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1

Calmès, Cardoso Nathalie. "Les métamorphoses de la pauvreté chez Simone Weil". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024STRAC011.

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Saisir avec quelle rigueur philosophique l’attention que Simone Weil porte, sur le terrain comme dans ses textes, à l’être en défaut, l’amène à faire entrer en résonance la précarité sociale, le dénuement ascétique et la dénudation mystique. Il ne s’agit pas de faire de la pensée weilienne un système philosophique mais d’assumer les impasses et les contradictions qu’elle rencontre, en dessinant un véritable itinéraire où la pauvreté, à travers différents niveaux du réel, change de définition, de nature et de valeur, tout en caractérisant une seule et même vie philosophique, celle qui cherche ce qui fait véritablement du bien à l’homme
Grasping with what philosophical rigor Simone Weil's attention, both in her actions and in her texts, to the defective being entails, leads her to resonate social precariousness, ascetic destitution, and mystical denudation. It's not about turning Weil's thought into a philosophical system but about embracing the deadlocks and contradictions it encounters by sketching a true itinerary where poverty, through different levels of reality, changes its definition, nature, and value, while still characterizing a single philosophical life, the one that seeks what truly benefits humanity
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2

Le, Lay Stéphane. "Autonomie individuelle et précarisation : dispositifs publics et souffrance sociale en classes populaires". Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2004. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00818951.

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À partir de quatre enquêtes empiriques resituées au sein des transformations de la société salariale, nous avons mis en évidence la fragilisation matérielle et symbolique d'une grande partie des membres des classes populaires occupant des positions subalternes. Confrontés à l'impératif social de réussite individuelle, ces individus ne peuvent se reposer que sur des dispositifs publics dont l'incitation à l'individualisation constitue un mode rhétorique et pratique d'atomisation socialisée qui tend à renforcer la logique oppressive des rapports sociaux, et à accentuer la souffrance sociale. S'accompagnant d'un déni croissant de la dignité et des attentes individuelles, cette situation conduit à une autonomie sociopsychique au mieux " contrôlée ", au pire soumise. En effet, les processus de naturalisation présents dans les dispositions individuelles permettent certes de lutter contre la souffrance, mais freinent les possibilités de luttes collectives qui viseraient à remettre en cause l'" ordre des choses ".
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3

Nguyen, Binh Antoine. "Expérience vécue et pensée politique chez Simone Weil". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAC023/document.

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Y-a-t-il une cohérence interne entre l'expérience vécue et la pensée politique chez Simone Weil ? Afin de ressaisir le questionnement de Simone Weil sur les conditions de possibilité de la liberté, notre recherche porte en premier lieu sur les critiques qu'elle a adressées aux théories philosophiques et politiques de Marx. Il s'agit donc tout autant d'analyser l'influence que Marx a pu avoir sur elle, que de prendre la mesure des écarts que sa critique l'a amenée à poser, et des principes philosophiques dont elle s'est servie à cet effet. Nous étudions, dans un deuxième temps, l'essence même du phénomène de l'oppression et à partir de là, nous dégageons quelques perspectives de la liberté individuelle et sociale, dans le sillage de ce que nous propose la philosophie. Y-a-t-il une cohérence de la ligne politique dans laquelle elle a voulu placer ses engagements sociaux et politiques pour répondre à ce problème ? Il convient pour nous, dans un troisième temps, de connaître et d'examiner le chemin qui l'a amenée à l'expérience religieuse et ce qu'elle a dit sur la connaissance surnaturelle comme la part indispensable pour rendre la vie sociale respirable. Comment concevoir la relation entre les deux expériences politique et religieuse chez elle ? Cette approche religieuse constitue-t-elle une ouverture à l'égard de sa critique politique ?
Is there an internal consistency between the experiences lived out by Simone Weil and her political thought ? In order to grasp her questioning of the conditions of the possibility of freedom, our search starts off with the critique which she wrote on the philosophical and political theories of Marx. It is therefore a matter of analysing the influence that Marx might have had on her, as well as studying the differences which her critique led her to present, and the philosophical principles of which she made use to this effect. One should secondly look at the very essence of the phenomenon of oppression, and hence gauge several perspectives on individual and social freedom, in the wake of what is proposed by this philosophy. Is there a consistency in the political line in which she wanted to place her social and political commitments in order to respond to this problem ? One should, thirdly, examine and get to know the path which led her to religious experience and what she said about supernatural knowledge as the essential component for leading a bearable social life. How do we conceive the relationship between both her religious and political experiences ? Does this approach constitute an opening with regards to her political critique ?
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4

Maggos, Nikolaos S. "Black oppression, White domination". Diss., University of Iowa, 2019. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6990.

