Literatura académica sobre el tema "Palestinian Arabs – Civil rights"

There is no doubt that the study of the issue of Jerusalem in the contents of the American-Zionist peace plan or the so-called deal of the century was based on several hypotheses and questions in order to achieve a number of goals, and to highlight the real facts and information about the issue of Jerusalem throughout the different eras, to refute the allegations, false information and fallacies that came in the contents of the deal. The first, second, and fifth hypotheses were proven to be unreliable, while the third and fourth hypotheses were completely proven, and after the study proved the credibility of some hypotheses and the wrongness of others, and answered all the questions raised, the study reached some results, and made some recommendations. Theoretical framework: There is no doubt in saying that the deal of the century, or in a more precise sense, a trick or slap of the century that was developed according to the desires and whims of the Zionists and Americans, seeking to impose it on the Arabs, whether in light of the torn and dispersed Arab reality, or violence and civil wars in some Arab countries, and with the support and participation of some Arabs aspiring to power and they have Political visions and aspirations. They seek, with or without realization, to achieve foreign agendas and plans, whether through their direct participation in these wars on the one hand, or adopting the financing of the deal to make it a success out of their desire to please the United States of America, and in order to provide . First: – Previous Studies “Articles ” support in order to reach power 1. Deal of the Century, Analysis and Alternatives” , In return for ” highlighting Judaism as an eternal religion in Jerusalem, and analyzing the contents of the deal regarding Jerusalem on the other hand, and benefiting from it will be in several aspects. 2. The deal of the century: a deal between Trump and Netanyahu to liquidate the cause and rights of the people of Palestine. This paper deals with the deal in general through an introduction to Trump’s rise to power, and his administration’s move to publish its unilateral plan, which had been promoted and its main elements leaked with regard to Jerusalem, refugees and settlements, after putting it into practice according to the principle of imposing peace by force and imposing solutions and dictates. It is noted that the paper has dealt with the deal from multiple aspects, and can be used in relation to the status of Jerusalem and what is related to it. Second: The problem and importance of the study: based on the fact that the Zionist-Palestinian sides signed the Oslo peace agreement in 1993 AD, and they have more than a quarter of a century, and they are still farther than ever, and that the Zionist-Palestinian conflict is the most difficult, and that the occupied city of Jerusalem is a focal point In this struggle, the in-depth reading of the deal in terms of content and repetition is to emphasize the things that serve the Zionist entity, and the connotations, expressions, overtones, and the disregard and transgression of the Palestinian existence and right. Hence the importance of the objective study, since it is related to the issue of Jerusalem in the American-Zionist deal, that sensitive and thorny issue in the Arab-Zionist conflict since the declaration of the state of the Zionist entity, and the strategy of occupation and annexation of this city from then, until the announcement of the Trump deal at the beginning of the year 2020 AD, in addition to transferring The American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in addition to the American endeavor to impose the deal of the century by force in light of the torn Arab situation, and the support of some Arab countries for this deal and the announcement of their support and financing. As for the scientific importance, it stems from the lack of scientific studies on this issue, if not non-existent, especially since the deal is recent, announced at the beginning of the year 2020 AD. It is a scientific addition to the Yemeni libraries in particular, and the Arab and Palestinian libraries in general. Third: Study questions and hypotheses: The American measures, whether moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, or announcing the plan and seeking to implement it despite its provisions and contents, perpetuate and legitimize the continuation