Bibliografías temáticas / Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 28 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions"

Bartal, Shaul. "Hamas, Antisemitism and Social Media Incitement". DAXIYANGGUO - REVISTA PORTUGUESA DE ESTUDOS ASIÁTICOS / PORTUGUESE JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES, n.º 30 (2023): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/1645-4677.daxiyangguo2023.30/pp.171-193.

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Over the past few years, Palestinians have been spreading their ideology through social media with calls for resistance against Israel. The Hamas organization of today is the strongest and most influential organization in Palestinian society. The majority of the Palestinians believe that Hamas represents them even better than the Fatah organization in regard to the Palestinian problem. Supporters of the Hamas organization will sometimes present Jews in anti-Semitic way. Why? The answer is in this article. The Jews are depicted as running after money and profit who buy the Arabs with money or as cruel soldiers who attack the innocent. Sometimes, in times of tension, caricatures will appear that explicitly call for harming the Jews. An example of this is a caricature of a young Haredi man with weapons aimed at himself. The caption on the side of the picture reads that they need to be killed. This article will present the Palestinian social media that supporters of Hamas use to present the conflict against Israel as a religious war with an anti-Semitic attitude. Keywords: Hamas; Gaza Strip; the Palestine-Israel Conflict

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Tsarev, Matvei. "Approaches of Bennet-Lapid’s Government to Key Regional Security Threats to Israel’s Security". Oriental Courier, n.º 1 (2023): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310025308-6.

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This analytical article examines the approaches of the Israeli government led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, who assumed power in Israel on June 13, 2021, to two key threats to Israeli security: a potential “nuclear deal” with Iran (Iran's nuclear program advancement) amid Iranian regime's support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip and the problem of Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement. The author reviews Bennett’s and Lapid’s speeches and keynote articles from 2010 to 2021, when both leaders of the new government either had different posts in Benjamin Netanyahu’s governments, or were in opposition to the latter. Such an approach allowed the author to better understand the process of shaping Israel's strategy to the key threats to its security in the region. It is especially relevant in conditions of active development of knotty and order-forming crisis of international relations system, whose potential may affect subsystem of international relations in the Middle East. The author concludes that regarding the Iranian nuclear problem, the most relevant strategy is deterrence by increasing risk (e. g., gradually destroying key elements of Iran's nuclear program), less likely is a pre-emptive escalation strategy (completely depriving Iran of the opportunity to threaten Israel before Tehran can implement its threats, or even declare them). This shows that Israel is focused on preserving the status quo. On the contrary, in the attempt to eliminate the problem of Iranian support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip, Israel may pursue a strategy of escalatory domination, which signals its interest in changing the status quo. The Palestinian problem resolution will largely depend on the success of the Israeli government's political and economic actions toward both Palestinians living in the West Bank (those controlled by the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and those living in Israeli-controlled territories) and the Arab population of the State of Israel. The author suggests that it is possible to stop the Palestinians' Islamization process by creating a state mythologeme. Only the creation of a new ideology can become a multiplier of the state's extractive capacity, which for Arabs in the Israeli society would mean the legitimization of the central executive's right to govern them.

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Peltonen, Kirsi, Samir Qouta, Eyad El Sarraj y Raija-Leena Punamäki. "Military trauma and social development: The moderating and mediating roles of peer and sibling relations in mental health". International Journal of Behavioral Development 34, n.º 6 (30 de julio de 2010): 554–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025410368943.

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We first examined how war-related traumatic events impact on peer and sibling relations, and how the quality of these relations in turn are associated with children’s mental health, indicating a mediation model. Second, we tested the moderating (protective) effects of good peer and sibling relations in attenuating the link between trauma and mental health. The participants were 227 Palestinian boys and girls aged 10—14 years living in the Gaza Strip. They reported\ their exposure to military trauma, evaluated the qualities of peer relationships (loneliness and friendship) and siblingship (warmth, intimacy, conflict and rivalry), and reported symptoms of PTSD, CDI depression and SDQ psychological distress. The results show that exposure to military trauma was associated with intense rivalry in sibling relations and with low friendship quality especially among girls and younger children. The association between military trauma and symptoms was mediated by poor friendship and rivaling sibling relations. Only sibling relations but not peer relations had a moderating effect, as military trauma was not associated with severe symptoms among children who enjoyed considerable intimacy and warmth and lacked rivalry in their siblingships. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the roles of peer and sibling relations in helping children in traumatic war conditions.

