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1
Eszik, Veronika. "Rural Reactions to Modernization: Anti-Modernist Features of the 1883 Anti-Hungarian Peasant Uprising in Croatia". Hungarian Historical Review 12, n.º 1 (2023): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2023.1.37.
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In the post-Compromise Croatia–Slavonia (1868–1914) several peasant uprisings indicated a deep crisis in the rural world. Previous literature abundantly discussed the economic and social motives of these protests and interpreted the tensions as signs of the peasantry’s national awakening. In the present article, through a rereading of archival documents related to the 1883 protests, I draw attention to the perplexity of peasants when they should have identified national symbols. I argue, that the attitude of the peasants towards symbols turned against every kind of power symbol regardless of its link to a given nation. Adding a layer of nuance to the canonical explanations of peasant unrest allows us to draw attention to popular sensibilities to the ever-expanding state’s intrusion into rural areas and to the state’s modernizing interventions perceived as coercion. The ways in which the peasantry responded with hostility and violence to spaces, symbols, and figures associated with modernization make it very clear that modernization was seen by the peasantry as a potential danger (hence the anti-modernist epithet of the 1883 events). Thus, we should abandon the assumption that elite imaginations of modernity and modernization simply trickled down to the peasantry or that peasants accepted the teleology of modernization without criticism or anxiety. This article is also an attempt to read peasant rumors as historical sources independently of their truthfulness at the factual level, concentrating rather on what they tell us about the peasants’ fears and motivations and the strategies they used to cope with rapid changes in their lifeworld.
2
Kuryshev, Igor V. y Andrey A. Lyubimov. "Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports". Herald of an archivist, n.º 2 (2021): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-418-427.
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The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.
3
Bhardwaj, Suraj Bhan. "Peasant-State Relation in Late Medieval North India (Mewat)". Medieval History Journal 20, n.º 1 (24 de marzo de 2017): 148–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687636.
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Studies on peasantry in medieval India 1 , particularly peasant protests in the late Mughal period, have not adequately addressed the issue of class consciousness in peasantry or that of class character of peasant protests against the state. In a way, agency has been denied to the peasantry in collectively developing and articulating an informed understanding of its distinct social position and economic interests as a class, as well as in protecting those interests. This essay retrieves this agency by arguing that the peasantry in late medieval north India, that is, late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ce, did develop a degree of self-consciousness as a class and that its conflict with the state did betray a certain class character. The folksongs and folktales popular among the peasantry since the medieval times have all the ingredients with which to construct a definite peasant class ideology that included conceptions of economic interest, social ethics and relation with the ruling class. On the basis of hitherto understudied Rajasthani documents, the article details the various ways in which the state intervened in the peasants’ socio-cultural and economic lives and the ways in which the peasants responded to these interventions. It also shows how the peasants’ class consciousness conditioned their engagement with the state in specific areas, whether grievance redressal, conflict resolution or agricultural production and surplus distribution. Furthermore, it discusses how caste consciousness in a stratified peasant society impinged on its class consciousness. However, there remained certain limits to the fuller development of this class consciousness, which ultimately constrained the fuller realisation of the potential of peasants’ class struggle against the state. The essay locates these limits in the peasants’ periodic negotiations with the state and their belief in the ideal of a non-conflictual, harmonious relation with the state.
4
Pasichna, Yulia y Andriy Berestovyi. "Social and Political Activity of Peasantry in 1905-1907". Eminak, n.º 4(32) (13 de enero de 2021): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.4(32).473.
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By the beginning of 1905, a crisis was impending in all spheres of Russian society. Agrarian problems caused by objective and subjective factors prompted the peasantry to declare their principled positions on solving agrarian problems. The period of 1905-1907 is a vivid example of the struggle of the driving independent force of the revolution, the peasantry, for carrying out an agrarian revolution. Goal: To study the social and political activity of the Russian peasantry in 1905-1907. During 1905-1907, Russia was unsettled by a tide of the social and political activity of the peasantry. The protests, which began in Poltava and Kharkiv Provinces, spread throughout the state and in a short time became uncontrollable by the authorities. Scholars give different figures for the total number of peasant unrests, but despite these differences, it is not difficult to determine that during 1905-1907 peasant unrests covered up to 50% of all European Russia in different periods of peasants� revolutionary activity. Manifestations of the social and political activity of the peasantry can be observed in early 1905 in the spontaneous seizure of landowners� estates, later the peasants started to pillage, plunder, damage agricultural implements, go on strikes, and cut down forests without permission. The manifestations of early 1905 did not become a novelty for Russian society, but 1905 � 1907 were a test for the power structures of the state. After all, the peasantry, although they still �believed in the tsar�, reacted to the unsystematic actions of the power in solving agrarian problems by radical actions and the large-scale protests.
5
Frolov, Vitalij. "Protest sentiments of the Russian peasantry at the beginning of the XX century as a factor of destructive influence on the stable development of society". Metamorphoses of history, n.º 32 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770029520-2.
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The article is devoted to a protest sentiment of Russian peasants as one of the problems of society in Russian Empire at the beginning of XX century. The Russian peasantry influenced the path of development of the country objectively as being the majority of the population of Russia. The protest sentiments of the Russian peasants were one of the important elements that influenced the destructive processes in the Russian Empire. The article draws attention to the motivation of the peasant protest and raises the question of the historical responsibility of the peasantry for the revolutionary events of 1917. The authors noted that the traditions of communalism, collective ownership of land, a “moral” rather than a market economy, and the rejection of individualism among peasants were in conflict with the modernization processes that began in post-reform Russia, based on opposing values. In the 1880–1890s an unprecedented industrial boom begins and, as a result, a significant numerical reduction of the peasantry due to the city’s need for labor and the mechanization of agricultural labor. The peasant community also had to become an inevitable victim of the modernization process. The authors concluded, that disruption of the centuries-old way of life became a natural source of protest reaction from the peasantry beginning at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. Stolypin's government briefly restored stability in the country. The Great War aggravated the existing problems and the protest of the peasants destroyed the old society.
6
McDonald, Tracy. "Judith Pallot, ed., Transforming Peasants: Society, State, and the Peasantry, 1861–1930. Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. 1 + 256 pp. $69.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (abril de 2000): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900262807.
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Transforming Peasants is a collection of papers that focuses primarily on the Russian peasantry between 1861–1930, with brief forays into Poland, the Kirgiz steppe, and Turkestan. Judith Pallot's introduction to the volume is informative and concise. She provides the reader with an excellent overview of each paper and highlights each author's contribution to the existing debates within the context of Russian and East European peasant studies. Pallot is well versed in the comparative literature on the study of the peasantry and notes the degree to which new work on the Russian, Central Asian, and East European peasantries has been influenced, informed, and expanded by this comparative material. What unifies the various selections in Transforming Peasants is that each author is grappling with the way in which the state, intellectuals, or educated society conceived of or “imagined” peasants and how these conceptions, in turn, influenced, shaped, or determined policy aimed at transforming the peasantry.
7
Kovalenko, Tetiana y Elina Pozniak. "Legal Regulation of the Preservation of the Culture of Ukrainian Peasantry: Current Situation and Prospects for Improvement". Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, n.º 1 (15 de abril de 2020): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.51.
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This article investigates the current state of legal regulation of preserving the culture of Ukrainian peasantry as a carrier of Ukrainian identity, culture and spirituality of the nation. The necessity to revive and preserve the peasant as a landlord, bearer of morality and national culture is reflected in the scientific approaches of legal scholars in the field of agrarian, land and environmental law of Ukraine. In the process of analysis of a number of sources of agrarian, land, environmental law, normative legal acts of a programmatic nature, the existence of significant legal defects in the specified field was revealed (declarative nature of legal provisions, legal gaps, lack of complexity of legal regulation, inefficiency of legal norms). As a result, degradation of the spiritual, environmental, legal culture of the peasants occurs.
The authors found that the effectiveness of a number of legal acts, aimed at the legal regulation of the culture of Ukrainian peasantry, the social development of the village and the revival of social cultural and material infrastructure, is low. The measures identified in them to overcome the crisis in the social sphere of the village have practically no proper mechanisms of implementation.