of the occupation on the one hand, and undermine the previous peace negotiations (Oslo 2), and in violation of international resolutions on Jerusalem on the other hand, these past and current American steps It raises two big questions: To what extent does the plan or deal agree, whether with the historical, natural, political, and geographical rights of the Palestinians, or with international laws, customs, and decisions regarding Jerusalem? And what is the extent of the bias of the American mediator in implementing settlement policies, visions, ideas, and Zionist plans? These two questions raise many subsidiary questions, such as: What does Jerusalem mean to Arabs and Muslims? And why Jerusalem?, What is the strategy of the Zionist entity in Jerusalem since its occupation in 1967 AD?, What are the terms and contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem?, And what is the vision of the plan for the issue of Jerusalem? To which party does it depend? Is the plan consistent with previous agreements and international resolutions? What are the reasons and motives that prompted the US administration during the Trump era to take such measures, especially in Jerusalem? Do these measures achieve peace between the Palestinians and the Zionists? And what did the deal give? Or the plan for the Palestinians in Jerusalem? As for the assumptions, they are as follows: 1.There is a real and strong connection between the Jews and Jerusalem 2.The historical evidence proves that the Zionist state was a trustworthy guardian of the holy places in Jerusalem, and no one else, as the deal claims. 3.There is a direct relationship between the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, and the American positions. 4.There is a strong correlation between the Arab and Palestinian situations, the transfer of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, the launch of the US-Zionist deal, and the contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem. 5.The contents of the plan and related to the issue of Jerusalem are consistent with international laws and resolutions, customs and traditions followed in peace plans, and serve the achievement of peace between the Zionists, Arabs and Palestinians. Fourth: The methodology used, the study relies on two approaches: The legal approach, and the analytical approach, the legal one is used in order to highlight the extent of the legality and legitimacy of the contents of the plan, and its commitment to international covenants, customs, agreements, laws and decisions, aspects of agreement or violation of international law and international decisions, and the legality of the Zionist or American actions in Jerusalem, while the analytical approach is in the historical and descriptive part to find out Some historical aspects of the city of Jerusalem, and the Zionist policies and procedures that have not stopped since the occupation of Jerusalem in 1967, and are still continuing until the emergence of the deception deal in order to: Judaize the city, and obliterate its Islamic and Christian cultural and religious identity and its archaeological monuments. As for the analytical part, it relates to analyzing the American position that is supportive of either the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, or in international forums to obstruct the decisions issued regarding the Palestinian cause and Jerusalem. Fifth: Objectives: The study seeks to achieve the following objectives: 1.Showing the vision of the deal for the city of Jerusalem and its dependency through the contents and statements. 2.Highlighting aspects of agreement or disagreement in these contents, whether with international rights, laws and decisions, or international covenants such as the Charter of the United Nations, the Arab League, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 3.Revealing the bias of the American mediator in the Palestinian-Zionist negotiations, and in the terms and contents of the deal that former President Trump sought to implement in favor of the Zionist entity. 4.Clarifying the aspects of manipulation in terms, words, and general, ambiguous and elastic expressions in the contents with regard to Palestinian rights in Jerusalem, and the accuracy, clarity, and repetition of Zionist rights in Jerusalem. 5.Introducing the issue of Jerusalem and its subordination before the declaration of the Zionist entity’s state, and following Zionist policies in Jerusalem since 1967 AD.

