Tesis sobre el tema "Parliamentarians"
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Angevine, Sara. "Women Parliamentarians perceptions of political influence in the South African Parliament". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5692_1181887516.
Texto completoIn this study, I examine how women Parliamentarians understand their political influence within the South African Parliament and what environmental factors contribute to this understanding. Currently, South Africa is a global leader for the amount of women in Parliament and has been since the 1994 democratic transition. This study examines the formal and informal factors that South African women parliamentarians discuss as helping and hindering their political effectiveness.
Aside from the work of Hassim (2003) and Pandor (1999), little academic research explores the experiences of women within South Africa&rsquo
s Parliament. Considering this lack of research regarding women&rsquo
s experiences within government, I selected a research method that would allow an open space for communication: semi-structured interviews with a qualitative feminist analysis. This study explores the opportunities and obstacles that the women perceived as affecting their political influence.
The participant&rsquo
s responses indicate that they perceive a high level of political influence, with some reservations. Four themes emerged as the leading environmental factors in contributing to the participant&rsquo
s political efficacy: the 1994 democratic transition, the Parliament structure (formal and informal), the political party, and the role of gender.
The informal structures of Parliament, such as socializing spaces, and gender stereotypes, such as the responsibility of women Parliamentarians for &lsquo
women&rsquo
s issues&rsquo
, were discussed as the primary obstacles that hinder the women Parliamentarian&rsquo
s political influence.
The participants felt that the attitudes of political parties regarding women&rsquo
s role in Parliament was critical in facilitating their influence on the political agenda. The women Parliamentarians credited primarily the African National Congress (ANC) political party for framing and developing an atmosphere that mandated women&rsquo
s strong participation in government and their positive perceptions of political influence.
Niklasson, Birgitta. "Contact capital in political careers : gender and recruitment of parliamentarians and political appointees /". Göteborg : Kompendiet, 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0610/2005474130.html.
Texto completoSyed, Shaheen Ashraf Shah. "Women's contested politics of presence : learning from the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57732/.
Texto completoFallon, Patricia y n/a. "So Hard the Conquering: A Life of Irene Longman". Griffith University. School of Humanities, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030801.170528.
Texto completoFallon, Patricia. "So Hard the Conquering: A Life of Irene Longman". Thesis, Griffith University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367919.
Texto completoThesis (Masters)
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)
School of Humanities
Full Text
Portmann, Marco [Verfasser]. "Parliamentary Representation of Citizens’ Preferences : Explaining the Differences Between Parliamentarians’ Votes and Popular Referendum Results / Marco Portmann". Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1107612349/34.
Texto completoCarneiro, Thiago Lopes. "Engaging politics : political participation in Brazil and Sweden, predicted by stereotypes about parliamentarians, political education and behavioral contagion". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/2015.03.T.18595.
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi comparar a influência de Estereótipos sobre os Parlamentares, Educação Política e Contágio Comportamental sobre a Participação Política entre Brasil e Suécia, para construir um modelo teórico-explicativo e oferecer evidências de validade. A tipologia de Ekman e Amnå (2012) embasou o uso de um conceito abrangente de Participação Política, que varia da não participação, passando pela atenção (stand by) até a participação manifesta. Estereótipos sobre parlamentares foram definidos em duas esferas: Informação Crítica a que os eleitores prestam atenção e Predição de Comportamento, i.e., como os eleitores pensam que os parlamentares se comportam. Educação Política se refere ao quanto cada esfera da vida de uma pessoa contribui para sua aprendizagem política. Itens de Contágio Comportamental aferiam a influência do participante sobre outros e a influência exercida por outros sobre ele/ela. O questionário foi elaborado através do Painel Délfico, conduzido simultaneamente com especialistas brasileiros e suecos, tendo o inglês como língua comum. O questionário resultante foi retro-traduzido para o Português Brasileiro e Sueco. Estas duas versões foram administradas aos participantes, via internet. Participaram 984 brasileiros, 37,4% do sexo feminino e com idade média de 43,95 anos (DP 15,64). Suecos totalizaram 879, sendo 46,5% mulheres e a idade média foi de 49,57 anos (DP 16,64). Análises Fatoriais Exploratórias e Confirmatórias foram realizadas. Médias das respostas de participantes brasileiros e suecos foram comparadas através de teste-t. Empregou-se a Modelagem de Equações Estruturais (MEE), precedida de regressão múltipla