In view of this, the authors substantiate ways to improve the legal regulation for the preservation of the culture of Ukrainian peasantry. The key to preserving the peasantry as a carrier of the national culture of Ukrainian people, according to the authors, is a integrated solution to the peasant's social problems. This direction of state policy should be implemented through organizational, legal and socio-economic measures aimed at ensuring employment and reducing unemployment, expanding the network of cultural institutions in the countryside, improving the level of education of rural youth, the development of environmental awareness, education, legal and advisory activities.
Increasing the standard of living and life of Ukrainian peasantry, the authors associate with the need for its financial and economic support with the use of funds from the State and local budgets for the implementation of cultural and educational activities in the countryside, leisure activities with the promotion of agricultural producers. An important guarantee of preserving the culture of Ukrainian peasantry is to increase the legal responsibility of officials of state authorities and local self-government for making decisions that limit or violate peasants' rights.
8
Khoteev, Aleksey. "The Peasant Guard in Belorussian and Lithuanian Provinces as a Form of Pro-government Activity of Villagers in 1863–1864". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 3 (15 de octubre de 2023): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2023-0-3-117-136.
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There uprising of 1863–1864 in Belorussia and Lithuania had the following effects on the population: part of the peasants took the side of the rebels, but most of the peasantry supported the government. The peasant guard became an active form of pro-government views expression. At the initial stage the guard appeared spontaneously, but already in spring of 1863 it was well-organized. In the course of struggle against rebels the peasant guard functioned as support military forces, carried guard duties, conducted searches and arrests of suspicious persons. The guard was mostly formed on a voluntary basis. The peasantry regiment proved quite effective at strengthening the Russian power and made an important contribution to the suppression of the uprising.
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Fareniy, Igor. "Conception of the “Peasant Revolution in 1917” by Andrii Shestakov (about forgotten scientific achievements and the disputability of modern achievements)". Kyiv Historical Studies 16, n.º 1 (2023): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2023.14.
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The famous historian of agrarian history Andrii Shestakov in the 1920s in his scholarly studies as to 1917 in Russia used the term "peasant revolution". In such a situation, the modern scientific school of V. Danilov came up with the concept of the peasant revolution of the early twentieth century which he presents as the latest achievement of historical science. Due to this situation, the question arises about the primacy in the formation of the concept of peasant revolution. The aim of the article is presented to expose Andrii Shestakov's interpretation of the term "peasant revolution" and to show its relation to the modern concept of V. Danilov and his supporters. Andrii Shestakov regarded the revolutionary struggle of the peasantry in 1917 as an independent socio-political phenomenon. It took place in several stages. At first, it was relatively peaceful, hoping for a solution to the agrarian issue by the authorities. From March to May, the peasants actively appealed to various instances. They rarely resorted to radical action. In May – July 1917, the peasant movement became more organised. Its representatives were the executive committees of the parish and the land committees. In August – October peaceful methods of struggle were replaced by the peasantry force measures to seize landlords. From the end of October 1917 the revolutionary struggle of the peasantry merged into one stream with the revolutionary struggle of the workers, which led to the victory of the revolution. At the end of 1917 – in the beginning of 1918 there was a liquidation of the landed land ownership and transfer to the peasantry on the basis of the Soviet power legislation. Andrii Shestakov pointed to the low level of political parties` influence, as well as the revolutionary authorities and other institutions on the actions of the peasantry. Rural communities were the real organizer and leader of the revolutionary struggle of the peasantry. Andrii Shestakov considered the peasant revolution of 1917 to be victorious, and defined its character as bourgeois-democratic. As a result of this revolution, peasant land use per capita increased, on average, from 1¾ to 2¼ people. It is positively impacts on the peasant economy and the transfer of landlord inventory. As a result of the research, Andrii Shestakov's understanding of the concept "peasant revolution" is revealed, and thus shows the true origins of the concept of peasant revolution. The modern scientific school of the peasant revolution actually has its authoritative predecessors. In the 1920s, the concept of the peasant revolution was developed by Andrii Shestakov. According to the Shestakov`s concept the peasantry in the conditions of the revolutionary struggle of 1917 acted as an autonomous socio-political force. In its political behavior, it was beyond the control of political parties and urban social strata, and manifested a capacity for self-organization. The withdrawal from the scientific and cognitive use and forgetting the concept of the peasant revolution of 1917 came under pressure from the socio-political situation in the USSR. The consequences of this are tangible even in today's context, and still most historians do not see in the peasantry the self-sufficient power of revolutionary change. The conceptual similarity of Andrii Shestakov vision of the revolutionary struggle in 1917 and the modern scientific school of the peasant revolution indicates that the creative heritage of the scientist can be synthesized with modern methodological tools of historical science.
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Klír, Tomáš. "Local Migration of Peasants in the Late Middle Ages: a Quantitative Analysis of the Cheb City-State 1442–1456". Journal of Migration History 8, n.º 2 (15 de junio de 2022): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08020004.
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Abstract Many scholars have proved statistically that the migration of the Early Modern European peasantry was predominantly local and socially conditioned. This article tries to expand our quantified knowledge of the Late Medieval period using the unique documentary evidence from the Cheb city-state (Czech Republic). Based on a detailed analysis, we show that the migration pattern of the Late Medieval Cheb peasantry was similar to the Early Modern one despite very different demographic, economic and social conditions. The strength of the ties to the land increased with wealth; the better the property often among rural landholdings, gaining a better position. The wealthier the peasants status of the household, the lower the rate of replacement on the landholding. Poorer peasants migrated relatively more to the city, where they were among the wealthier burghers. Even though peasant migration took place over short distances, it brought about fundamental changes for many peasants.
11
Mironov, Boris N. "The Peasants of the St. Petersburg and Moscow Provinces after Abolition of Serfdom". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n.º 4 (2021): 1041–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.401.
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The article examines the condition of the peasantry in the St. Petersburg and Moscow provinces in 1850–1890 against the background of the development of 50 provinces of European Russia as a whole. The aim is to test the adequacy of the concept of the agrarian crisis of the post-reform village, which occurred as a result of the unfair reform of the 1860s predatory towards peasantry. The article criticizes the dominant concept of the Soviet historiography, which is regarded as controversial in modern scholarship. The first part of the article assesses the dynamics of the standard of living of the peasantry based on the traditionally used data: firstly, on production factor and sources of income, and the degree of sufficiency of peasant incomes for normal life and, secondly, on anthropometric indicators. The analysis of anthropometric data is preceded by a methodological introduction, which explains the theoretical foundations of using the body length data and the technique and procedure of processing primary information to obtain an adequate picture. Special attention is paid to the interpretation of the results of anthropometric analysis, which poses a difficulty to classical historians. The analysis of traditional and anthropometric indicators characterizing the condition of the metropolitan peasantry of the capital and 50 provinces of European Russia leads to the conclusion: in 1861–1890, the standard of living of peasants in the capital provinces had improved, moreover, to a larger extent compared to European Russia as a whole. The agreement of the results of economic and anthropometric analysis enhances the reliability of the conclusion about the improvement of the welfare of the Russian peasantry during the first 30 years after the peasant reform.
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Ivanov, S. "The destruction of the Ukrainian village by the holodomor of 1932-1933: criminal laws of the soviet authority". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, n.º 71 (25 de agosto de 2022): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.4.