The study of the Algerian position from the Arabs solidarity towards Palestine since 1962-1978 is important to disclose the Algerian role in supporting pedestrians, especially the division decree, and it represents the reality of the Algerian solidarity before as in dependence , Algeria in the era of Bin Bela and Huwary Bumidian worked hard to create the march for the Arab population and allowed the chance to unions, organization and the national forces that have the authority to take its part in the support of Palestinians by conducting national and international conferences on massive scales to win the support from all Arabs to participate in stopping the "Israel" aggression and expansion against the Palestinians, there is no doubt that Algeria by its leaders throughout its meetings and conferences called constantly to encounter the "Israel" aggression and expansion, and supported the Palestine rights.

Abstract Human rights are indivisible and are considered as the basis of enjoyment of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. It also ensures safe environment to exercise these rights through sustaining civil peace under the rule of law. Therefore, the researcher utilised the historical and analytical descriptive approaches. The findings confirm: first, that civil peace is a fundamental pillar of sustainable development of societies. Second, civil peace in Palestine is at its worst and at risk. In addition to this, the consequences of the collapse of civil peace in Palestinian society will have serious repercussions on the Palestinian cause. The researcher then reached a number of recommendations to restore civil peace in Palestinian society, some of which are: First, to renounce the culture of violence that sowed hatred and revenge among younger generations. Next, to invite the Supreme Council of the Judiciary to develop judges' skills and legal expertise. Then, to call on judges to expedite the disposition of cases before them to ensure fairness of the justice system. Finally, to call on the Palestinian legislature to codify the relationship between tribal customary law and the rule of law. Keywords: Tribal customary law, civil peace, rule of law, relationship of the tribal customary law and civil peace.

Abstract In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

Language is not abstracted from reality but responds to emerging changes. Arabic-Hebrew contact among Palestinians in Israel offers a fertile background for a study of sociopolitical conflicts, given the unique civil and national status of Palestinian citizens of Israel, a polity defined and perceived as a Jewish state. The current article focuses on Arabic-Hebrew contact in Israel. More specifically, it describes Hebraic, the formation of a “new variety” – Arabic mixed with Hebrew in the linguistic repertoire of Palestinian Arabs, citizens of Israel. The linguistic characteristics and the motives that led to its creation are described. The sociolinguistic reflections in relation to identity are introduced to provide explanations for its formation and its meaning.

AbstractOne in three refugees in the world today is Palestinian. The majority of these refugees have no nationality because they were denationalised by Israel's Nationality Law in 1952 after they had fled or been expelled from their homeland in 1948. Israel has refused to allow the majority Palestinian refugees, being displaced in 1948, the right to return to their homes in contravention of U.N. General Assembly Resolution 194 (III). Israel has also refused to allow the majority of Palestinians displaced in 1967 the right to return to their homes despite appeals from the International Committee of the Red Cross and despite calls from the UN Security Council. Since then Israel has manipulated the laws of occupation by transferring its civilian population into the territory it occupies whilst subjecting the indigenous Palestinian population to military law. In 2003, Israel enacted racially discriminatory legislation in the form of the Nationality and Entrance into Israel Law which the U.N. Human Rights Committee has specifically requested Israel revoke. This legislation restricts nationality and residency rights for Arabs resident in the Occupied Palestinian Territories whilst specifically excluding Jewish settlers from its application. These are some examples of the lengths to which the State of Israel is prepared to go – in order to maintain a Jewish majority in the country – even if they violate international law. This paper will examine whether the forced displacement and denationalization of Palestine's original non-Jewish inhabitants – including an examination of Israel's Nationality and Entrance into Israel Law (2003) – are compatible with the basic principles of international law today.

AbstractThe media and communication rights of Palestinians in Israel are designed to deny them of collective cultural rights, specifically the right to express their identity through the mass media and to participate equally in the process of national culture building. Through a critical analysis of the documents that shape the media industry in Israel and their historical evolution, this paper lays bare the assumptions underlying Israeli media policies. The policies are designed in a discourse branding ‘Palestinian-Israelis’ a linguistic minority, and portraying them as the ‘enemy within’, thus barring their participation in the development of Israeli culture by limiting their electronic media participation to separate channels targeting both them and Arabs in neighboring states. The paper argues that this policy stems from a narrow interpretation of ‘democracy’ that rejects identification with the Orient and embraces neo-liberalism.

The sacred land of Palestine is under the commotion of blood and smoke.The origin and fundamental grounds of 70 years old between Muslims and the Jewish community. Since the inception of Israel, the western world has supported and expanded the reigns of Israel by shrinking the geographical and religious space for Palestinian Arabs. The conflict embraced ethnoreligious, racial, territorial, and ideological emotions,which remain unresolved even after numerous agreements and accords.The said conflict is evaluated through the lens of Edward Azar’s protracted social conflict theory, which encompasses communal content,governance, deprivation of human rights, and international linkages towards the Palestine- Israel conflict. The paper will highlight the major constraints and deep-rooted causes of the Palestine Israel conflict.