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My aim in this dissertation is to analyze Black oppression and White domination. I attempt to show how social systems unjustly diminish Black Americans’ opportunities to form and pursue their conceptions of good lives and unjustly strengthen White Americans’ opportunities for the same. I believe that the accounts of Black oppression and White domination I offer are more adept at identifying the expansive and varied wrongs of Black oppression in America, analyzing the relationship between theorizing oppression and addressing oppression through social and political change in America, and demonstrating the ways that Whites benefit from and are incentivized to maintain oppressive systems in America, than the accounts put forward by other theorists. In Chapter 1, I begin by discussing why I frame my project in terms of oppressive “wrongs” rather than “harms”. I worry the term ‘harm’ may be taken to imply that one has experienced subjective suffering or a measurable loss, whereas I am concerned with instantiations of oppressive systems even when they don’t cause the person subject to the oppressive system to experience a measurable loss or subjective suffering. In an effort to describe how I identify wrongs, I then argue that in virtue of the deep importance of freely pursuing one’s chosen life plan, any barriers one faces in pursuing his or her life plan must be justifiable. Barriers one experiences in virtue of his or her race are typically not justifiable. On this basis, I argue for my principle of racial injustice, which states that individuals are prima facie wronged by socially constructed barriers to their abilities to form and seek their conception of a good life if those barriers exist in virtue of their race. The “prima facie” nature of the wrongness is significant, I argue, because correcting the injustices of Black oppression will require that Whites face some barriers to pursuing our life plans that we do not currently face; it is not the case, then, that every race-based barrier is truly wrongful. I then discuss my understanding of race, arguing that race’s mutability across contexts and how one’s race is intimately tied to systems of subordination and domination support my view that race is socially constructed. I end with a brief history of White domination and Black subordination in the U.S. In Chapter 2, I outline general experiences of racism as espoused by Black writers and the statistical data that support these accounts. I then take a deep look at mass incarceration, including a history of the system, its disproportional impact on Black Americans, and the many resulting injustices inflicted largely on incarcerated Black Americans, their families, and their communities. I specifically highlight the recognition-wrongs inflicted on Black Americans through mass incarceration, where recognition-wrongs are acts that function primarily as a mode of dehumanizing individuals. Recognition-wrongs include verbal degradation through things like slurs, but also epistemic injustices, a concept developed by Miranda Fricker and others to identify injustices that wrong individuals in virtue of their status as knowers and communicators of knowledge. I then discuss kinship-wrongs, a concept I develop to identify wrongs that impact people’s ability to form and maintain relationships. I highlight and conceptualize these wrongs in an attempt to draw attention to their significance in racial subordination. In Chapter 3, I develop an account of oppression that is particularly responsive to race-based wrongs. I begin by showing why the influential accounts authored by Iris Marion Young and Ann Cudd are unsatisfactory for capturing Black oppression. I attempt to develop an account that is sensitive to the experiences of subordination detailed by Black Americans, equipped to address the material harms of oppression, and also able to make sense of the recognition- and kinship-wrongs raised in Chapter 2. I ultimately determine that a member of a c-group is subject to an oppressive wrong when, in virtue of his or her or their membership in that c-group, he or she or they suffer wrongs that are systematically perpetrated through social, political, or legal norms, conventions, or practices. A c-group is any collection of persons who share (or would share in similar circumstances) some set of constraints, incentives, penalties, and the like. I end the chapter by carefully describing my commitments to each clause of the definition of oppression, beginning by analyzing c-groups, describing systematically perpetrated wrongs, explaining what it means to be wronged in virtue of one’s c-group membership, and showing that my account of oppression is sensitive to both material and recognition-wrongs. In Chapter 4, I argue that we ought to understand oppression in the framework of a capabilities approach. I begin by explaining the concept of capabilities, which are real opportunities to function in particular ways. I then argue that securing capabilities is a better aim for justice than ensuring that people function in certain valuable ways because a focus on capabilities protects people’s opportunities to pursue the kinds of lives they want to live, respecting their interest in freely determining their life goals, while a focus on protecting valuable functionings inappropriately prescribes life goals to them. I show how capabilities can be utilized as part of a theory of justice, and argue that my utilization of capabilities, combined with the other moral commitments I defend throughout the dissertation, comprises a rectificatory theory of racial justice aimed at eliminating Black oppression (i.e. a theory that analyzes the current racial injustices of oppression and offers guidance on how we should approach redressing these injustices). I argue that through the framework of capabilities, I can analyze both the material and recognition-wrongs of oppression, avoid the kinds of bad idealizations that often skew our understanding of oppressive systems and their impact, and make judgments about modern day society without developing an account of perfect justice. I next show that to avoid inflicting further recognition-wrongs, it is essential that oppressed peoples are the primary arbiters of which capabilities and oppressive systems should be prioritized in policy and advocacy. I conclude Chapter 4 with a brief sketch of how we can turn the priorities of the oppressed into public policy, moving from the prioritization process, to policy development, to implementing policies, and finally to monitoring and revising them. My final chapter, Chapter 5, shows how my account can also be used to analyze the norms of White domination that coincide with Black oppression. I begin by discussing “correlative capabilities,” which are those capabilities that are strengthened for Whites in virtue of the fact that Whites are not subject to oppression as Black Americans are. My discussion of correlative capabilities maps closely onto the advantages typically described as White privilege. I then turn to more insidious advantages Whites gain from Black oppression. I argue that oppressive norms advantage Whites by creating a social structure that empowers us with the capabilities to dominate racial narratives and ignore our racialized identities. The capability to dominate racial narratives consists in Whites’ abilities to pontificate on racialized events without justification for our views and still have our perspectives treated as mainstream, worthy of debate, and often as nearly definitive. I demonstrate this capability in action by examining Colin Kaepernick’s protest in the NFL, the coverage it received, and his resulting treatment. I then discuss Whites’ capability to ignore our racialized identities, showing how we establish Whiteness as a central, unconditioned perspective. Whites see ourselves as “simply people,” while seeing non-Whites as raced. This leads to Whites promoting color-blind conceptions of justice, which move us farther from true justice by ignoring social norms’ impact on policy development and implementation. I then show how Whites may go one step further and argue that we are victimized by “reverse racism” when efforts are made to eliminate oppressive systems. Finally, I end Chapter 5 with a discussion of how Whites are also disadvantaged by Black oppression, particularly in our capabilities to perform our jobs well, live morally, and establish and maintain relationships. I then conclude the dissertation by discussing how we might teach race-sensitive virtues in an effort to change White-favorable social norms.
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5