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The article considers and analyzes a number of important legal acts adopted by the Union and Republican leadership of the Bolshevik Party during 1932 - 1933. It was made an attempt to demonstrate theirs crime and inhumane nature on the example of repressive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry. It was determined that one of the keys implementation mechanisms of this crime against the Ukrainian peasantry was the establishment of excessive grain supplies, which provided for the planned grain seizure from the peasants to the state’s favour. It is shown that essentially the grain procurement provided not only an opportunity to replenish the stock of bread for sale abroad, but was a convenient and profitable state’s way to deal with the rebellious Ukrainian peasantry. It was found that under the guise of grain procurement, fighting against speculation, embezzlement, and sabotage, the government issued laws that effectively legitimized the extermination of the Ukrainian peasantry. A thorough analysis of a number of regulations adopted by the Soviet authorities during the study period and confirm the thesis of the artificial nature of the Holodomor, which in turn is an extremely important and urgent task in modern historical and legal science to preserve historical memory ukrainians. It has been proved that the legal nihilism of Stalin’s totalitarian dictatorship, embodied in a concentrated form by the anti-peasant laws of 1932-1933, convincingly proves that the Holodomor became one of the largest crimes against humanity in modern human history, that can be qualified as genocide against Ukrainians as a nation and peasants as a class by all criteria. Particular attention is paid to the criminal actions of the Soviet leadership during the forced collectivization of peasant farms and grain companies, as well as the policy of eliminating the kulaks as a class. It has been shown that the main goal of forced collectivization was to create collective farms instead of individual peasant farms, which in turn would facilitate the rapid implementation of grain procurement plans.
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Chalcraft, John. "ENGAGING THE STATE: PEASANTS AND PETITIONS IN EGYPT ON THE EVE OF COLONIAL RULE". International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, n.º 3 (22 de julio de 2005): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052098.
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In spite of many competing views on peasants, their politics, and the state in 19th-century Egypt, the historiography contains certain striking continuities in its understanding of peasant–state political relations. Historians influenced by Marxism, modernization theory, and nationalism alike have usually seen state and peasantry as sharply distinct and conflicting. Peasants have often been depicted as locked in a struggle against the penetration of state agency into a previously autonomous rural domain. Whether seen as a force for benevolent modernization or for the predatory extraction of conscripts and taxes, the state has regularly been viewed as self-propelled and sui generis, reforming or invading the world of an either passive, silently subversive, or violently revolutionary peasantry. The figure of the tradition-bound, submissive, or apathetic peasant simply marks out a terrain for state agency, albeit an agency obstructed by peasant hostility, irrationality, or resentment. The silently subversive peasant, further, who uses James C. Scott's “weapons of the weak,” merely undermines in antagonistic and wordless fashion projects emanating from above. The revolutionary peasant, finally, becomes the self-generating locus of the nationalist or socialist modern and seeks the violent overthrow of the predatory state, transforming the latter into only the negative—albeit treacherous—terrain on which the positive historical agency of peasants and their allies can work. In short, the existing historiography, while varying the historical role, value, and meaning of peasant and state, preserves both as radically distinct, self-creating, and self-defining collective agents involved in zero-sum and often violent antagonism.
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Chochotte, Marvin. "Making Peasants Chèf: The Tonton Makout Militia and the Moral Politics of Terror in the Haitian Countryside during the Dictatorship of François Duvalier, 1957–1971". Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, n.º 04 (octubre de 2019): 925–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000306.
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AbstractDrawing on never-before-utilized archival and oral sources, “Making Peasants Chèf” contends that decades of peasant marginalization from political power created the social and political conditions for the rise of the infamous tonton makout militia under the dictator François Duvalier. After coming to power in 1957, Duvalier militarized and rearmed peasants in exchange for their loyalty. Thousands of previously ostracized peasants enlisted in the dreaded makout militia to access status and political power. This explains why the peasant-based militia formed an arm of state repression. With the support of an armed peasantry, Duvalier successfully repressed the political opposition, allowing the regime to stay in power for almost three decades.
15
Rahmato, Dessalegn. "Agrarian change and agrarian crisis: state and peasantry in post-revolution Ethiopia". Africa 63, n.º 1 (enero de 1993): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161297.
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AbstractThis article reviews the agrarian policies of post-revolution Ethiopia and discusses the evolution of relations between the peasantry and the military state in the period 1975-90. In broad terms, state policy changed rapidly from simple, home-flavoured populism in the latter part of the 1970s to hard-line Stalinism in the 1980s. The various rural policies that followed, such as collectivisation, villagisation and resettlement, and their effect on the peasantry are briefly assessed. The central point is that these policies impeded the institutionalisation of the populist land reform, politicised agricultural programmes to the detriment of rural production, and embittered relations between state and peasantry. The article also deals with the structure of power in rural Ethiopia as it was beginning to emerge out of the radical reforms of the period in question. The newly evolving rural elite, peasants active in rural mass organisations, is shown to be closely linked with the state apparatus. The hardening of state policy on the one hand, and peasant resentment on the other, soon led to a sort of unholy alliance between the forces of the state at the local level and the rural elite, giving rise to corruption on a large scale. The rapid escalation of rural insurgency, while not directly addressed, is shown to have been a consequence of the deterioration of relations between peasants and the state. The reform of agrarian Stalinism hurriedly launched in 1990 - discussed at some length in the last section of the article - came much too late to rally the peasantry to the side of the state.
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Stauter-Halsted, Keely. "Patriotic Celebrations in Austrian Poland: The Kościuszko Centennial and the Formation of Peasant Nationalism". Austrian History Yearbook 25 (enero de 1994): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006329.
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The first peasant movement in Eastern Europe to declare its formal independence from other parties grew up in Austrian Galicia. Founded in 1895, the Polish Peasant party (Stronnictwo Ludowe) was characterized by an approach to the problem of Polish nationalism unique to the peasantry. Like many other agrarian groups, the Polish peasants privileged peasant culture and values above upper-class and urban traditions as the true source of national strength. Yet the dynamics of this budding peasant nationalism, its sources and leadership bases, have yet to be fully explored.
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Kovalova, Nataliia. "The Peasant Revolution in Naddniprianshchyna (1917–1920) on the pages of «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle»". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 5, n.º 1-2 (30 de diciembre de 2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26220509.
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The purpose of the article is to explore and evaluate the attitude towards the events of the peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna among the eyewitnesses – soldiers of the Galician units, participants of the national liberation movement of 1914–1921 in «Greater Ukraine». Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative, and descriptive. The main results: the article reveals the specifics of the military-historical memoirs published on the pages of the journal «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle», as a source of the history of the Peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna. Four categories of authors writing for «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle» on peasant issues were identified: participants of the Ukrainian national movement in Naddniprianshchyna (M. Mykhailyk, F. Meleshko, Ya. Vodianyi); prisoners of war of the Austro-Hungarian army and the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen (S. Stechyshyn, V. Struk); senior officers of the «Kyiv» Sich Riflemen (I. Andrukh and I. Vyslotskyi); foremen and riflemen of the UGA (Ukrainian Galician Army). The first two categories of authors were either local residents or lived among the peasantry for a long time and painted a coherent, albeit contradictory, picture of the development of events in the Ukrainian countryside in 1917 – early 1918: their main concern was the activation of national-democratic forces and the growth of social struggle in peasants against landlords, radicalization of military-political confrontation. The authors of the third category, who came from the ranks of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, pointed out the indifferent attitude of the peasants to the national idea, traced the evolution of the attitudes of the peasantry of Naddniprianshchyna under the conditions of the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi and other political regimes. The fourth group of authors (the UGA soldiers) is the largest. Their articles are devoted to the turning points in the development of the Ukrainian revolution: the transition to Zbruch, the typhus epidemic, and the split of the UGA, alliances with the Volunteer Army of A. Denikin and the Bolsheviks. Against the background of these military and political events, the problem of relations between the military and the peasantry can be clearly traced throughout the entire path of the UGA. The UGA soldiers focused their attention on such negative phenomena among the peasants as desertion, reluctance to fight for Ukrainian statehood, theft of military property, and hostile attitude towards sick soldiers. At the same time, the UGA soldiers contributed to the growth of the national consciousness of the population of Naddniprianshchyna. The mosaic fragments of relations with the peasantry, which contain memories, diaries, and essays of the UGA soldiers, are a valuable source of the history of the Peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna in 1917–1920. Practical significance: the results of the research can be useful in conducting general studies on the peasantry, compiling textbooks, and training manuals, in the preparation of lectures and seminar courses in institutions of higher education, and in local history workshops. Scientific innovation: for the first time, a complex of military-historical memoirs published in the «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle» has been summarized and considered in the context of peasant research discourse and, in particular, the peasant revolution. Type of the article: research.