exploratória, a fim de determinar como as variáveis independentes (exógenas) poderiam predizer a Participação Política. Discutiram-se as implicações metodológicas. As equivalências de Estrutura Fatorial e Métrica foram alcançadas, entre Brasil e Suécia, para Participação Política, Estereótipos sobre Parlamentares e Contágio Comportamental. Os fatores de Educação Política não se mostraram consistentes, portanto seus itens foram considerados separadamente. Os testes-t indicaram que os brasileiros se envolvem em ação política mais frequentemente do que os suecos. Quanto aos Estereótipos, suecos percebem a Qualidade da Representação de seus parlamentares mais positivamente do que os brasileiros; a Corrupção, por outro lado, foi percebida como maior no Brasil. Suecos prestam mais atenção a informações críticas relacionadas a Partidos e Tendências de Representação dos parlamentares, enquanto os brasileiros se preocupam mais com Informações Pessoais do que os suecos. Os modelos de previsão SEM evidenciaram que, embora a corrupção seja uma preocupação primária para os brasileiros, ela não ajuda a prever Participação Política no Brasil, mas sim na Suécia. Embora suecos prestem mais atenção às diferenças entre Partidos e às Tendências de Representação, estes fatores tiveram maior importância para prever Participação Institucional no Brasil. Conclui-se que aquilo que é senso comum (como a corrupção no Brasil e diferenças entre partidos na Suécia) não ajuda a distinguir as pessoas que participam daquelas que não o fazem. Itens de Educação Política tiveram efeito muito pequeno. Contágio Comportamental desempenhou um papel central, a ponto de embaçar a fronteira entre ação política individual e coletiva. O engagamento político está, enfim, fortemente ligado ao envolvimento em uma rede politicamente ativa.
The general objective of this research was to compare the influence of Stereotypes about Parliamentarians, Political Education and Behavioral Contagion on Political Participation between two countries (Brazil and Sweden) to build and offer evidence of validity for a theoretical-explanatory model. Ekman and Amnå’s (2012) typology was the base for a comprehensive concept of Political Participation, as it ranges from nonparticipation, through attention (stand by) and manifest participation. Stereotypes about Parliamentarians were defined in two spheres: Critical Information to which voters pay attention and Behavior Prediction, i.e., how voters expect parliamentarians to behave. Political Education intended to assess how each sphere of a person’s life contributes to his/her political learning. Behavioral Contagion assessed the influence the participant exerted on others and how much other people influenced him/her. The questionnaire was elaborated via Delphic Panel, ran simultaneously with Brazilian and Swedish experts, using English as a common language. The resulting questionnaire was backtranslated to Brazilian Portuguese and to Swedish. These two versions were administered to participants through electronic formularies, distributed via internet. Participants from Brazil numbered 984, 37.4% women and the mean age was 43.95 (S.D. 15.64) years. Swedes numbered 879, 46.5% women and the mean age was 49.57 (S.D. 16.64) years. Exploratory and Confirmatory Analyses were performed, in order to determine Factor Structures and to evaluate their equivalence between the two countries. Means from the Brazilian and Swedish participants were compared through t-test. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), preceeded by exploratory Stepwise Multiple Regression, mas performed in order to stablish how the independent (exogenous) variables predicted Political Participation. Methodological implications are discussed. Factor Structure and Metric equivalences were met for Brazil and Sweden, for Political Participation, Stereotypes about Parliamentarians and Behavioral Contagion. Political Education factors were not consistent, so its items entered the prediction models as standalones. T-tests indicated that Brazilians engage political action more often than Swedes. Regarding Stereotypes, Swedes perceive the Quality of Representation of their parliamentarians as better than Brazilians evaluate theirs; Corruption, on the other hand, was perceived as higher in Brazil. Swedes pay more attention to Critical Information related to the Parties and Representation Trends of parliamentarians, while Brazilians worry more about Personal Information than Swedes. The SEM prediction models evidenced that, though Corruption was a major issue to Brazilians, it did not help predict Political Participation in Brazil, but it did in Sweden. Though Swedes pay more attention informations about Parties and Representation Trends, these had greater importance to predict Institutional Participation in Brazil. It is concluded that commonsense information (such as Corruption in Brazil and Party differences in Sweden) does not help to tell the difference between those people who participate and those who do not. Political Education items had disappointingly low effect. Behavioral Contagion played a pivotal role on explaining Political Participation. “Being influenced” and “influencing others” was so importantly related to Political Participation that it is considered that the boundaries of individual and collective action are blurred. Engaging politics is, at last, strongly intertwined to being a part of a politically active network.
