Bibliografías temáticas / Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 19 de febrero de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

1

Bull, Martin J. "The PDS, the Progressive Alliance and the Crisis". Modern Italy 1, n.º 1 (1995): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454756.

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From the perspective of the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) and the left generally, the 1989-1994 period can be viewed as a political failure in as far as there was a right-wing outcome (albeit ephemeral) to Italy's transition. Yet, it is a failure which has to be viewed in the context of the deep undercurrents of change at work in Italy in this period and the constraints within which the PDS and its leader, Achille Occhetto, were operating
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2

Saresella, Daniela. "Christianity and Socialism in Italy in the Early Twentieth Century". Church History 84, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2015): 585–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000517.

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Though a Catholic country, Italy has been distinguished by the presence of a deeply-rooted Socialist Party. At the beginning of the twentieth century, encouraged by the economic and social changes taking place as well as by a new and growing awareness, a number of Catholics decided to open up to a dialogue with the socialist world. Some, such as Don Murri, identified Turati's party as a possible political interlocutor, in the conviction that the programmes of the democratic Catholics and those of the left had many elements in common. Others sensitive to modernist issues, particularly in intellectual circles, believed that Christianity at its origins and the early forms of socialism shared the same basic identity. Thus some scholars (including Father Ernesto Buonaiuti) chose to focus on the origins of the church, convinced that examples could be found there of how the world could be changed according to Christian ethics. The response of left-wing culture to these ideas was varied. Some, such as Camillo Prampolini, an exponent of “evangelical socialism,” appeared to be interested in a dialogue, like those socialists who were ready to accept idealist inspiration. The party leadership, instead, barred any suggestion of debate, convinced that Marxism was an alternative to Christianity.
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3

Drake, Richard. "Terrorism and the Decline of Italian Communism: Domestic and International Dimensions". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 2 (abril de 2010): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.2.110.

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This essay looks at two recent Italian books about the evolution of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Drawing on archival materials, the books trace the conflict between the radicals and the reformers within the PCI's ranks, a conflict that gave way to violent splinter groups that regarded the PCI as too staid and conciliatory. As the far left took a violent turn in Italy in the late 1960s, it paved the way for the spasm of grisly far-left and far-right terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. The books lend weight to the view that the PCI, through its exaltation of Communist revolution and its demonization of the Christian Democratic establishment, facilitated the emergence of extremist groups that perpetrated more than 8,400 terrorist attacks in the latter half of the 1970s.
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4

Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, n.º 5 (31 de octubre de 2022): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225562.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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5

Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, n.º 5 (31 de octubre de 2022): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225563.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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6

Chiarini, Rosalba. "The Government Contract between the League and the Five Star Movement in Italy:". Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 1, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2020): 129–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v1i2.55.

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The coalition government of Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte was born after the parliamentary elections of March 2018 as an outcome not of ideological proximity, but of rational choice, a strategic exchange between the two parties. The rightist League accepted some increase of the public expenditure requested by its populist partner, and the 5 Star movement accepted some limits to immigration flows, promoted by its xenophobic partner. The Italian political system, which since the 1990’s had been characterized by moderate pluri-partitism and a centripetal competition, after 2018 has suffered a push towards radicalization. The experiment ended in the summer of 2019, when League decided to break the previous contract with 5 Star Movement, and a mainstream government between moderate (Democratic Party) and radical (5 Star Movement) left was formed.
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7

Alekseenkova, E. S. "Transformation of Right-Wing Populism in Italy in 2018−2022: From Sovereignism to Patriotism". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (diciembre de 2022): S667—S674. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130123.