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Baghdasaryan, S. D. y T. A. Samsonenko. "Contribution of soviet historians to the development of domestic people’s studies". Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, n.º 2 (25 de junio de 2020): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2020-2-109-114.
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The article is devoted to the contribution of Soviet domestic science to the study of the peasant class in the second half of the XVIII century. in the Russian Empire. The position of the peasantry in state policy is analyzed, and the scientific schools of the Soviet period specializing in the study of the system of serfdom are considered. The question is raised about the scientific achievements of Soviet historical science in the complex of using the existing approaches, scientific schools, and the system of knowledge about the development of the peasantry in the Russian Empire in the second half of the XVIII century. The study of social and economic processes of development of the peasant class during the evolution of feudal relations was the most popular topic of scientific research in Soviet historiography. The problems related to the condition of dependent peasants during the period of serfdom in tsarist Russia deserve careful study and continue to arouse interest in the works of Russian researchers.
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Fischer-Galati, Stephen. "Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*". Nationalities Papers 16, n.º 2 (1988): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408082.
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Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.
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Slezin, A. A. y K. A. Yakimov. "Public Sentiment among Peasantry of “Revolutionary Turning Point” Generation at turn of 1920—1930s". Nauchnyi dialog 11, n.º 8 (30 de octubre de 2022): 453–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-453-469.
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The paper studies characteristics of the public sentiment among peasantry of the “revolutionary turning point” generation (born at the turn of XIX—XX centuries). The relevance of the chosen topic lies in the need to carry out a comprehensive study of the state of public opinion of the villagers at the turn of the 1920—1930s through the prism of the “generational” section. Based on a wide range of archival documents and periodicals, most of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the paper focuses on the analysis of the main ways of adapting peasant mentality in the context of agricultural collectivization. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the sources and forms of manifestation of the protest moods among peasants. The conducted research showed the ambiguous attitude of peasantry towards collectivization. The authors come to the conclusion that in most cases the transition to collective farms caused discontent among villagers, and the collective farm system itself was associated with hunger and ruin. It is shown that a significant part of peasantry of the “revolutionary turning point” generation perceived the state policy in the countryside as a return to the prerevolutionary order. It is noted that the excesses during dispossession contributed to the intensification of the confrontation between the various property strata of peasantry.
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González Arpide, José Luis y Oscar Fernández Álvarez. "¿Qué es ser campesino?: una definición del campesinado desde la Antropología". Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, n.º 14 (15 de febrero de 2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i14.6892.
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<p>The authors of this article, of a theoretical nature, within the field of the peasant studies, take an anthropological approach to try and define peasantry. Thus, it first considers the origen and theoretical development of the generic concept of the peasantry through which the tradition theoretical framework of Peasant Studies hs been formed, so as later consider other aspects.</p><p>As a concluding remark, they see the analysis of the peasant groups and the relationships with the social struture as the path to be followed by the theoretical debate on peasantry. The authors pay a particular attention to the critical study of the concept.</p>
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Pasichna, Yulia y Yuriy Zemskyi. "SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF THE PEASANTRY OF UKRAINE IN 1917". Problems of humanities. History, n.º 5/47 (27 de marzo de 2021): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.218597.
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Summary. The purpose of the study is to research the causes, nature, and features of the socio-political activity of the Ukrainian peasantry in 1917. Research methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, comprehensiveness, objectivity, and systematicity. During the study of this topic, the authors used general scientific (analysis, synthesis, elements of the statistical method) and special-historical (problem-chronological, historical-typological, historical-systemic) research methods. The scientific novelty lies in the substantiation of the thesis concerning the fact that the peasantry became an active subject of socio-political processes in 1917 in Ukraine. Conclusions. The changes that took place in early 1917 in the political life of the state became a catalyst for the active actions of the peasantry, which required radical changes in land tenure/land use. The agrarian problem worsened during 1905–1907 and in 1917 detonated an explosion of socio-political activity of the peasantry. It was expressed in the speeches of the peasantry, the organization of peasant congresses, the creation of peasant organizations, the involvement of workers and soldiers in speeches, etc. During 1917 the socio-political activity of the peasantry underwent changes. The end of 1917 was marked by its strengthening, which forced the government to take into account the needs of the peasantry as an active participant in the socio-political life of the state.
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Datsenko, Artem. "Peasant movement in the Donbass in March – November 1917 and its impact on the economic and internal political situation in the region". Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, n.º 9 (347) (2021): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-134-145.
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The article studies the events in the countryside of Donbass from March to November 1917. The author reflects the peculiarities of the peasant movement in Donbass, aimed at solving the land issue in order to redistribute land and property in their favor. The events geographically described in the article cover the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions within the boundaries of 2013. The article examines the main events associated with peasant uprisings. The author emphasizes that the peasant movement took place throughout the region, but it was most developed in the poorest counties; he aimed to redistribute land in favor of land-poor and landless peasants at the expense of not only landlords, industrial enterprises, church lands, but also rich peasants. developing in most cases spontaneously, and in the conditions of spring-autumn 1917 could not be suppressed by the then power. The author concludes that the situation in the rural areas of Donbass seriously affected the food supply of cities and the army, the rise in prices for essential goods, and even the investment attractiveness of the region. The peasantry of Donbass has already resisted the policy of the Provisional Government in predominantly passive and sometimes active forms. Any political forces planning to extend their power to Donbass already had to reckon with the position of the region's peasantry.
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Shcherbatyuk, V. y Y. Oryshchenko. "REFLECTION OF UKRAINIAN PEASANT INSURRECTIONARY MOVEMENT OF 1917 – 1921 IN UKRAINIAN PRE-SOVIET LITERATURE Dedicated to the centennial of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917 – 1921". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, n.º 132 (2017): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.14.
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In this paper we intend to analyze the image of the peasant insurrectionary movement (1917 – 1921) in Ukrainian pre-Soviet literature. The achievements of pre-Soviet authors, in particular, in the studies of the peasant insurrectionary movement of the stated period, have been defined. Factual materials concerning insurgent peasantry have been found and the research assessment aspects have been generalized. As we have found out only few Ukrainian works from the pre-Soviet literature described the peasant insurrectionary movement of 1917 – 1921. Among the first works were those of M. Hrushevskyj, I. Krypyakevych, Ye. Chykalenko. Special attention to the life of peasantry and its protest movement was paid by the outstanding historian M. Hrushevskyj. He explored this subject in the context of the Ukrainian revolution studies. His works are an important source for the peasant insurrectionary movement studies. At the same time we have stated the absence of works directly covering insurrected peasantry as an integrated force within the Ukrainian revolution. On the other hand, as the historiographic analysis has shown, these first works could be regarded as proto-historiography of the peasant insurrectionary movement as they were produced during the initial stage of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917 – 1921. Keywords: peasant insurrectionary movement of 1917 – 1921, peasantry, revolution, research, Ukrainian pre-Soviet literature, historiography.
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Rodríguez, Juanita. "Picturing the Peasant in Orlando Fals Borda’s Work 1950s-1970s". Master, Vol. 5, no. 2 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m9.060.art.
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Orlando Fals Borda, a renowned Colombian sociologist, who worked for both the academia and the government from the 1950s to 90s, wrote two works on Colombian peasantry and its relation with big landowners that were published with a selection of photographs of peasants, landowners, and grassroots movements. These works and their images have had an impact on the construction of peasant- and landowner visual icons in recent Colombian history, as they have been used in books, primers, and exhibitions since their creation, and they had a crucial influence on the visual propaganda of the Agrarian Reform project in Colombia. As a result of Fals’s fieldwork, there are two photograph collections kept at two institutions in Colombia that have organized and catalogued the images: The Central Bank in Montería and the National University in Bogotá. These institutions are prime creators of the visual memory of rural Colombia and I analyze Fals’s fieldwork as part of a jigsaw puzzle in which peasants, landowners, and intellectuals, like Fals, both consumed and created visual icons of land, rurality, and peasantry in Colombia’s recent history. Keywords: Agrarian Reform, Colombia, landowners, Orlando Fals Borda, peasants, photography.
