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Libros sobre el tema "Participatory local governance"

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Publicado: 18 de mayo de 2024

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1

Sukardi, Akhmad. Participatory governance dalam pengelolaan keuangan daerah. Yogyakarta: LaksBang, 2009.

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2

Dipankar, Sinha, ed. Participatory governance: Ward committees in action. Kolkata: Dasgupta and Co., 2007.

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3

Local Initiative Facility for Urban Development (Programme). Participatory local governance: LIFE's method and experience, 1992-1997. New York: United Nations Development Programme, Bureau for Policy and Programme Support, 1997.

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4

Collective, Women's Development, ed. Redefining governance: Women's rights and participatory democracy in local government. Petaling Jaya: Women's Development Collective, 2008.

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5

Marisol, Estrella, Iszatt Nina y Institute for Popular Democracy (Philippines), eds. Beyond good governance: Participatory democracy in the Philippines. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Institute for Popular Democracy, 2004.

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6

1978-, Röcke Anja y Herzberg Carsten, eds. Participatory budgeting in Europe: Democracy and public governance. Farnham, Surry, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2016.

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7

Butkeviciene, Egle. Citizen Science and Social Innovation: Mutual Relations, Barriers, Needs, and Development Factors. Lausanne: Frontiers Media, 2022.

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8

United Nations. Development Programme. Participatory Local Governance (Technical Advisory Paper). United Nations, 1997.

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9

Participatory local governance: LIFE's method and experience, 1992-1997. New York: United Nations Development Programme, 1997.

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10

Miyauchi, Taisuke y Mayumi Fukunaga. Adaptive Participatory Environmental Governance in Japan: Local Experiences, Global Lessons. Springer Singapore Pte. Limited, 2022.

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11

Fischer, Frank. Sustaining Democracy in Hard Times: Participatory Theory for Local Environmental Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199594917.003.0012.

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This final chapter explores ideas previously taken up and relates them to political theory, democratic deliberative politics in particular. Up to this point, these ideas have been presented as theoretical contributions to both participatory governance and the relocalization movement. The discussion here seeks to extend the theoretical perspective more specifically to a number of important but relatively neglected traditions in democratic political theory, especially as they relate to ideas taken from the writings of Bookchin and Sale. This involves the theories of associative democracy, insurgent democratic politics, and participatory or democratic expertise. These theoretical orientations are provided as steps in search of a broader environmental political theory that can address the democratic struggles that are anticipated during the socio-ecological climate crisis ahead.
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12

Kugelberg, Clarissa y Nils Hertting. Local Participatory Governance and Representative Democracy: Institutional Dilemmas in European Cities. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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13

Kugelberg, Clarissa y Nils Hertting. Local Participatory Governance and Representative Democracy: Institutional Dilemmas in European Cities. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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14

Kugelberg, Clarissa y Nils Hertting. Local Participatory Governance and Representative Democracy: Institutional Dilemmas in European Cities. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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15

Kugelberg, Clarissa y Nils Hertting. Local Participatory Governance and Representative Democracy: Institutional Dilemmas in European Cities. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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16

Kugelberg, Clarissa y Nils Hertting. Local Participatory Governance and Representative Democracy: Institutional Dilemmas in European Cities. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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17

Sintomer, Yves, Carsten Herzberg y Anja Röcke. Participatory Budgeting in Europe: Democracy and Public Governance. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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18

Frankenberger, Rolf y Elena Chernenkova, eds. Local Governance and Public Wellbeing. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748906186.

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Well-being is a core concept for measuring the satisfaction of citizens with and in their social, political and economic situations. In particular, it is local conditions that are decisive for such an evaluation—and thus also for local welfare production. In addition to municipalities as state authorities, initiatives, non-commercial organisations, associations and federations are also decisive as important welfare producers. From a comparative perspective, the contributions in this volume shed light on various aspects and dimensions of local welfare production and their effects on citizens’ satisfaction. They examine examples from Russia and Germany, in particular the two cities Petrozavodsk and Tübingen as well as the Republic of Karelia and Baden-Württemberg: the theoretical foundations and social challenges, their attitudes and populations, participatory projects and measures of welfare production. With contributions by Daniel Buhr, Elena Chernenkova, Ksenija Chumak, Elizaveta Dibtceva, Kirill Fitisov, Rolf Frankenberger, Christopher Gohl, Stewart Gold, Polina Kopteva, Alisa Kruglova, Natalja Lavrushina, Irina Miljukova, Yuliya Petrovskaya, Maria Pitukhina, Denis Sachuk, Anni Schlumberger, Martin Seeleib-Kaiser, Ekaterina Shestakova, Ekaterina Shlapeko, Anna Simakova, Isabel Sinner, Irina Stepus, Carmen Thamm, Anatoly Tsygankov
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19

Sintomer, Yves, Carsten Herzberg y Anja Röcke. Participatory Budgeting in Europe: Democracy and public governance. Routledge, 2021.