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Abstract The transformation of the discourse of right-wing populist parties in Italy from 2018 to 2022 is considered. Based on analysis of the discourse of the programs and electoral rhetoric of the parties the Brothers of Italy, the League, and Forward Italy, the author concludes that Italian right-wing populism is becoming more moderate, replacing the concepts of sovereignism with “patriotism and conservatism” and rejecting Euroscepticism. Although nationalism is still characteristic of the right-wing parties in Italy, it is changing: a legalist approach to migrants is gradually replacing the ethnocultural and socioeconomic approaches. Populism remains the basic strategy of the right-wing parties, but the role of the main “enemy” of the Italian people is shifting from the European bureaucracy to the domestic mainstream Center–Left (i.e., the Democratic Party). The authoritarianism of the right-wing populists has undergone the least change in terms of ideological content between 2018 and 2022, but its importance has increased with the growing public demand for political stability and the increasing personalization of politics. This article contributes to the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism.
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8

Fasone, Cristina. "Catalysing Marginalisation? The Effect of Populist Governments on the Legislative and Scrutiny Functions of the Italian Parliament". Parliamentary Affairs 74, n.º 4 (7 de junio de 2021): 802–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab009.

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Abstract The article analyses whether and how the activity of populist governments in Italy has affected the performance of parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. The analysis covers the government of Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega as well as the coalition government made up of the 5SM, the Democratic Party and centre-left junior allies up to the COVID-19 outbreak. The article uses selected bills and decree-laws to investigate the impact on the legislative function, while question time sessions and committees of inquiry are examined as case studies on the scrutiny function. The analysis demonstrates that although ‘subversive’ constitutional and parliamentary conduct was already in place beforehand, when populists entered government in the 18th legislative term there was a worsening of a trend towards eroding representative democracy.
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9

Fava, Terenzio. "Le elezioni comunali del 2016". Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 77, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2017): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8540.

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Local elections held on June 2016 in Italy asked voters to appoint more than 1,300 among mayors and municipal councilors, some of them in big cities like Rome, Milan, Turin. This article aims at assessing who is the real winner of this election. At first sight, the Five Stars Movement won this election. Nevertheless, some doubts arise because of its limited coverage of the territories, internal conflicts and the lack of homogeneity of its electoral results at the local level. Among the losers, Forza Italia and minor parties like NCD and extreme-left parties are to be counted, while the Northern League secured its previous elections' percentage. The Democratic Party reported huge losses but remained the leading party in half of the voting municipalities. A more in-depth analysis shows however that local lists (civic lists) strongly improved their results and voters' support. From this perspective it is the territory that won 2016 local election. The article claims that this may negatively affect the national political system and political establishment. Civic lists bring in fact together different political actors (such as notabilities, patrons and relevant clienteles) with populist local movements, and often show weak political capabilities in local government.l
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10

Hill, Dave. "Marxist education and teacher education against capitalism in neoliberal/ neoconservative/ neofascist/ times". Cadernos do GPOSSHE On-line 2, n.º 1 (14 de agosto de 2019): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33241/cadernosdogposshe.v2i1.1524.

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In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers’ organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far-right anti-immigrant, xenophobic and ultra nationalist authoritarian parties are recruiting and becoming electorally significant- and, in some cases, significant on the streets. Critique social democratic reformist parties and governments for adopting neoliberal austerity policies and thereby becoming delegitimised, together with the too-often `accomodationist' trade union and party leaderships. and critically examine prospects for left social democracy as represented, for example, by the Jeremy Corbyn led Labour Party in the UK. Much of the article is devoted to the resistant and the revolutionary role of teachers, academics and education/ cultural workers in different arenas, from national and local electoral and direct action politics/ Focusing on Critical Education, Critical Educators, Marxist Education, Marxist Educators, I seek to address four aspects of education: pedagogy, the curriculum, resistance in the classroom and the hidden curriculum, and the structure of schooling nationally and locally (within-school). I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out. These are: (1) Class Analysis: the Capital-Labour Relation; (2) Capitalism must be replaced by Socialism and that change is Revolutionary; and (3) Revolutionary Transformation of Economy and Society needs to be preceded by and accompanied by a Class Programme, Organisation, and Activism. Regarding capitalism, our task is to replace it with democratic Marxism, to lead, firstly, into socialism, and ultimately, into communism. As teachers, as educators, as cultural workers, as educational, union and party activists, as intellectuals, we have a role to play.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

1

Kennedy, Claire y n/a. "The Transformation of the Democratic Party in Italy 1989-2000: A Case Sudy in Venice". Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070208.095410.