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Primochkina, Natalia N. "M. Gorky “About the Russian peasantry”: Problematics, poetics, historical context". Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, n.º 4 (julio de 2023): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.4-23.092.
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The article examines Gorky’s special, negatively distrustful attitude towards the Russian peasantry, whose political and spiritual conservatism could prevent, in the writer’s opinion, the realization of the socialist ideals of the revolution. During the 1917 revolution and the Civil War, it seemed to Gorky that it was the Russian “peasant” who could ruin the revolution and that the revolution itself was inexorably turning into a brutal struggle between town and village, workers and intellectuals on the one hand and peasants on the other. The result of the writer ‘s intense reflections in 1917–1921. Gorky’s artistic and journalistic article “On the Russian Peasantry” (1922) was about the fate of his native people and its role in the revolution, which became his first major public appearance in the press after leaving Russia for Europe. Based on Gorky’s negative attitude towards the Russian peasantry, it seems quite natural that the writer at the turn of the 1920–30s supported the Bolshevik policy of universal collectivization of the village. Moreover, it was the radical breaking of the foundations of village life that made him believe in the “truly socialist character” of the October Revolution.
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Ippolitov, Vladimir. "Socio-political sentiments of the Russian peasantry in the mid-1920s (based on the election materials of village councils)". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, n.º 12-1 (1 de diciembre de 2023): 04–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202312statyi11.
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The sources of the study of the socio-political sentiments of the Russian peasantry in the mid-1920s were the materials of the elections to village councils. Special emphasis is placed on the study of changes in the identity of peasants of the “revolutionary turning point" generation. The author analyzes the attitude of the active part of the village to urban workers, prices, parties, etc. The reasons for peasant absenteeism and distrust of the authorities are considered. The conclusion is made about the growth of the political consciousness of the peasants in the mid-1920s.
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Kurisoo, Merike y Aivar Põldvee. "The Appearance of Hans and Jaan. A 17th Century Epitaph Painting Donated by Estonian Peasants". Baltic Journal of Art History 14 (27 de diciembre de 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.14.05.
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The epitaph donated by Hans and Jaan, two peasants from Türi parish, is evidence of the acceptance of ecclesiastic values and religious devotion among the Estonian peasantry. Other examples of this tendency from the Swedish era also exist. For instance, the grand wheel crosses, typical for North Estonia, that were once located in the Türi churchyard; and a chandelier (1659) donated by a peasant in the Keila church, the size of which exceeds those gifted by manor lords. From a later period, the stained-glass coats of arms of the peasantry in the Ilumäe chapel (1729) are also an example of this heightened sense of self-awareness and its display in houses of worships.Along with the hundreds and hundreds of works donated to churches by nobles, the epitaph painting depicting the Adoration of the Shepherds is a rare example of a painting gifted to a church by farmers, which also commemorates them. Hans and Jaan have now earned a place in Estonian (art) history: the pictures of the two simple men are the first known portraits of peasants whose names we know.
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Кузнець, Тетяна. "Destabilization of the Peasant Community during the years of Stolypin's agrarian reforms: a microhistorical overview". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History, n.º 48 (16 de junio de 2024): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2024-48-57-67.
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The objective of the article is to analyze the information found in the Ukrainian newspaper "Rada" regarding the resettlement and forced eviction of peasants from settlements in Uman County during the implementation of P. A. Stolypin's reform. This information sheds light on demographic changes and the moral values of peasant communities (rural communities). The research methodology combines general scientific, specialized historical, and interdisciplinary methods and tools of scientific analysis. The scientific novelty lies in the use of microhistorical approaches to expand anthropocentrism in the discussed topic, which may be considered well-studied when it comes to resettlement policy in the years 1906-1912. As for the issue of forced eviction by the decision of the rural community, the material presented in the article could serve as the starting point for a comprehensive study of this segment of peasant self-government activity. An element of novelty is the introduction of information into scientific circulation that complements local history and ethnographic studies. Conclusions. Between 1907 and 1912, the Ukrainian newspaper "Rada" published more than thirty notes about migration and forced evictions from rural communities in just one Uman County of the Kyiv Governorate. Systematizing such information personalizes the migration of Ukrainian peasantry during the Stolypin agrarian reforms, detailing general perceptions of resettlement policy, and revealing the risks and difficulties faced by the most active peasantry, which sought a better life but often fell victim to various fraudsters and the imperial authorities due to their naivety, trustfulness, and illiteracy. Systematization of information about forced evictions from rural communities by the decision of the rural community provided the opportunity to identify the reasons and mechanisms for such punishment. The reasons for eviction and the number sentenced to expulsion indicate the presence of crisis phenomena in the peasant society. The government's desire to resettle the most active peasants to remote regions of the empire and the spread of the practice of cleansing rural communities of politically undesirable and socially problematic elements did not yield the expected results: the subjugation and pacification of the peasantry.
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Tsvetkov, Vasily. "Features of the Development and Discussion of the Draft Land Reform in the White South of Russia in the Summer – Autumn of 1919". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 4 (septiembre de 2022): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.8.
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Introduction. The history of the agrarian and peasant policy of the White Movement during the Civil War in Russia seems to be insufficiently studied. The stability of the military-political system, which was created by anti-Bolshevik structures, a Special Meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, General Denikin, depended on its successful proclamation and effective implementation. The peasantry made up the majority of the Russian population, and its support was extremely important. This was also important for the white armies, since the position of the peasantry influenced the implementation of mobilizations, military and civil duties. Аnalysis. The analysis made it possible to identify several problems that are fundamentally important for understanding the features of the formation and evolution of the agrarian and peasant policy of the white South. There were two groups of participants in the discussion of the land bill. Their positions were distinguished by a different attitude to the size of the farms of former landlords, to the forms of redemption operations. Supporters of the preservation of large private farms advocated taking into account the economic factors associated with maintaining high marketability and export orientation. Another point of view was the need to satisfy, first of all, the political demands of the peasantry. Supporters of this group of participants in the work of the Commission noted the need to make maximum concessions to peasant demands, demanded to take into account the psychological need of the peasantry for additional allotment of land. In their opinion, in the future, peasants will be able to completely replace landlords in relation to the production of marketable agricultural products. The position of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, also played an important role in the work of land management commissions. Results. The analysis of the features of the discussion of the land bill, the agrarian and peasant policy of the Special Meeting conducted in the article gives grounds to assert serious changes in the internal political course of the White Movement by the end of 1919.
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Kornovenko, Serhii y Andrii Berestovyy. "Аграристський зміст аграрної реформи П. Скоропадського". Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 41 (2 de octubre de 2023): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2023-41.178-192.
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The aim of the research – the authors of the article aim to gain new knowledge about the agrarianist content of the agrarian policy of Ukrainian State. The research method- ology is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism, and systematicity. The authors used universal scientifi c research methods: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction. In the study of the topic, the authors used such special-historical and interdisciplinary methods as historical- comparative, historical-genetic. Th e scientifi c novelty is that it is substantiated that there are suffi cient reasons to consider the hetman’s agrarian policy as having an agrarianist character and corresponding to the principles of Eastern European agrarianism at that time. Conclusions. Th e agrarian policy of Ukrainian State had an agrarianist character, given that it corresponded to the basic principles of agrarianism. Firstly, the hetman and the political parties that supported him understood the peasantry as an active subject of history, as the social basis of the state. Th ey also had a corresponding attitude towards the peasantry, which is refl ected in legislation and agrarian policy. Secondly, agrarian policy was widely understood by the head of Ukrainian State and the political parties that supported him, as a component of domestic economic policy, containing socio-economic and socio-political components. Th e socio-economic part is the im- plementation of land reform and the settlement of current agricultural issues: improvement of land management, improvement of agrotechnical cultivation of land, provision of peasant farms with agricultural equipment, seed stock, working cattle, etc. Socio-political aspect – forms and methods of cooperation between authorities and the peasantry, subjectivization of the peasantry in the current political and legal model of the state. Th irdly, P. Skoropadskyi was looking for an alternative path, not a monarchical one, not a socialist one, he was a supporter of an innova- tive model of agricultural development. In his understanding – highly cultured peasant farms. Fourthly, for him, the instrument of subjectivization of the peasantry – the social basis of the state – was private peasant ownership of land. Th e latter was considered the foundation of cul- ture and civilization, the inviolable principle of the state’s existence. Entitlement of peasants to private ownership of land and signifi cant limitation of large land ownership is the cornerstone of P. Skoropadskyi’s agrarian reform.