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20

Sintomer, Yves, Carsten Herzberg y Anja Röcke. Participatory Budgeting in Europe: Democracy and Public Governance. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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21

State of Local Democratic Governance in Kenya: Abridged Report. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) and Centre for Multiparty Democracy Kenya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.29.

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Kenya promulgated a new constitution in August 2010, creating a solid legal platform for enhancing participatory governance through devolved structures at the county level. The establishment of a devolved system of government aimed to facilitate access to power and to move control over resources from the central government to the counties. While devolution is highly popular among Kenyan citizens, there has also been criticism of the costs involved, the increased competition between officers, and corruption and ethnic competition, which have arisen across much of the country. To shed light on the state of local democracy alongside issues of gender and inclusion, CMD-Kenya commissioned a survey which applied International IDEA’s State of Local Democracy framework, to conduct a ‘health check’ for democratic governance at the local level in order to identify strengths and weaknesses. This abridged Report presents the main findings of the survey.
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22

State of Local Democratic Governance in Kenya: Comprehensive Report. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and the Centre for Multiparty Democracy Kenya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.44.

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Kenya promulgated a new constitution in August 2010, creating a solid legal platform for enhancing participatory governance through devolved structures at the county level. The establishment of a devolved system of government aimed to facilitate access to power and to move control over resources from the central government to the counties. While devolution is highly popular among Kenyan citizens, there has also been criticism of the costs involved, the increased competition between officers, and corruption and ethnic competition, which have arisen across much of the country. To shed light on the state of local democracy alongside issues of gender and inclusion, CMD-Kenya commissioned a survey which applied International IDEA’s State of Local Democracy framework, to conduct a ‘health check’ for democratic governance at the local level in order to identify strengths and weaknesses. This comprehensive report presents all the findings of the survey.
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23

Levy, Brian, Robert Cameron, Ursula Hoadley y Vinothan Naidoo, eds. The Politics and Governance of Basic Education. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824053.001.0001.

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This book brings together scholars from multiple disciplines to explore how political and institutional context influences the governance of basic education in South Africa at national, provincial, and school levels. A specific goal is to contribute to the crucial, ongoing challenge of improving educational outcomes in South Africa. A broader goal is to illustrate the value of an approach to the analysis of public bureaucracies, and of participatory approaches to service provision which puts politics and institutions at centre stage. Stark differences between the Eastern Cape and Western Cape provinces offer something of a natural experiment for exploring the influence of context. The Eastern Cape’s socio-economic, political, and institutional legacy resulted in a low-level equilibrium trap in which incentives transmitted from the political to the bureaucratic levels reinforced factionalized loyalty within multiple patronage networks, and which is difficult to escape. The Western Cape, by contrast, enjoyed a more supportive environment for the operation of public bureaucracy. However, bureaucracy need not be destiny. The research also shows that strong hierarchy can result in ‘isomorphic mimicry’—a combination of formal compliance and a low-level equilibrium of mediocrity. Participatory school-level governance potentially can improve outcomes—as a complement to strong bureaucracies, or as a partial institutional substitute where bureaucracies are weak. Whether this potential is realized depends on the relative strength of developmentally oriented and predatory actors, with the outcomes not fore-ordained by local context, but contingent and cumulative—with individual agency by stakeholders playing a significant role.
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24

Fischer, Frank. Relocalization for Sustainable Communities: Participatory Ecological Practices and Theoretical Foundations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199594917.003.0011.

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Not only does the return to localism make ecological sense on its own terms—given the shortages of energy, food, and many other resources—it also makes sense because small face-to-face groups have always been considered the basis for authentic participatory democracy. Indeed, independent of ecological crisis, a return to the local is good for democracy generally. What is more, there is an emerging and vibrant “relocalization” movement that can and should be built upon. Although it mostly flies under the radar, this movement not only seeks to develop a sustainable way of life, but it also constitutes an important anchor for holding on to and extending participatory democratic governance. After detailing the practices of relocalization, the chapter turns to theories that support it in the face of environmental crisis, in particular the theoretical contributions of Sale, Bookchin, and Bahro.
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25

Fischer, Frank. Urban Sustainability, Eco-Cities, and Transition Towns: Resilience Planning as Apolitical Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199594917.003.0010.

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After having explored various locally oriented projects in participatory governance that present practical alternatives to the theory of deliberative democracy, this chapter examines the democratic participatory potentials and realities of other local initiatives. It looks at the participatory activities of cities, including large cities, with a particular focus on the role for citizens in programs designed for adaptive responses to the consequences of climate change. Sponsored by city officials, these participatory initiatives are seen to be largely top-down in nature and not generally democratic per se. We then turn to the Transition Town movement, often cited by environmentalists as a progressive ecological alternative founded on citizen engagement. The participatory activities of this movement, while ecologically credible, are shown not to be geared to the furtherance of democratic practices. One main reason has to do with its emphasis on the theory of resilience, which ignores the political questions raised by ecological transition.
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26

Report of the Third Training Program on building capacities of Asian NGOs in poverty reduction through community actions: "promoting participatory local governance for rural development", August 27-September 15, 2006, SEAMEO Innotech Centre, Commonwealth Avenue, Quezon City, Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, 2006.