Kunert, Jessica [Verfasser]. "Members of the European Parliament on the Web : Transparency, Information and Representation on Personal Websites of Parliamentarians / Jessica Kunert". Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1106289935/34.
Texto completoBaguma, Abdallah. "Women parliamentarians in Rwanda : women representatives or representing women? : a study of the Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192280.
Texto completoAzevedo, Elisabete. "Elected legislatures in sub-saharan Africa: Attitudes of citizens from 18 countries towards legislatures, with a particular focus on Mozambique, its assembly and parliamentarians". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3798.
Texto completoUluğ, Özden Melis [Verfasser], J. Christopher [Akademischer Betreuer] [Gutachter] Cohrs, Özen [Gutachter] Odag y C. Esra [Gutachter] Cuhadar. "A Q Methodological Investigation of the Kurdish Conflict Frames among Parliamentarians, Experts and Lay People in Turkey / Özden Melis Uluğ. Betreuer: J. Christopher Cohrs. Gutachter: J. Christopher Cohrs ; Özen Odag ; C. Esra Cuhadar". Bremen : IRC-Library, Information Resource Center der Jacobs University Bremen, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1104481065/34.
Texto completoGratton, James Malcolm. "The Parliamentarian and Royalist war effort in Lancashire 1642-1651". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495638.
Texto completoWood, Bethany Isobel Amy. "Combating heretics in civil war and interregnum England, 1642-1657 : parliamentarian responses to heresy". Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/1207/.
Texto completoEsteve, Del Valle Marc. "Are Social Media Challenging Politics? Interaction in Catalan Parties’ Facebook Pages and among Catalan MPs’ Twitter Accounts". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/306598.
Texto completoThis dissertation focuses on sorting out plausible and refutable explanations of Catalan parties' and their representatives' interaction on Facebook and Twitter. It tries to answer a simple and clear question: Are social media challenging Politics? The dissertation proposes to answer that question by bridging statistical and social network methods. The dissertation shows that parties and their representatives' interactions on social media depend on contextual, organizational, ideological, electoral and network factors. Also, the dissertation's findings points to the fact that social media are opening a new political arena in which new opinion leaders are taking the floor and competing with parties' leaderships. In short, this thesis corroborates that social media are challenging Politics by opening a new online political arena within which parties and their representatives' are maneuvering to guarantee their political survival.
Esta disertación se centra en hallar plausibles y refutables explicaciones a las interacciones de los partidos catalanes y sus representantes en Facebook y en Twitter. Intenta dar respuesta a una pregunta clara y simple: ¿están las redes sociales desafiando la Política? La disertación quiere dar respuesta a esta pregunta mediante el uso de métodos estadísticos y de análisis de redes. La tesis muestra que las interacciones de los partidos y de sus representantes en las redes sociales dependen de factores contextuales, organizativos, ideológicos, electorales y de redes. Además, los resultados de la disertación apuntan que las redes sociales están abriendo una nueva arena política en la que aparecen nuevos líderes de opinión que compiten con los líderes de los partidos políticos. En definitiva, esta tesis corrobora que las redes sociales están desafiando la Política al abrir una nueva arena política en red en la que los partidos políticos y sus representantes maniobran para garantizar su supervivencia política.
Johnson, David. "Parliament in crisis : the disintegration of the parliamentarian war effort during the summer of 1643". Thesis, University of York, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14226/.
Texto completoCoelho, Rony 1984. "Legislação participativa : atores, iniciativas e processo legislativo . um estudo de caso da comissão de legislação participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (2001-2011)". [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281730.