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Melnychuk, Oleh y Tetiana Melnychuk. "Establishment of the Bolshevik Totalitarian Regime in Podillia at the End of the 1920s – at the Beginning of the 1930s: Causes, Technologies And Consequences (on the Example of the Melnykivtsi Village in the Vinnytsia Region)". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, n.º 35 (2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-56-68.
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The purpose of the article, based on the analysis of sources, taking into account the microhistorical approach, to trace the process of final establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podillia at the and of 1920s – at the beginning of the 1930s through analysis of causes, technologies and consequences. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of historicism, systematics, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt, based on the analysis of a wide representative source base, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to analyze the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in Podillia in the second military-communist assault. Conclusions. An analysis of various sources reflecting the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the village of Melnykivtsi in the Vinnytsia region suggests that the intensification of local authorities to socialize peasant farms in Podillya began in the spring of 1928. If at the beginning of the unification of peasants voluntarily, then with the party taking a course for continuous collectivization, in November 1929, forceful methods of involvement in collectives prevailed. Suppression of the resistance of wealthy peasants was proposed through the expropriation of their property and deportation outside their permanent residence. The response of the Podillia peasantry to the atrocities of the authorities was the intensification of open resistance, as a result of which in the spring of 1930th the Soviet authorities were even overthrown for a short time in some settlements of Podillya. The appearance of J. Stalin's article "Dizziness from Success" was perceived by some peasants as an outspoken criticism by the leader of the violent methods of the local authorities, so as a result of the so-called "bagpipes", by May 1930 almost 1/3 of all members of collective farms left the collectives. . During the second stage of continuous collectivization, which began in September 1930th, the main "argument" that was to persuade the peasants to join the collectives was tax pressure. Influence on the peasantry was carried out through the system of grain procurement. By setting unbearable norms for the delivery of bread for individual farms, the authorities thus forced them to join the collective farms. Forced collectivization, accompanied by the expropriation of wealthy peasants, unbearable grain procurement plans and the forced seizure of food supplies led to mass starvation of part of the Podolsk peasantry in the spring of 1932. As a result of the artificially planned Holodomor of 1932-1933th decreased by more than 1 million people. According to the authorities' plan, the genocide was to finally subdue the Ukrainian peasantry by starvation. By destroying the peasant owners, the Bolshevik government also deliberately and purposefully destroyed the social base of Ukrainian nationalism.
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Borysenko, Valentyna. "Culture and Life of the Peasants in Dnipropetrovsk Region in the 1920s – 1930s (After the Archival Materials of the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Ethnographic Commission)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 64 (2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.64.08.
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The article is aimed at the description of culture and life of the peasants on the base of unique archival materials recorded by the scientists and correspondents of the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Ethnographic Commission in Dnipropetrovsk region in the 1920s – 1930s. The layer of traditional culture, when its structure has been comparatively integral yet, is reflected in folklore-ethnographic materials. The bearers of this culture, peasantry mainly, have been in the extreme critical state of their vital activity. The Soviet regime invasion has frustrated their way of life. Powerful propaganda has caused discrepant feelings in the peasant’s soul. It seems that hope for better life has appeared, but violence against people, appropriation of their property has generated deep doubts in the fairness of this power. The research methodology used during the article writing, includes, first of all, historical, historical-comparative, the method of oral history. The main results: a unique peasant’s confession in 1933, as an example of micro history, which personifies the time life of the whole peasantry, is published in the article for the first time. The practical meaning: this is undervalued material for the specification of fixed postulates in the textbooks in History concerning the thematic of this historical period, promulgation of archival facts for the use during the articles and monographs writing. Originality: the existence of traditional culture in the conditions of traditions deformation and transformation in Dnipropetrovsk region is testified after the archival sources. Scientific novelty: unique treasures of Ethnographic Commission, concerning to the very difficult period in our history, where the peasantry becomes the bystanders of the Bolshevist experiment, are described for the first time. The article type: cognitive, analytical.
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Voronchuk, Iryna. "OLEKSANDR LAZAREVSKYI AND THE DISCUSSION ON THE FACTORS OF SERFDOM IN THE LEFT-BANK UKRAINE". Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, n.º 54 (3 de noviembre de 2022): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11614.
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The article analyzes the discussion that unfolded among professional historians of the Hetmanate after the work of Oleksandr Matviiovych Lazarevskyi “Ordinary Peasants of Little Russia” was published in 1866. Lazarevskyi was one of the first researchers to study the history of the Left-bank Ukraine, which at that time remained virtually unexplored. When in 1861 the peasant reform was announced by the tsarist government, the researcher became interested in the issues of the Left-bank Ukrainian peasantry, especially given the fact that due to his official position he had access to archival documents of those institutions that dealt with peasant affairs. Looking into the matter of attaching Left-bank peasants to the land, Lazarevskyi concluded that serfdom was not imposed by the Russian government but became the work of Ukrainian Cossack officers (starshyna), who concentrated administrative and judicial power in their hands. This conclusion, however, did not gain general acceptance. The divergence of views was mainly about the origins and the process of the introduction of serfdom in the Left-bank Ukraine. A scientific discussion began among the historians of Ukraine such as Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Dmytro Bahalii, Venedykt Miakotyn, Ivan Luchytskyi, Victor Barvinskyi, Ivan Telichenko, Oleksandr Shlikevych and others. In particular, Hrushevskyi pointed out that precisely this conclusion of Lazarevskyi had to be corrected. In support of Hrushevsky’s view, this article lists a number of laws of the Russian Empire of the 18th century which aimed at making Russian peasants serfs. It is shown that very fast that order of things was transferred to the Left-bank Ukraine, which lands were given out to Russian officials on a large scale resulting in Great Russia's latifundial landownership. In addition to the lands received for the service, Russian officials independently appropriated territories adjacent to them, thus significantly enlarging their estates. They were the ones who led the establishment of their customary order of life in Ukrainian lands, turning into serfs not only peasants but also ordinary Cossacks, which also aligned with the interests of the Cossack starshyna. The final point in the enserfment of peasantry, in particular the Ukrainian one, was put by the law of May 3, 1783 which forbade peasants to leave entirely. Hence, when considering the reasons for the enslavement of the Left-bank peasantry, one should take into account the impact of the Russian social practices and the efforts of the tsarist government to turn Ukraine into a colonial province.
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Chuwardin, G. S., V. G. Ivanov, O. A. Nesterchuk, V. F. Nitsevich y O. A. Sudorgin. "Russian population’s political activities in the first third of the XX century on the example of the Peasant Union creation movement". UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 11, n.º 4 (29 de diciembre de 2023): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2023-11-4-149-156.
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The article studies peasantry’s political activities development in Russia in the first third of the XX century. The reasons and the essence of the Peasant Union in the revolutionary events of 1905–1907 and 1917, the Civil War and in the period of the new economic policy have been revealed. The periods of peasantry’s political activities, conditioned by the state policy transformation in village, have been distinguished. Starting from 1905, the authorities tried to involve peasantry in the political agenda. However, politicization could not be controlled in the conditions of the revolution. Peasantry’s political activities were used by the opposition forces, the SRs and Bolsheviks, who proposed a program understandable to the peasant social psychology. The Third Monarchy suspended the Peasant Union activities. In February 1917, the Union work continued under the control of the SRs. In August 1917, Peasant Congress adopted the SR program documents. Calls to create a union during the Civil War took place against the background of peasants’ disillusionment with the “war communism” policy. In 1921, the idea of creating the Peasant Union was revived. Contradictory nature of Bolshevik policy, the concept of “interlocking” between city and countryside, growing “emergency” and crises of the new economic policy against the background of granting peasants relative economic freedom led to peasant demands growth for protecting their economic rights and creating organizations that resembled trade unions in city. These demands were not institutionalized. The movement reached all strata of village. The surge of demands of the United State Political Department dates from 1927–1928. It is conditioned by the transition to collectivization. It has been concluded that, despite the lack of the Peasant Union concept, diversity of demands, different understanding of association in rural society, movement for its creation testified to increased socio-political activity of the population. When the state policy outlined the rollback of the new economic policy principles, the number of votes in favor of the Union increased. The growth of socio-political tension in villages was evident. The Party began to pursue a policy of social division in villages to prevent radicalization of sentiments.