Abstract “This study analyses civil society organisations’ (cso s’) discourse on children’s rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (opt). This is a troubled context, for Israel – the ‘State Party’ to the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child (crc), disputes that its obligations extend to the opt. In consequence, there has been a dearth of official data and scholarly attention to the situation. Discourse analysis of cso s’ reports to the UN’s monitoring mechanism, the Universal Periodic Review (upr), shows children are affected by a raft of violations including: sexual abuse, violence and inadequate access to health and education. The Israeli state’s engagement with the upr, whilst denying responsibility for the opt, raises questions about legitimation and performativity. The pathologies are compounded by state repression of civil society meaning that the upr is a singular means of highlighting children’s rights abuses in the Occupied Territories.

The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.

The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Through the use of a number of case-studies we have documented a planned and intentionally complex set of criminal practices employed by the state of Israel to remove Palestinians from their historic lands. Those practices include: village destruction, house demolitions, the destruction of farmland and olive groves, land confiscation, access restrictions to natural resources, denial of residency rights and the denial of refugee return, all underpinned by a process now defined as Judaisation. These are facilitated through a range of formal and informal practices, notably discriminatory zoning and planning restrictions, the creation of militarised zones, forestation programmes, the illegal settlement programme, ‘unrecognising’ Palestinian villages, the separation wall, security checkpoints, service removal, a programme of Bedouin urbanisation, suppression of resistance and impunity for state and settler violence. We examined forced evictions not only inside the Occupied Palestinian Territories of East Jerusalem and the West Bank (Gaza was closed to us) but inside that part of mandated Palestine which became Israel, where 1.4 million Israeli Arabs/Palestinians still live, many under threat of forced eviction.

This chapter shifts focus from the British aspect of nationality and citizenship legislation to the Arab inhabitants of Palestine, in order to analyse the development of the civic and political community during the early years of the mandate administration. The new types of spaces and institutions introduced by the new administration in Palestine challenged traditional, Ottoman-style ways of understanding identity, community, and nationality. The challenges and disruptions wrought by the incorporation of Palestine into a new imperial system reconfigured social relations and communal and national boundaries. These disruptions strengthened the Arabs' sense of communitarian belonging to Palestine, allowed for the formation of new civic and political associations and laid the foundation for engagement of Arab society with particular notions, ideologies and claims frequently discussed in a plethora of press articles. These would later constitute a series of demands and appeals for citizenship rights. At its core, the chapter traces how citizenship and nationality took on a specifically political and rights-based understanding of Arab civic belonging in Palestine.

By the latter half of the 1920s and the early 1930s, British and Arab misunderstandings of each other's intentions with respect to identity and citizenship status encouraged even stronger claims by the Arabs to the bundle of rights that they felt entitled to in accordance with their own particular understandings of nationality and citizenship. This chapter ties the discussions of citizenship that circulated in the territory from 1918 through the mid-1930s to the projects of belonging that the nationalists, populists, and the Arabic press attended to and actively worked towards. The active engagement of the press and social groups in political actions with the aim of changing mandate institutions fostered a new vocabulary of rights, political, and civic identity and citizenship belonging in the years just before the start of the Palestine Revolt in 1936. The chapter frames certain discourses on citizenship and national identity as more dominant and others as more subaltern during the latter half of the 1920s and 1930s. The chapter includes a case study of the Palestinian Arab Istiqlal (Independence) Party, whose policies aimed to redefine citizenship and access to rights under the mandate.

This chapter chronicles the changes to the various meanings of citizenship and civic identity during the three years of the Palestinian Arab Revolt. Effectively, citizenship claims became rather ‘stalled’ in Palestine upon the outbreak of the nationwide revolt against the British. Rural rebels and revolt commanders co-opted certain claims, which in turn influenced newer meanings of patriotic loyalty and practices of citizenship. In particular, the Peel Commission report, which offered recommendations on policy in Palestine following the initial disturbances, is described in terms of its impact on citizenship in order to offer a historical explanation of the continuities and changes of both the British and the Arabs' perceptions of nationality, citizenship and rights by 1937.