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The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.
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2

Donovan, Mark. "Centre domination and party competition : Christian Democratic Party strategy in Italy, 1943-89". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1139/.

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The powerful hold of the Italian Christian Democratic Party on post-war government entitles it to recognition as, in many ways, the most successful party in Western Europe. At the same time, the party is unique in having mass support whilst being identified with the political 'centre'. This study focuses on the relationship between these two aspects of Italian politics. The thesis starts by examining the importance of spatial terminology in analyses of Italian politics and proposes that 'the centre' has two distinct, if not unrelated, meanings. Drawing on this idea the thesis seeks to show that the evolution of the Italian party system can be understood through an analysis of two strategies which have dominated the Christian Democratic Party: the centre political strategy and the centre party strategy, each rooted in a different understanding of the centre. In studying these strategies, party competition is emphasised as the means by which Italian multi-partism has been bound into a unified, if internally contradictory system; whilst a study of economic policy-making exemplifies the complex inter-relationship which has seen this 'contradictory unity' contribute to the nation-building process. The thesis contributes to the debate about the nature of Christian Democracy and party competition in Italy, and to the debate within comparative politics about the nature of party system structure.
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3

Thompson, Peter. "Social authoritarianism and the left : monumentalism, antiquarianism and critical history in the German workers' movement from Marx to the PDS". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340135.

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4

Huikuri, Pasi. "Har riksdagspartierna blivit populister? : En jämförande studie av Almedalstalen 2015 jämfört med Almedalstalen 2016". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-132754.

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This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.
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5

Bihet, Karine. "De la social-démocratie au social-libéralisme. Les débats au sein de la social-démocratie européenne : 1990-2010". Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020006.

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La thèse vise à appréhender la situation de la social-démocratie européenne et son évolution au cours des deux dernières décennies. Adoptant une approche comparatiste, elle repose sur l’étude du Parti socialiste français, du Parti social-démocrate allemand et du Parti travailliste britannique. En partant du projet de Troisième voie proposé par Tony Blair et les modernisateurs du New Labour, il s’agit de montrer la mutation doctrinale et programmatique de ces partis. Ceux-ci, avec des divergences et des spécificités nationales, ont, dans les programmes adoptés et les politiques gouvernementales menées, convergé vers une même orientation d’ensemble, marquée par un accueil beaucoup plus favorable aux thèses libérales. Cette prise de distance par rapport au modèle traditionnel pour tendre vers un paradigme social-libéral ne signifie pas pour autant l’abandon des valeurs propres à la social-démocratie. Les partis concernés ont essayé de s’adapter au nouveau contexte économique et social tout en préservant les principes et les idéaux sociaux sur lesquels ils se sont construits. Le socle identitaire de cette famille politique demeure ainsi largement préservé. Cette évolution idéologique s’accompagne d’une mutation des organisations partisanes qui l’accomplissent. Celles-ci ont connu à la fois une modification de leur sociologie, électorale et militante(caractérisée par une désaffection des soutiens traditionnels), et une diminution de leur ancrage dans la société liée à la baisse du nombre d’adhérents et à l’éloignement par rapport aux syndicats. Leur place au sein des systèmes partisans nationaux est également remise en cause : dans la recherche du bon positionnement sur l’échiquier politique, la question des alliances avec les autres partis constitue alors un enjeu essentiel. Le mode de fonctionnement de ces organisations a enfin lui aussi connu des modifications significatives. Les réformes internes menées par les dirigeants tendent à valoriser l’adhérent et accroître son rôle ; de nouvelles pratiques militantes, plus individualistes, apparaissent. La fonction et la spécificité de ces partis s’en trouvent diminuées
The thesis aims to understand the situation of european social democracy and its evolution over the last two decades. Taking a comparative approach, it is based on the study of French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Beginning from the Third Way project proposed by Tony Blair and New Labour modernizers, the matter is to show the doctrinal and programmatic transformation of these parties. These, with some differences and national characteristics, in the programs and policies undertaken, have converged towards the same overall direction, marked by a much more favorable reception to liberal theories. This distancing from the traditional model to move towards a social-liberal paradigm does not necessary mean the abandonment of values belonging to the Social Democrats. The parties involved have tried to adapt to new economic and social context while preserving the principles and social ideals on which they are built. The base of this political family’s identity remains largely well preserved. The ideological evolution goes with a mutation of partisan organizations who realize it. These have experienced both a change in their sociology, electoral and activist (characterized by a dis like of traditional supporters), and a decrease from their roots in society related to the decline in membership and distance against unions. Their position within the party systems is also questionned : in search of good positioning on the political spectrum, the question of alliances with other parties is then a key issue. The modus operandi of these organizations has finally also experienced significant changes. Internal reforms undertaken by the leaders tend to enhance the member and increase its role and new militant practices, more individualistic, appear. The function and specificity of these parties have diminished
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6