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Barkan, Joel D. y Frank Holmquist. "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Base of Self-Help in Kenya". World Politics 41, n.º 3 (abril de 1989): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010504.
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Peasant-state relations in developing countries are often a function of the nature and extent of stratification in peasant populations. Where there is a rigid class structure, the prospects for cooperation by members of the peasantry are low, and large landowners tend to ally themselves with the state to exploit the rural poor. Where, on the other hand, the nature of rural stratification is ambiguous, “small” and “middle” peasants are able to organize themselves for collective action and to bargain effectively for state aid to their communities. The hypothesis is confirmed using survey data about the nature of peasant participation in the Harambee selfhelp development movement in rural Kenya. Effective peasant-state bargaining in Kenya has in turn contributed to the legitimacy of the Kenyan political system.
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Nikulin, Viktor V. "Revolutionary tribunals in the anti-peasant terror system (1918–1921)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n.º 189 (2020): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-197-201.
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We reveal the forms, methods and features of the participation of revolutionary tribunals in anti-peasant actions carried out by the authorities in 1918–1921, including against the participants in the Antonov revolt. We analyze the significance and role of tribunals as specific types of special courts in the implementation of the authorities’ policy towards the peasantry. It is argued that the revolutionary tribunals occupied their definite place in the system of anti-peasant terror and carried out their specific functions, fulfilling the task of formally legalizing unstructured violence against peasants. We analyze the process of increasing the repressiveness of the tribunals against the background of a sharp increase in anti-Soviet manifestations on the part of the peasantry, which ultimately resulted in anti-peasant terror. The task of the revolutionary tribunals as an institutional instrument of anti-peasant terror was to judicially legalize repression against the pea-santry. The role of the tribunals in the prosecution of deserters, the bulk of whom were again pea-sants, is revealed. It is argued that the revolutionary tribunals were granted the broadest confisca-tion rights against deserters and the process of their implementation. Considerable attention is paid to the activities of the revolutionary tribunals during the suppression of the peasant revolt in the Tambov region, in particular the Tambov revolutionary military tribunal, which was a parallel structure of the territorial revolutionary tribunal, which was under the jurisdiction of the Revolu-tionary Military Council of the Republic.
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Nadan, Amos. "The route from informal peasant landownership to formal tenancy and eviction in Palestine, 1800s–1947". Continuity and Change 36, n.º 2 (agosto de 2021): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026841602100014x.
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AbstractExogenous intervention in land ownership began with few court judgments prior to the weighty Land Code in 1858; but it was especially this law which officially overturned the status quo by permitting registration of cultivated land in the names of non-cultivators. This changed the rules of the game for the peasantry in Palestine. Informally, yet practically, peasants had been the de facto owners of almost all cultivated lands in Palestine for generations. Following the landmark intervention of 1858, non-peasants seized the opportunity to acquire economic assets. They purchased and confiscated peasant lands or manipulated registration of peasant lands into their own names, and the peasants often became their tenants. The additional purchase of lands by Zionist settlers in latter years, compounded by rural demographic growth, intensified this pressure. By 1930, three-quarters of Arab peasants in Palestine cultivated lands they no longer formally owned, while others were pushed to migrate to cities.
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Tóth, Szilárd. "Campania electorală a Partidului Maghiar în zona rurală cu ocazia alegerilor din România interbelică". Anuarul Muzeului Etnograif al Transilvaniei 30 (20 de diciembre de 2016): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47802/amet.2016.30.11.
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The aim of this study is to analyze the position of the Hungarian Party to the Romania’s Hungarian peasantry. I intend to analyze the party elite position on this issue and the importance the Hungarian peasants represented to this political elite. I will analyze then the election campaign made by the Hungarian Party in the rural areas, approached methods to the peasantry by the candidates and the effectiveness of this election campaign. I will also analyze the position of the Hungarian peasantry to the Hungarian Party (sympathy for the Hungarian Party or to other political parties) and its participation in the inter-war elections.
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Czapla, Zbigniew, Grażyna Liczbińska y Janusz Piontek. "BODY MASS INDEX VALUES IN THE GENTRY AND PEASANTRY IN NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY POLAND". Journal of Biosocial Science 49, n.º 3 (11 de octubre de 2016): 364–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932016000481.
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SummaryThe aim of this study was to assess the impact of social and occupational status on the BMI of the gentry and peasantry in the Kingdom of Poland at the turn of 19th and early 20th centuries. Use was made of data on the height and weight of 304 men, including 200 peasants and 104 gentlemen, and 275 women, including 200 from the peasantry and 75 from the gentry. Gentlemen were characterized by a greater body height than peasants (169.40 cm and 166.96 cm, respectively), a greater body weight (67.09 kg and 60.99 kg, respectively) and a higher BMI (23.33 kg/m2and 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). Landowners and intelligentsia had a greater BMI than peasants (23.12 kg/m2and 24.20 kg/m2vs 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). In the case of women, there were no statistically significant differences in mean height, weight and BMI by their social position, and in BMI by occupational status. Underweight occurred less frequently in the gentry and more frequently in the peasantry (0.97% and 2.04%, respectively). Overweight was five times more common in gentlemen than in peasants (26.21% and 5.10%, respectively). Differences in the BMI of gentlefolk and peasants resulted from differences in diet and lifestyle related to socioeconomic status.
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Scanlan, Padraic X. "Slaves and Peasants in the Era of Emancipation". Journal of British Studies 59, n.º 3 (julio de 2020): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.39.
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AbstractFrom the middle of the eighteenth century until the late 1830s, the idea of enslaved people as “peasants” was a commonplace among both antislavery and proslavery writers and activists in Britain. Slaveholders, faced with antislavery attacks, argued that the people they claimed to own were not an exploited labor force but a contented peasantry. Abolitionists expressed the hope that after emancipation, freedpeople would become peasants. Yet the “peasants” invoked in these debates were not smallholders or tenant farmers but plantation laborers, either held in bondage or paid low wages. British abolitionists promoted institutions and ideas invented by slaveholders to defend the plantation system. The idea of a servile and grateful “peasant” plantation labor force became, for British abolitionists, a justification for the “civilization” and subordination of freedpeople.
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McCloskey, Donald N. "The Prudent Peasant: New Findings on Open Fields". Journal of Economic History 51, n.º 2 (junio de 1991): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700038985.
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The usual picture of the medieval peasantry is based on nineteenth-century scholarship, which has proven difficult to dislodge from educated minds. This article continues the revision of an important detail in the picture, the scattering of plots in open fields. Some recent work on the subject by Robert Allen and Gregory Clark is midly disputed, and new evidence is presented that risk avoidance is the key to understanding peasant behavior. The reason for the scattering was not sentiment or socialism. Peasants were not perhaps rational in every detail; but they were prudent.
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Koznova, Irina. "The Russian Peasantry in the national civilizational process". Civilization studies review 5, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2023): 40–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2713-1483-2023-5-2-40-77.
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The article deals with the interaction of the agrarian-peasant component of Russian history and the national civilizational dynamics. The peasantry possesses the logic of its borderline natural and social existence. The article studies the possibilities and limits of the peasantry to overcome the actual framework of the “peasant civilization”, its normativity and self-sufficiency and to join a civilization of a different level and type. The main attention is paid to the period from the end of the XIXth to the end of the XXth century. This period was twice distinguished by the change of types of the civilizational movement, as well as the urbanization of the country. Social trends were characterized by active de-peasantization. The correlation of traditions and innovations in the rural environment is revealed. The changes in the peasantry and the ways of its communication with the authorities and the city are studied.