Texto completoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata dos atores, iniciativas e processos envolvidos na concepção de legislação participativa implícita no referencial empírico trabalhado nesta dissertação, a Comissão Permanente de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (CLP). Comissões permanentes são órgãos colegiados, compostos por deputados, integrantes do processo legislativo, que têm por finalidade apreciar os assuntos ou proposições submetidos ao seu exame e sobre eles deliberar. Com efeito, foi atribuída à CLP, como principal competência, a capacidade de i) receber diversos tipos de sugestões legislativas - leia-se, de iniciativas - oriundas de associações civis legalmente constituídas; ii) deliberar sobre as sugestões acatadas, manifestando-se por meio de parecer; iii) encaminhar as sugestões de iniciativas de leis aprovadas para iniciarem a tramitação no processo legislativo. A investigação procurou responder, por um lado, qual a capacidade do mecanismo de incluir iniciativas de lei no processo legislativo. Por outro lado, elaboramos uma discussão, sem pretender uma análise exaustiva, sobre um dos possíveis efeitos do modelo institucional do mecanismo em ter credenciado organizações civis para proporem iniciativas de lei no âmbito federal. Os resultados em relação ao primeiro ponto sinalizam para uma real e alta capacidade de inclusão de iniciativas no processo legislativo. Porém, ao iniciarem a tramitação, essas iniciativas encontram uma série de entraves que escapam à alçada da comissão e que se inserem em um problema maior, da relação entre legislativo e executivo mesmo no que diz respeito à produção legislativa no Congresso. Em relação ao segundo ponto, a discussão levantada sugere que organizações civis estão a exercer função de representação no lócus que, por excelência, é o da representação política tradicional. Ademais, e anterior a essas discussões, intentamos fornecer interpretações analíticas sobre o surgimento de um mecanismo como a CLP no interior do processo legislativo. Para tanto, observou-se, em meio a uma recente onda de reformas institucionais, possíveis processos de abertura das instituições tradicionais mundo afora; além de um contexto nacional de crescente proliferação das chamadas instituições participativas
Abstract: This research deals with the actors, initiatives and processes involved in the concept of participatory legislation implicit in empirical referential used in this dissertation, the Standing Committee of Participatory Legislation the House of Representatives. Standing committees are collegiate bodies, composed of deputies, members of the legislative process, which aim to analyses the issues or proposals submitted for its examination and deliberate on them. Indeed, it was attributed to CLP, as major competence, the ability to i) receive various types of legislative suggestions, in other words, initiatives, deriving from civil associations legally constituted ii) deliberate on the suggestions accepted, manifesting by through sight iii) submit the initiatives of laws suggestions approved to started the conduct in the legislative process. The research sought to answer the one hand, which include the ability of the mechanism of law initiatives in the legislative process. Moreover, we intended discuss, without attempting an exhaustive analysis about the possible effects on a model institutional of mechanism having allowed civil organizations to propose initiatives under federal law. The results from the first topic point to a real and high capacity inclusion initiatives in the legislative process. However, as they start the conduct in the legislative process a great number of obstacles are found, that cannot be misled by CLP and part of a bigger problem, of relationship between the legislative an executive powers even as regards the legislative production in Congress. Regarding the second topic, the raised discussion suggests that civil organizations seem to be exerting the function of representation that locus par excellence is the one of traditional political representation. Moreover, prior to those discussions, we seek analytic interpretations about the emergence of a mechanism like the CLP within the legislative process, noting, amid a recent wave of institutional reforms, opening processes of traditional institutions, worldwide, plus a national context of growing proliferation of so-called participatory institutions
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
Karaliūnienė, Danutė. "Moterys šiuolaikiniame parlamentarizme: socialinio - politinio portreto Lietuvoje kontūrai ir jų pokyčiai". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2007. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20070816_174733-51016.
Texto completoX. S u m m a r y The topic of the thesis is Women in Modern Parliamentarianism: Outline of the Lithuanian Socio-political Picture and its Developments. The paper analyses the problem of the attitude of modern women politicians to other women politicians, their personality, values, a motivation of political activity, women’s place in politics as well as social and state problems. The aim of the work is to question current and former women Members of the Seimas, to analyze the socio-political portrait of women public activists and members of the Reconstituent Seimas of the beginning of the 20th century as well as women politicians from the interwar Seimas and the Seimas after the restoration of the independence in 1990. The task of the thesis is to examine the socio-political picture of women members of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Seimas in the period of 1920-1926, to establish their personalities, values, political motivation, objectives, the attitude to social processes, women’s place in the politics of the time and their contribution to the formation of the state. To present the socio-political picture of women politicians of the Supreme Council – the Reconstituent Seimas of 1990, the Seimas of 1992, 1996, 2000 and 2004, to establish their personalities, values, political motivation, objectives, as well as the contribution in establishing the status of the state and women in today’s politics. The paper also aims at analyzing and presenting the material collected using an... [to full text]
Worton, Jonathan. "The Royalist and Parliamentarian war effort in Shropshire during the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648". Thesis, University of Chester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/612966.