Dalin, Stefan. "Mellan massan och Marx : en studie av den politiska kampen inom fackföreningsrörelsen i Hofors 1917-1946". Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1450.

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The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?

The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.

The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.

Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.

Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

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Bettcher, Kim Eric. "Factionalism and the adaptation of dominant parties Japan's Liberal Democratic Party and Italy's Christian Democracy /". 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51954631.html.

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Zítek, Michal. "Odštěpené subjekty od KSČ(M)". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311097.

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Annotation: Michal Zítek: Break aways parties of KSČ(M) The aim was to provide a comprehensive view of the political entities that arose by splitting from the KSČ(M). Labour will introduce the development of individual and maternal conditions that give rise to the emergence of new parties. Work presents the development of individual parties, their basic program points, and leading figures.
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Zítek, Michal. "Odštěpené subjekty od KSČ(M)". Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312415.

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Annotation: Michal Zítek: Break aways parties of KSČ(M) The aim was to provide a comprehensive view of the political entities that arose by splitting from the KSČ(M). Labour will introduce the development of individual and maternal conditions that give rise to the emergence of new parties. Work presents the development of individual parties, their basic program points, and leading figures.
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Brzkovská, Eliška. "Die Linke: vývoj, ideologie a postavení v politickém systému SRN". Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-265155.

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This thesis deals with the German political party "Die Linke" (The Left). Die Linke was founded in 2007 by merging two different parties, namely Linkspartei.PDS, which was preceded by the ruling party of the GDR, and WASG, composed of West German activists and former party members of the Social Democratic Party. The opening parts contain definitions of basic terminology and a brief history of parties preceding Die Linke. The following sections deal with how the dual history of the party reflects in its organisation, its program and electorate. The party programs are also used to analyze its key program points and their evolution over time. The party's ideology is also examined. This thesis also deals with the current position of Die Linke within the German party system, in terms of both the voters and election results, and relations with other relevant parties.
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Libros sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

1

1951-, Berlin Z. David y Aster Howard, eds. What's left?: The New Democratic Party in renewal. Oakville, Ont: Mosaic Press, 2001.

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2

Democratic movement in Nepal and the Indian left. Delhi: Kalinga Publications, 2001.

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What's left?: A new Democratic vision for America. Holbrook, Mass: Adams Media Corp., 1996.

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4

Left out: Saskatchewan's NDP and the relentless pursuit of mediocrity. Saskatoon: Indie Ink Pub., 2010.

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Thunder on the left: An insider's report on the hijacking of the Democratic Party. Fairfax, Va: Patrick Henry Center, 2003.