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Ansoms, An. "Views from Below on the Pro-poor Growth Challenge: The Case of Rural Rwanda". African Studies Review 53, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2010): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0037.
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Abstract:This article focuses on the Rwandan peasantry to confirm how “views from below” can contribute to a better understanding of the ”pro-poor” growth challenge. Based on micro-level evidence gathered in 2007, it examines local peasants' perceptions of the characteristics and degree of poverty for different socioeconomic categories (i.e., peasant groups). It looks at the various opportunities and constraints that influence the potential of these categories or groups for social mobility and their capacity to participate in growth strategies. Further, it considers how local peasants perceive specific policy measures in the Rwandan government's “pro-poor” rural strategies. Their insights could inspire Rwandan policymakers and supporting donors to redirect their efforts toward distribution-oriented growth strategies.
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Konyshev, Denis, Tatiana Ermakova y Irina Travina. "On the problem of the legal status of the Soviet peasant in 1945—1953". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, n.º 8-1 (1 de agosto de 2022): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202208statyi10.
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This article examines the legal status of the Soviet peasant within the collective farm-state farm system and the agrarian policy of the state in the period after the end of the Great Patriotic War and before the beginning of the “Khrushchev thaw”. Attention is paid to the close relationship of the situation of the Soviet peasantry with the collective economy - the collective farm. The general characteristics of the socio-economic situation of peasants, the influence of legal status on the standard of living and the main elements of everyday life are given. The main indicators of incomes of peasant families and the level of food consumption in the first post-war years are analyzed. The role of personal subsidiary farming as a system of stimulating peasant labor is shown. The main measures of legal and social responsibility of peasants in the system of agricultural production and collective farm life are given.
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Isaychikov, Viktor F. "Peasant revolts against the peasant revolution". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n.º 189 (2020): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-155-167.
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Тhe peasant revolts, wars, and revolutions known in history had both revolutionary and reactionary sides. A particularly complex interweaving was observed in Russia (USSR) in the first third of the 20th century due to the maximum number of economic structures and classes in the country and four revolutions. The main reason for the struggle of the peasant classes, including re-volts, was poverty, caused by both agrarian overpopulation and social causes, among which the main one before the October revolution was the remnants of feudalism. All four revolutions in Russia were largely peasant revolutions, but they differed in class composition and class leader-ship. As a result of the Great October socialist revolution, a joint dictatorship of the working class and the peasantry (the petty bourgeoisie) was established in the country, not predicted by K. Marx, but foreseen by V.I. Lenin. However, the small working class after V.I. Lenin’s death could not hold on to power, and as a result of the “Stalinist” counter-revolution, an internally unstable dictatorship of the petty bourgeoisie (peasantry) was established in the country. We reveal the class processes in the peasantry that led to revolts and revolutions.
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Malmstedt, Göran. "In Defence of Holy Days: The Peasantry's Opposition to the Reduction of Holy Days in Early Modern Sweden". Cultural History 3, n.º 2 (octubre de 2014): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2014.0066.
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During the early modern period most of the holy days celebrated in the late Middle Ages were abolished – although the rate of elimination varied between different confessions and areas. In comparison with other states, both Protestant and Catholic, the development in Sweden was characterized by a pronounced conservative tendency. This most likely reflects the views of the Swedish peasantry, as well as their ability to influence the course of events. My analysis of the peasantry's defence of holy days focuses on religious concerns and on the importance of a pre-modern worldview. Three interconnected motives are highlighted: the continuing cults of saints, the need for rituals to ensure the orderly behaviour of nature, and the conception of a contractual relationship with God and the resulting fear of God's wrath. Since the Swedish peasantry, along with most sections of society, continued to inhabit an enchanted world throughout the period, there was a strong need for methods of invoking heavenly support and fulfilling divine obligations. In finding their own ways of doing this, for example, by means of celebrating abolished holy days or the sanctifying of Saturdays, peasants demonstrated independence as well as a striking perseverance.
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UPADHYAY, SHASHI BHUSHAN. "Premchand and the Moral Economy of Peasantry in Colonial North India". Modern Asian Studies 45, n.º 5 (29 de junio de 2010): 1227–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09000055.
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AbstractThis paper argues that the concept of moral economy, formulated by E.P. Thompson and developed in Asian contexts by James Scott and Paul Greenough can be usefully employed to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand, one of the greatest writers in Hindi-Urdu literatures. But such an application is possible only if the concept is expanded further. In Premchand's works related to peasantry we find several ideological currents. However, the idea of peasantry's own cultural resources in opposition to other social groups appears to be predominant in his later works. There is a sense of centrality of peasant culture which Premchand and some others among the Hindi literary intelligentsia came to acquire, and deployed for various purposes—against colonial regime, against the products of colonial modernity (e.g., factories, English schools, courts, medical profession), against the new urban middle classes and their culture, against urbanism as a whole and, sometimes, even against the Congress, the representative of organized nationalism. Distinct from both the everyday forms of resistance and open rebellion, Premchand visualizes a comprehensive peasant paradigm in opposition to colonialism, and urban middle-class perspectives.
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Krivonozhenko, Alexander F., Ekaterina V. Zakharova y Yulia V. Litvin. "Grinding Mills in the Life of the Russian Peasantry of the Post-Reform Period". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n.º 3 (2021): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.302.
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Grinding mills were a routine attribute of the economic life of the peasantry, being an indispensable stage in the process of making bread. Yet these structures are hardly ever specifically researched by historians and anthropologists. This paper examines the socio-economic role of mills in the life of peasants of the early 20th century in Karelia. The study is based on the analysis of archival statistical data from the agricultural census of 1916 as well as on ethnographical and toponymical materials, which allows for a comprehensive examination of the object. The study has identified the number of mills in Karelia at the beginning of the 20th century. It also analyses the conditions that contributed to the effectiveness of functioning of these peasant farm buildings. It has been found that the mill craft in Karelia was the second (after blacksmithing) small-scale peasant production in terms of its economic benefit. At the same time, this type of economic activity was not the main source of income in those farms where they existed. The miller remained primarily a peasant farmer, but the level of prosperity of his economy was higher than that of other peasants. The sources used for the research have also enabled to trace the negative effects of crises in agriculture in Karelia during World War I on the flour milling business. A special attention in the paper is devoted to the mythological worldview of peasants. The analysis of the corpus of Karelian- and Russian-language toponymic data has confirmed the important role of grinding mills in the setup of the region’s peasant economy.
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Sosnina, Mariya Aleksandrovna. "Provincial Legal Culture of the Northern Peasantry in the Context of the Implementation of Bourgeois Reforms of the Second Half of the XIX Century in Russia". Юридические исследования, n.º 5 (mayo de 2023): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2023.5.38844.
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The subject of the study is the legal culture of the northern peasantry of post-reform Russia in the period from 1861 to 1917. The implementation of the bourgeois reforms of the second half of the XIX century was due to the absence of private feudal dependence of the majority of the northern peasantry and bright regional aspects of the peasant community. Under the influence of the history of settlement, occupation, climatic and socio-economic conditions of existence, as well as state regulation of the peasant community in the European North, the provincial legal culture of the northern peasantry was formed. Through the prism of bourgeois reforms carried out in the second half of the XIX century, the article analyzes its qualitative state and external manifestation. The study uses a formal legal method, as well as a multidimensional statistical analysis by identifying, interpreting the content and interrelationships of semantic units of protocols of parish courts, regulatory legal acts, norms of customary law. Based on the understanding of archival material and information from pre-revolutionary periodicals introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, conclusions are substantiated about a sufficiently high level of legal culture of the peasantry and the readiness of the population to be included in the legal culture of Russian society common to all estates. The study of the main results of peasant, judicial and zemstvo reforms in the northern provinces leads to the conclusion about the inconsistency and inefficiency of the policy of the government of the Russian Empire in the field of the peasant question, the unresolved nature of which led to problems not only economic, but also political. The contradictory nature of the reforms and their uneven implementation have slowed down democratic processes and violated the principle of equality of all before the law.