The disappointments of the peace process was crucial in the defeat of Israel’s peace camp and the political hegemony of the right that has stymied altogether the peace process . The two-state solution is simply no longer on the menu. Israel is “punished” for its occupation of Palestinian lands only in Western public opinion, not in her dealings with governments. Democrats in the US and Jewish liberals are distancing themselves from Israel. This dichotomy between governments and public opinion facilitates Israel’s rising global clout, Also, gas findings in the eastern Mediterranean allowed her to become the pivot of a tripartite alliance with Greece and Cyprus aimed at countering Turkey’s destabilizing regional strategies. The Palestinians meanwhile remain fragmented and leaderless which suits well Israel’s static strategy on Palestine. But, as the recent war in Gaza has shown, the Palestinian problem can re-emerge with a vengeance. Alas, neither the Israelis nor the US have any intention to revive the old peace diplomacy. A solution of sorts to the Palestine problem would have to wait for another geo-strategic earthquake: a shift in regional alliances, a new Arab (or Palestinian Spring) that will sweep away some of the region’s conservative regimes, a war with Iran, an Israeli unilateral withdrawal or an Israeli-Palestinian “civil war” in the bi-national state that is emerging by osmosis.

This chapter explores the emergence of the “Muslim civil rights” movement, as well as interfaith alliances, in the post-9/11 era and how these shape or undermine cross-ethnic and cross-class coalitions. It discusses how civil liberties is a major political paradigm that young Muslim American activists have adopted since 9/11 but one that also confines their resistance, in many instances, to a nationalist discourse of inclusion that evades critique of U.S. imperialism. The investment in interfaith dialogue in some cases also suppresses critique of the global War on Terror, as well as as anti-Palestinian racism, and redirects resistance from cross-racial coalitions to safer forms of activism. The chapter addresses inter-racial tensions and examines how liberal “religious multiculturalism” and practices of “faithwashing” help produce an arrested politics.

Following the Young Turk Revolution, Palestinians began to unite as a people and to take steps to claim the homeland. While Zionism posed a threat to their local hegemony, British imperialism also became a growing concern. It is for this reason that the Palestinians set out on a collective struggle to defend their rights, which was expressed in the form of petitions addressed to the central government in Istanbul and within the local Arabic press. Furthermore, during these years a local identity emerged, Palestinianism, with Muslim and Christian Arabs forming new ties, and the urban population creating new bonds with Palestine’s Arab peasants. Lastly, this chapter shows the worries Palestinians had concerning not only Jewish immigration to Palestine, but also Palestinian emigration from it.

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the extent to which the ethnonational and interreligious conflict between Palestinian Arabs and Jews within Israel infiltrate the workplace and impact workplace relations. Palestinian Arabs who reside in the occupied territories have no citizenship rights, and live either under Israeli, Palestinian Authority, or Hamas rule. Although most Jewish and Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel live in separate towns and villages, or separate neighborhoods of large cities such as Haifa and Jerusalem, they do meet at work. Their encounters provide opportunities to examine the complex and dynamic manifestations of the ongoing, often violent, political struggle in the context of Israeli work organizations. The chapter looks at studies of ethnically mixed workplaces in war-torn regions. It explains that the book is based on two waves of field studies conducted between 2008 and 2018. The first wave, in 2011–12, was sponsored by the Israel Science Foundation, and consisted of a field study of mixed medical teams composed of nurses, nursing assistants, and physicians in two Israeli health facilities. The second wave of interviews, launched in late 2016 and sponsored and administratively managed by the Israel Democracy Institute, included sixty-one interviews in three sectors of the Israeli economy: production, medical, and high tech.