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27

Pearlman, Lauren. Democracy's Capital. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653907.001.0001.

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From its 1790 founding until 1974, Washington, D.C.--capital of "the land of the free"--lacked democratically elected city leadership. Fed up with governance dictated by white stakeholders, federal officials, and unelected representatives, local D.C. activists catalyzed a new phase of the fight for home rule. Amid the upheavals of the 1960s, they gave expression to the frustrations of black residents and wrestled for control of their city. Bringing together histories of the carceral and welfare states, as well as the civil rights and Black Power movements, Lauren Pearlman narrates this struggle for self-determination in the nation’s capital. She captures the transition from black protest to black political power under the Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon administrations and against the backdrop of local battles over the War on Poverty and the War on Crime. Through intense clashes over funds and programming, Washington residents pushed for greater participatory democracy and community control. However, the anticrime apparatus built by the Johnson and Nixon administrations curbed efforts to achieve true home rule. As Pearlman reveals, this conflict laid the foundation for the next fifty years of D.C. governance, connecting issues of civil rights, law and order, and urban renewal.
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28

Fischer, Frank. Climate Crisis and the Democratic Prospect. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199594917.001.0001.

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Can contemporary democratic governments tackle climate crisis? Some say that democracy has to be a central part of a strategy to deal with climate change. Others say that experience shows it not to be up to the challenge in the time frame available—that it will require a stronger hand, even a form of eco-authoritarianism. This work seeks to sort out and assess the competing answers to a question that is not easily resolved. While the book supports the case for environmental democracy, it argues that establishing and sustaining democratic practices will be difficult during the global climate turmoil ahead, especially if confronted with permanent states of emergency. This inquiry undertakes a search for an appropriate political-ecological strategy capable of preserving a measure of democratic governance during hard times. Without ignoring the global dimensions of the crisis, the analysis finds an alternative path in the theory and practices of participatory environmental governance embodied in a growing relocalization movement, and a form of global eco-localism. Although these movements largely operate under the radar of the social sciences, the media, and the political realm generally, such vibrant socio-ecological movements not only speak to the crisis ahead, but are already well established and thriving on the ground, including ecovillages, eco-communes, eco-neighborhoods, and local transition initiatives. With the help of these ideas and projects, the task is to shift the discourse of environmental political theory in ways that can assist those who will face the climate crisis in its full magnitude in real terms.
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29

Tarlau, Rebecca. Occupying Schools, Occupying Land. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870324.001.0001.

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Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.
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30

Scoones, Ian. Agricultural Futures. Editado por Ronald J. Herring. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195397772.013.031.

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Global assessments have become central to international debates on a range of key policy issues. They attempt to combine “expert assessment” with processes of “stakeholder consultation” in what are presented as global, participatory assessments on key issues of major international importance. This chapter focuses on the IAASTD—the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development—through a detailed analysis of the underlying knowledge politics involved, centered particularly on the controversy over genetically modified crops. Global assessments contribute to a new landscape of governance in the international arena, offering the potential for links between the local and the global and new ways of articulating citizen engagement with global processes of decision making and policy. The chapter argues that in global assessments the politics of knowledge need to be made more explicit and that negotiations around politics and values must be put center stage. The black-boxing of uncertainty, or the eclipsing of more fundamental clashes over interpretation and meaning, must be avoided for processes of participation and engagement in global assessments to become more meaningful, democratic, and accountable. A critique is thus offered of simplistic forms of deliberative democratic practice and the need to “bring politics back in” is affirmed.
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31

Gueorguiev, Dimitar D. Retrofitting Leninism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197555668.001.0001.

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Retrofitting Leninism explores the relationship between political inclusion and political control through the lens of participatory governance in the People’s Republic of China. In this book, Dimitar Gueorguiev explores and substantiates three key points. First, public participation is a prerequisite for effective administration, irrespective of how a regime is constituted. Second, a regime’s ability to solicit, process, and recast public input into policy outputs is central to its political durability. Third, technological advances in communication make it easier for authoritarian regimes, particularly those with Leninist foundations, to correspond with the public and thus undercut calls for genuine democratic progress—an endogenous process of regime maintenance the author calls retrofitting. Using archival data, media reports, and original opinion polls, Gueorguiev shows how public inputs are incorporated into the marketing and implementation of top-down policy outputs. To unpack the interface between inputs and outputs, he focuses on proposal-making and government priorities in local Chinese legislatures. Finally, to evaluate the downstream impact, Gueorguiev estimates the effect of open policymaking on sub-national regulation and government approval. The findings suggest that public engagement contributes to both policy stability and positive public perceptions of policy. Though instrumental, the book also underscores that inclusive authoritarianism depends on the voluntary participation of Chinese citizens, which is far from guaranteed.
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