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Elmaliach, Tal. "Jewish Radicals: Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look: Introduction". Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (1 de junio de 2023): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0187.

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The identity crisis that many Jewish radicals in the West grappled with in the 1960s and early 1970s was the subject of Sol Stern’s essay “My Jewish Problem – and Ours,” which appeared in the August 1971 issue of Ramparts, one of the most important organs of the American New Left.1 Stern, a key New Left activist and a former editor of the magazine, pointed to a paradox at the root of this crisis. Classical Marxism viewed Jewish nationalism as diametrically opposed to Marxist ideology. Nonetheless, in the wake of the Holocaust and the founding of the state of Israel, the global Left supported the Jewish national cause. This support was, however, short-lived. It was shaken first by Israel’s collusion with Britain and France during the Suez crisis of 1956. The escalation of the Israeli-Arab conflict in the second half of the 1960s then completed the global Left’s turn against Israel.2 Stern and his Jewish comrades consequently found themselves torn between their allegiance to the New Left and their continued support for Israel, sustained by their conviction that the Jewish state had faced a deadly threat from its enemies in 1967. Following a series of aggressive military and diplomatic moves by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser during the tense early months of that year, war broke out on June 5 and ended six days later in a decisive and unanticipated Israeli victory. Israel captured large swathes of Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian territory, most consequentially the West Bank and Gaza Strip, areas densely populated by Palestinian Arabs, including many who had become refugees just nineteen years earlier in the war of 1948. Most Jews, and many in the Israeli leadership, viewed these two areas as part of the Jewish birthright and saw their capture as the liberation of territories that justly belonged to the Jewish people and state. While the Jewish members of the New Left believed that Israel should relinquish the West Bank and Gaza Strip and permit them to become an independent Palestinian Arab state, they maintained that Israel had captured them in a war of self-defense. As they saw it, Israel’s astonishing victory was the triumph of a country with a strong socialist tradition against the forces of reaction. Stern maintained that the West’s Jewish leftists found themselves facing a new edition of the classic Jewish Question – to integrate into the modern world, they were expected to divest themselves of their particularist identity and adopt exclusively universal values. This volume examines the social, political, and ideological manifestations of this resurgence of that dilemma. Each article focuses on how the issue played out in a particular country – the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel – between 1967 and 1973, when the drama reached its climax. In each of these places, the New Left attacked Israel and pro-Zionists activists reacted, leading to internal tensions on each side. University campuses emerged as the main theater of action. In tracing these confrontations, this collection casts new light on the difficulties faced by experience of young Jewish radicals struggling to integrate their particularist ethnic sentiments with their socialist universal values. The conflict that followed the Six-Day War can, however, only be understood against the background of the relationship between the Jews and the Left prior to 1967.