Texto completoYork, Owen W. "The withered root of socialism social democratic revisionism and parlamentarismus in Germany, 1917-1919 /". Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2231.
Texto completoTitle from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).
Klipper, Lukas. "Die Öffentlichkeitsfunktion des Deutschen Bundestages angesichts der neueren Parlamentspraxis". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19649.
Texto completoThe essential function of the public function of the German Bundestag arising from Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG is the guarantee of effective participation, checks and representation of the people. Based on the wording of Art. 42 (1) GG and § 19 GOBT ("Bundestag"), parliamentary committees are in principle not obliged to meet in public. Only the meetings and negotiations of the plenary have to be public. Within the meaning of Art. 42 (1) GG, the Bundestag is obliged to give the German people and the press free access to his negotiations and meetings. Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG Basic Law includes not only a formal but also a material component of public in the sense that meetings and negotiation of parliament have to be comprehensible, transparent and include timewise a reasonable lead time. Next to this, there is a material parliamentarian public which requires parliament to reasonably negotiate the topics placed on the agenda. In this sense parliament is obliged to consider the various interests and needs of the people. Also, public relations of the Bundestag is part of the public function of Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG. The Bundestag may use all kinds of communication for its public relations.
Rubiatti, Bruno de Castro 1983. "Relação entre o Executivo e o Legislativo no periodo parlamentarista no Brasil (1961-1963)". [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279480.
Texto completoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros em 1961, se instaura uma crise político-militar sobre a sucessão ao cargo de presidente: constitucionalmente deveria tomar posse o vicepresidente, porém os ministros militares tentam impor um veto a essa posse. Para solucionar essa crise, o Congresso aprova uma Emenda Constitucional que mudava o sistema de governo de presidencialista para parlamentarista. É o período de vigência dessa Emenda o objeto desse estudo. Buscamos analisar como se deu o funcionamento dos poderes de Estado sob o novo sistema, ou seja, como o presidente, o gabinete e o Legislativo atuaram no parlamentarismo instaurado. Ao analisar a atuação desses atores políticos buscamos evidenciar a influência do arcabouço institucional anterior, isto é, como que as práticas e relações típicas do presidencialismo instaurado em 1946 sobrevivem sob o parlamentarismo
Abstract: After the resignation of Jânio Quadros in 1961, is established a crisis politician-military on the succession to the president position: constitutionally the vice-president would have to take ownership, however the military ministers try to impose a veto to this ownership. To solve this crisis, the Congress approves an Emendation Constitutional that changed the system of government of presidentialist for parliamentarist. The object of this study is the period of validity of this Emendation. We search to analyze as if it gave the functioning of being able them of State under the new system, that is, as the president, the cabinet and the Legislative one had acted in the restored parliamentarism. When analyzing the performance of these actors politicians we search to evidence the influence of institutional framework preceding, that is, as that practical and the typical relations of the residentialism restored in 1946 survive under the parliamentarism
Mestrado
Estado, Processos Politicos e Organização de Interesses
Mestre em Ciência Política
Anciaux, Camille. "Édouard Bignon (1771-1841). Héraut de la gloire napoléonienne". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL149.
