TQM philosophy in the context of selected identifying variables of Czech organizations. To meet the main objective, a questionnaire survey of Czech organizations (n = 183) was conducted. The data were evaluated using statistical methods (chi-square test, Fisher-Freeman-Halton Exact Test) at the 0.05 significance level. The results show that the use of most of the examined forms of communication from below and above depends on the size of the organisation, and the most frequent combination of used forms of communication is personal meetings and oral communication with employees. Setting up effective communication within each organisation fulfils the principles of total quality management.

Privacy concerns of smart home device (SHD) users have been largely explored but those of non-users are under-explored. The success of smart home technology comes to fruition only when concerns of both users and non-users are addressed. Understanding of non-user concerns is essential to inform the design of user-centric privacy-preserving SHDs, facilitate acceptance, and bridge the digital divide between non-users and users. To address this gap, we conducted a survey of SHD non-users and comparatively analyzed their privacy concerns with those of users.Methods: We used university email list-servs, snowball sampling and random sampling methods to recruit participants (n=91) for an IRB-approved online survey, titled ‘smart home study’. Our pre-tested questionnaire asked about SHD (non-)usage, privacy concerns (open-ended), suggestions for developers and demographics. We followed a mixed-methods approach to analyze privacy concerns (qualitative/thematic), explore non-use reasons (qualitative/thematic), compare non-users and users concerns (quantitative), and analyze design suggestions (qualitative/thematic). Results: Thematic analysis of privacy concerns of non-users (n=41) and users (n=50) by two researchers performing open-coding (Cohen’s kappa = 0.8) resulted in 17 codes. We then performed axial coding to generate three thematic areas of privacy concerns. The first theme was ‘data collection concerns’ which included five codes: recording audio/video, tracking occupancy, listening to private conversations, monitoring usage/behavior, and identity theft. The second theme was ‘data sharing concerns’ which included four codes: selling data, third party data access, leakage without consent, and marketing data. The third theme was ‘data protection concerns’ which included eight codes: hacking, data handling, protecting data, secondary use, aggregation, data abuse, data loss, and fraud. The three privacy concerns themes belong to the personal communication and personal data privacy dimensions of privacy. Chi-square test between non-users and users showed the privacy concerns of non-users differed significantly (X2=8.46, p<0.05) from users. Non-users reported higher level of concerns in data collection and data protection themes than those of users (46% vs 24% and 34% vs 30% respectively). However, non-users reported fewer concerns in the data sharing theme than those of users (15% vs 28% respectively).Most non-users reported their non-use reason to be privacy concerns (68%). Other non-use reasons included lack of interest in SHDs (32%), cost (22%), lack of perceived usefulness (12%), insecurity or potential of hacking (10%), and perceived difficulty of usage (7%).The thematic analysis of participants’ suggestions for developers resulted in four main themes: (a) data anonymization and minimization, (b) data protection and security, (c) transparent data use policies, and (d) user-centric practices. Based on our findings, we recommend that developers address the data collection and data protection concerns to allow SHD non-users to consider using them. In addition, we recommend addressing data sharing concerns to retain trust of current users. We discuss some guidelines in the paper.Conclusion: This paper contributes by eliciting SHD non-user privacy concerns and provides insights on addressing the concerns, which will be useful for developers towards the design of user-centric privacy-preserving SHDs.