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Eid, Iyad M. y Nurazzura Bt Mohamad Diah. "Coping mechanisms among Palestinian refugee families in Malaysia during the transition period". International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 15, n.º 3 (29 de agosto de 2019): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-08-2018-0052.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how Palestinian refugee families in Malaysia cope with the challenges they face during their transitional destination. These families have recently fled from conflict zones in various Arab countries and moved to Malaysia where they registered in the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Kuala Lumpur, waiting for resettlement in a third country. Design/methodology/approach The paper utilizes the qualitative research approach, drawing descriptive analysis (thematic analysis technique) of data collected by semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 30 Palestinian families. For sample selection, the author used purposive sampling and employed the Snowball technique to select the families who have experienced refuge life for the second time. Then the sample was equally divided into three groups to include ten families moving from Iraq, Syria and the Gaza Strip. The interviews were conducted with the head of the families who varied in terms of gender and age composition. The study involved 9 female participants and 21 males. They are all Muslims and aged between 24 and 80 years old. In terms of educational background, all of the participants are literate with formal school education, diploma or tertiary education. Findings The study shows that refugee families adopt four main ways of coping commonly used to improve the quality of their life during their transition in Malaysia. They turn to religion and spirituality, keep in touch with relatives and friends in the diaspora and conflict zones, develop a positive image about their present situation by comparing it to worse living conditions of others living in conflict zones and plan to migrate to Europe to hold a European passport which will give them the opportunity to visit their original country, Palestine. Originality/value The paper tackles the Palestinian refugee family life and explores their real-life stories and experiences during transition in Malaysia. It provides them with an opportunity to speak up their suffering and reveal the various strategies they adopt to cope with life challenges. Besides, the result of the study will be a fruitful addition to the corpus of sociological knowledge as well as an important contribution to the families that stay in transition in different societies around the world.

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Hammoudeh, Weeam, Suzan Mitwalli, Rawan Kafri, Tracy Kuo Lin, Rita Giacaman y Tiziana Leone. "The mental health impact of multiple deprivations under protracted conflict: A multi-level study in the occupied Palestinian territory". PLOS Global Public Health 2, n.º 12 (7 de diciembre de 2022): e0001239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001239.

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Building on the literatures examining the impacts of deprivation and war and conflict on mental health, in this study, we investigate the impact of different forms of deprivation on mental health within a context of prolonged conflict in the occupied Palestinian territory(oPt). We expand the operationalization go deprivation while accounting for more acute exposures to conflict and political violence and spatial variations. We use multilevel modelling of data from the Socio-Economic & Food Security Survey 2014 conducted by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, which included a sample size of 7827 households in the West Bank(WB) and Gaza Strip(GS). We conduct the analysis for the combined sample, as for the WB and GS separately. We use a General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ12) score as our main outcome measure of poor health. We used various measures of deprivation including subjective deprivation, material deprivation, food deprivation, and political deprivation. In addition to the different measures of deprivation, we included acute political, health, and economic shocks in our analysis along with background socio-demographic characteristics. The results indicate significant variance at the locality level. We find a significant association between poor mental health and subjective, economic, political, and food deprivation; health, economic, and political stressors; age, and being a woman. Post-secondary education and wealth have a significant inverse association with poor mental health. Subjective deprivation is the strongest predictor of GHQ12 score in the models whereby people who feel very deprived have GHQ12 scores that are almost 4-points higher than people who do not feel deprived. Economic conditions, particularly subjective measures, are significant predictors of mental health status. Our findings confirm that political and social factors are determinants of health. Feeling deprived is an important determinant of mental health. The community effect suggests that spatial characteristics are influencing mental health, and warrant further investigation.

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Jalala, Suhayla Said, Guido Veronese, Marwan Diab, Yasser Abu Jamei, Rawya Hamam y Ashraf Kagee. "Quality of life among residents of Gaza, Palestine: the predictive role of mental distress, fear of COVID-19, and social support". BMC Psychology 12, n.º 1 (15 de marzo de 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01642-8.