Texto completoBorn in 1771 and died in 1841, Édouard Bignon embodies the generation who has live, with some trouble, through the French Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate, the First Empire, the Restoration and the July Monarchy. His career reflects all the French political changes. A private tutor, he enlisted in 1793 while trying to avoid being arrested. During the Directory, in 1797, he joined the Foreign Office and stayed in this departement until 1815 : he was constantly promoted, from the position of 2nd secretary in 1797 to minister plenipotentiary in Poland in 1813. As he joined the ranks of Napoleon during The Hundred Days, he had to retire from public life once Louis XVIII came back. Two years after Waterloo, he became a member of Parliament and sat among the liberals until the Bourbons fall. Separately from his political activities, he published several historical books which rose his popularity. In his will, Napoleon asked him to write the diplomatic history of his reign. Begun in 1821, the Histoire de France was issued from 1829 to 1850 and split into 14 volumes. In 1830, he contributed to the July Monarchy’s birth and became one of its support in Parliament : Louis-Philippe rewarded him and appointed him as peer of France in 1837, as a public recognition for his duties. This study which tackles all Bignon’s activities, aims to emphasize a medium scale diplomatic experience, parliamentarian’s occupations during the Restoration and the July Monarchy and Napoleon historian’s originality
Anglade-Trubert, Estelle. "Maurice Barrès, écrivain et parlementaire". Thesis, Orléans, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019ORLE1170.
Texto completoOver the course of his career, Maurice Barrès offers very different faces, yet complementary, and ultimately inseparable from each other : he will be, at the same time, writer, journalist, MP. This study focuses in particular on his destiny as a politician. From his critical vision of parliamentarism to its international influence, the writer from Lorraine engages with passion in great press and political campaigns — La Grande Pitié des églises de France (The Great Mercy of the churches of France),the defense of science, Une enquête aux pays du Levant (An investigation to the countries of the Levant) — all guided by the idea of a better being possible of Man. Barrès shows a thought constantly moving. Through various communication strategies that we will examine, the parliamentarian of theThird Republic, also academician of great renown, gives to see an organized management of hispublic speech in a new media era. He invents an unprecedented figure of the man of letters and the parliamentarian
Masoga, Matjie Lehlogonolo Alfred. "Assesment of the training needs for parliamentarians :a case of Limpopo Legislature". Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1904.
Texto completoEducation is indeed essential for the improvement of the performance, competence and effectiveness of parliamentarians. Many countries in the world including South Africa do not require specific minimum qualifications or skills to qualify to be a parliamentarian. As a result, parliamentarians come into the legislature with varying levels of skills and qualifications, which has an impact on their competence and effectiveness. The purpose of the study was to assess the training needs of parliamentarians focusing on the case of the Limpopo legislature. Mixed research method comprising both qualitative and quantitative methods was applied in this study. A survey questionnaire was used to collect quantitative data from thirty-six respondents. In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect the qualitative data from seven respondents. The study found that seventy-eight percent of parliamentarians had a bachelor degree and post-graduate. Parliamentarians identified FAMPPLA, PFMA, research analysis, standing rules and orders, presiding over meeting, strategic management, interpersonal skills, speech writing, computer literacy, negotiations, facilitations skills, monitoring and evaluation as their priority training needs. The study further found that parliamentarians prefer two to three day workshops as a mode for training.
Martin, Nancy Susanne. "From parliamentarianism to terrorism and back again". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3416.
Texto completotext
Stapenhurst, Frederick Charles. "Legislative oversight and curbing corruption : Presidentialism and Parliamentarianism revisited". Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149742.
Texto completokuei, Hong-Chen y 桂宏誠. "The Observation of Fading Parliamentarianism in China:The Original Intention of “Constitutionalism” and Institutional Choices". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/65552348817971146048.