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Aldrich, Gary. Thunder on the left: An insider's report on the hijacking of the Democratic Party. Fairfax, Va: Patrick Henry Center, 2003.

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Left in the wilderness: The political economy of British democratic socialism since 1979. Chesham: Acumen, 2002.

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Bull, Martin J. From PDS to Cosa 2: The Second Congress of the Democratic Party of the Left. Badia Fiesolana, Firenze: European University Institute, 1997.

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Government, Ireland. A government of renewal: A policy agreement between Fine Gael, the Labour Party, Democratic Left. Dublin: Stationery Office, 1994.

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10

The left hand of God: Taking back our country from the religious right. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2005.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

1

Joyce, Peter. "The Emergence of the Social Democratic Party". En Realignment of the Left?, 195–223. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_9.

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Bobba, Giuliano y Antonella Seddone. "The Firm Europhilia of the Italian Democratic Party". En Europe and the Left, 167–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54541-3_8.

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Hudson, Kate. "How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation — Italy)". En The New European Left, 99–115. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265111_6.

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Rimanelli, Marco. "Political Immobilism, Clientelism, Collapse, and Democratic Renewal in Italy". En Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries, 25–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-38515-7_2.

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Rimanelli, Marco. "Political Immobilism, Clientelism, Collapse, and Democratic Renewal in Italy". En Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries, 25–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312292676_2.

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Daniels, Philip y Martin J. Bull. "Voluntary Euthanasia: From the Italian Communist Party to the Democratic Party of the Left". En West European Communist Parties after the Revolutions of 1989, 1–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23692-3_1.

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Oskarson, Maria. "The Slow But Persistent Erosion of the Swedish Social Democratic Party". En The Resistible Corrosion of Europe's Center-Left After 2008, 81–106. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003275206-5.

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Fiorelli, Chiara. "Conclusion: Winter Is Coming and Political Parties Will Be Left Out in the Cold." En Political Party Funding and Private Donations in Italy, 133–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73869-3_7.

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Urban, Michael E. y John McClure. "Discourse, Ideology and Party Formation on the Democratic Left in the USSR". En Ideology and System Change in the USSR and East Europe, 92–120. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22328-2_6.

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Fishman, Nina. "The British Road is Resurfaced for New Times: From the British Communist Party to the Democratic Left". En West European Communist Parties after the Revolutions of 1989, 145–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23692-3_6.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Party of the Democratic Left (Italy)"

1

Danilov, Valery. "THE NEW ITALIAN GOVERNMENT. EUROSCEPTICS TRIUMPH". En NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/35.

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Resumen
sufficient amount of foreign research literature has been devoted to the study of such a political phenomenon as euroscepticism; recently, interest in it among the Russian scientific community has intensified due to the strengthening of its positions in the EU countries. Italy after the elections of March 4, 2018 turned into a “show-window” of the success of euroscepticism and populism. The purpose of this article is to determine the sustainability of the new government. The author identifies the causes of the weakening of the position of the Democratic Party in Italy, the coming to power of radical parties, whose leadership until recently was not taken seriously among the EU political establishment. The paper also analyzes the main concepts of the program called “Contract for the government of change” and the prospects for its implementation. To solve these tasks, a historical and chronological method was used, which allowed to track the stages of weakening popular support for traditional parties and the growing popularity of euro skeptics. The research was also used the theoretical research method as an analysis to determine the future prospects of the government in domestic and foreign policy. The author comes to the conclusion that in the coming years Italy will become the leader of all eurosceptic forces with the prospect of creating and heading a similar faction in the European Parliament in May 2019. The conclusion is also formed that the Government’s attitude to cancel anti-Russian sanctions should not be considered too optimistic. Analyzing the declining rhetoric of the Italian leadership on this issue, the author assumes that the Russian issue is just a bargaining chip in knocking out EU preferences on fiscal and migration issues
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