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Abstract Background Living under siege and deteriorated health, social, educational, and economic conditions and isolation with scarce opportunities to fulfil basic needs and aspirations affect the civil population's mental health and perceived quality of life. In this cross-sectional investigation, we explored the consequences of mental distress, fear of COVID-19, and social support for QoL in the Gaza strip. Methods Nine hundred seventy nine (32.9% males; 67.1% females; mean age was 35.2 years; s.d. = 11.4) adults were recruited in the Gaza strip. We used the Fear for COVID-19 scale (FCS-19), The WHOQOL-BREF Scale, Berlin Social Support Scale (BSSS), Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS). Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess relationships between quality of life, fear of COVID19, mental distress, and social support; a hierarchical regression analysis was used to assess the association between QoL as the dependent variable and demographic variables and fear of COVID19, mental health, and social support as the independent variables. Results QoL was positively associated with perceived emotion, instrumental, and support seeking. Depression, anxiety, stress, and fear of COVID19 were negatively associated with quality of life. Gender was significantly associated with lower QoL. The study highlighted that the level of fear of COVID-19 was negatively influencing individuals' quality of life (QoL). This fear was negatively associated to psychological distress, gender, place of residence, and family type. Lower-educated and poorer participants had lower QoL scores. Conversely, female gender was notably linked to a lower QOL. The hierarchical regression confirmed that COVID-19 was an added burden for the Palestinian population. The fear of COVID-19 term added a 6.2% variance in QoL. In the final analysis, all predictors were statistically significant, with the fear of COVID-19 term recording a higher contribution of 22.5%, followed by depression term with 21.5%, perceived emotional 18.5%, income at 15.4%, and perceived instruments at 14.8% towards QoL. Conclusions Practitioners and policymakers must consider the severe violation of human rights when developing psychosocial programs to intervene in the COVID-19 crisis.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions"

Muhanna, Aitemad. "Gender relations and women's agency during the second intifada in Gaza". Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678677.

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Libros sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions"

Hilāl, Jamīl. Informal social support system (non-institutionalized) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Jerusalem: MAS, Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute, 1997.

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Doughty, Dick. Gaza: Legacy of occupation--a photographer's journey. West Hartford, Conn., USA: Kumarian Press, 1995.

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Marianne, Heiberg, ed. Palestinian society in Gaza, West Bank and Arab Jerusalem: A survey of living conditions. Oslo: FAFO, 1993.

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Lang, Erica. A study of women and work in 'Shatti' refugee camp of the Gaza Strip. Jerusalem: Arab Thought Forum, 1992.

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Lein, Yehezkel. One big prison: Freedom of movement to and from the Gaza Strip on the eve of the disengagement plan. Jerusalem: HaMoked, 2005.

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Sacco, Joe. Palestina: En la franja de Gaza. Barcelona: Planeta DeAgostini, 2004.

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1949-, Lustick Ian, ed. Palestinians under Israeli rule. New York: Garland Pub., 1994.

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Granby, Ben. Welcome to the Bethlehem Star Hotel: An account of life in Palestine with descriptions of people, places, and incidents. New Orleans, LA: Garrett County Press, 2006.

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Hass, Amira. Drinking the sea at Gaza: Days and nights in a land under siege. New York: Holt, 2000.

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Drinking the sea at Gaza: Days and nights in a land under siege. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1999.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Gaza Strip – Social conditions"

Ben-Rafael, Eliezer. "The Case of a National Minority". En Language, Identity, and Social Division, 166–76. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198240723.003.0014.

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Abstract Another well-known cleavage of lsraeli society differentiates Jews from Arabs. The discussion of this division is often extended to include the Palestinian population of the territories, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip occupied by Israel since 1967. However, since these territories are not part of the Israeli State, they represent an external conflict that is primarily political.

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Bisharat, George. "Attorneys for the People, Attorneys for the Land: The Emergence of Cause Lawyering in the Israeli-Occupied Territories". En Cause Lawyering, 453–86. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195113198.003.0014.

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Abstract As the study of lawyering for social and political causes extends beyonds the familiar contexts of the United States and Western Europe, one of the principal concerns of researchers must be to define the institutional, political, cultural, market, and other conditions that facilitate or inhibit cause lawyering. To the extent that cause lawyering in the non-Western world differs from its counterpart phenome non in the West, one must also ask, in what degree do these same factors account for the specific complexion and trajectory that cause lawyering assumes in different Third World societies? This essay grapples with the above questions through an examination of the role of indigenous lawyers in defending and advancing the “Palestinian cause”— at the broadest level, the struggle to achieve Palestinian national self- determination— in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.

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