Texto completo中國文化大學
中山學術研究所
94
【Abstract】 This study tries to understand and reconstruct the political theory of Chinese Constitutionalism, and further explains the reason why ‘Parliamentarism’ is hardly established. Because the thought of democratic constitution was formed in late Chin Dynasty, the political system proposed by elites in late Chin Dynasty became the starting point of this paper. This study was divided into seven chapters, whose topics follow the historical proceedings. The first chapter, ‘Introduction’, tries to generally introduce the background, meaning, research question of this paper. It stresses the importance to adopt a Chinese culture-based approach, and describes the research methodology and analytical structure. The second chapter, titled ‘Conceptual clarification for Yi-Yuan and Kuo-Huei’ (parliament), tries to analyze the meanings of ‘Yi-Yuan’ and ‘Kuo-Huei’ by linguistic analytical approach. It is obviously too oversimplied to consider Yi-Yuan as the same as Kuo-Huei in previous literature. Basically, there will be no big mistake to consider the above two terms as legislative organs. However, the original meaning of Yi-Yuan should be a government organ for discussion, rather than a legislative one. Therefore, the meanings of the two terms should be different. The third chapter is ‘Establishing a Yi-Yuan or Kuo-Huei’s perspective of constitutionalism’. This chapter shows that the original meaning of ‘constitutional government’ or ‘constitutionalism’ is the basic system of how to assemble a meeting. Therefore, this chapter further points out that our Constitution does not include the intents of ‘limited government’, ‘checks and balances’ and ‘rule of law’. The fourth chapter focuses on the topic of ‘The construction and practice of transitional Constitutional Government’. The research purpose of this chapter is to analyze the reasons that caused the legislative system failed. Besides, this study adopts a political historical approach to explain that the parliamentarism was to check and balance the power of a president. In the mean time, this paper will elaborate what role and function that the Kuo-Huei is expected to play, for whom it is responsible. The fifth chapter is ‘Dr. Sun Yat-Sen’s Political Tutelage and Constitutional Planning’. This chapter emphasizes the core concept of Dr. Sun’s ‘people’s right’ which lies in people’s contribution to our country. Further, this chapter will explain how Dr. Sun understands constitution, and reconstruct the theory of ‘Division between Political Right and Governmental Power’ and ‘Five- Powers Constitution’. The sixth chapter is ‘Limitation and constrain of our constitutional choices’. By adopting historical neo-institutionalism, the study tries to discuss the original intent of our constitutional choice. It further explains that the historical event and political culture have a lock-in effect which determines the constitutional choice and institutional change. This chapter will trace the development of the constitutions, explore the content of our constitutionalism and describe the political theory of the constitution. Due to the previous choice, it is difficult for us to choose ‘parliamentarism’ again. The seventh chapter is conclusion. This paper proposes different points of view about parliamentarism, executive-legislative relationship, and the role of a president. Besides, this paper also discusses why it is hard to establish parliamentarism in China by reference to the western democratic and constitutional experiences.
Arguello, Maria de Lourdes Gutierrez y 古露德. "Parliamentarian Relations between the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the National Assembly of the Republic of Nicaragua 2010-2015". Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/04864666149001455898.
Texto completo淡江大學
亞洲研究所數位學習碩士在職專班
104
This historical documentary thesis presents a summary of parliamentary relations between the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the National Assembly of the Republic of Nicaragua during 2010-2015. The information was in different Taiwanese and Nicaraguan media. Information on historical diplomatic relations between the Republic of China and the Republic of Nicaragua is also provided; the definition of parliamentary diplomacy is explained. Also there is a summary of both legislative powers as well as their respective parliamentary diplomacy; a chronology of diplomatic relations between the two countries, speeches and congressional resolutions on parliamentarian diplomacy are presented in Annex. It is intended that all information provided in this research will be useful for strengthening parliamentary relations between the two countries.
Górka, Katarzyna. "Jawność posiedzeń Sejmu i Senatu oraz jej ograniczenia w Konstytucji RP". Praca doktorska, 2014. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/58347.
Texto completoYork, Owen Walter. "The Withered Root of Socialism: Social Democratic Revisionism and Parlamentarismus in Germany, 1917-1919". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2231.
Texto completoThis thesis examines a group of German intellectuals and politicians who, during World War I, formulated and proposed a democratic ideology based on their interpretation of the German Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and integrated his ideas with those of Karl Marx, the father of modern socialism. Their theory was an attempt to legitimize democracy in Germany at a time when democratic reforms came to the forefront of German politics. These thinkers advocated a non-revolutionary foundation for social democracy by emphasizing the role of human reason and agency in the process of democratization. Because they had abandoned the need for revolution, which most early nineteenth-century socialists believed was socialism’s ‘final goal,’ these thinkers were known as revisionists. The revisionists’ primary medium through which they espoused their views of social democracy was the journal Sozialistische Monatshefte, which ran from 1893 until 1933. The timeframe on which this argument focuses is the last two years of World War I, when Germany’s failure achieve a victor’s peace opened new avenues for the center-left of the political spectrum to achieve democratic reform. The revisionists sought to carry forward the process of democratization, and by doing so, reconnected with the ideas of the Enlightenment.