Brown, Jamie Branam, Mary R. Langenbrunner y Teresa Brooks-Taylor. "Oppression Activity Using the Mechanism of Social Service Learning". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5867.

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6

Isfeld, John Alexander. "Postmodernism and social work, is social work oppressive?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0008/MQ32142.pdf.

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7

Ramstad, David P. "Oppression, Manifesting from a Government Mission of Positive Social Change". ScholarWorks, 2016. http://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1919.

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Government social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service's Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce's 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw's 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design's hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset's separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota's Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman's rho and Cohen's standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of program residents. Implications for positive social change hinge on the realization that social interventions may not be entirely anti-oppressive. In such cases, these conclusions should lead policymakers to change or replace programs so that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances.
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8

Hill, Frances E. "A consideration of children as a social group liable to oppression". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0007/MQ40648.pdf.

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9

Nilsson, Daniel y Soudabeh Ardavan. "”Det här är ett fritt land för mig.” : En studie om synen på hedersrelaterat förtryck bland utsatta kvinnor och professionella socialarbetare." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för socialt arbete - Socialhögskolan, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-37101.

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Abstract With the murder of Fadime in 2002 honor killings and honour related oppression became a subject of wide public debate. The question was raised whether the Swedish social services had the knowledge and the resources necessary to face the issue with honor related oppression. This study is about the views on honor related oppression among oppressed women and professional social workers and aims to explore the relationship between social worker and client in an honor related context. Does the risk of culture clashes pose a problem in dealing with the Swedish authorities and do Swedish social workers have the necessary tools to help the, often young, oppressed women that seek their aid? This is a qualitative study based on five individual interviews: Two former victims of honour related oppression, two professional social workers and one relative of a young girl who was the victim of an honor killing. Observations: The social workers found that they had adequate resources at hand but that awareness among employees in the social services needed to be improved. The clients felt that the help they’ve received from the social services was helpful but that more information to the public about available resources was necessary along with a better understanding of the differences between their own culture and that of the Swedish society. The clients expressed that the realization that they were being oppressed didn’t come overnight. Living under strict moral guidelines meant that you simply had to adapt in order to stay in the family. Strong family ties also made the separation harder even if it came out of necessity.
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10

Duran, Robert. "Fatalistic social control: The reproduction of oppression through the medium of gangs". Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3207689.

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11

Durán, Robert. "Fatalistic social control : the reproduction of oppression through the medium of gangs /". Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3207689.

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12

Spearmon, Margaret L. "Effects of learning about racial identity and oppression on social work students /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7752.

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13

Cooper, Dominick Robert. "(In)Justice in Nonideal Social Worlds". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78009.

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While there is an abundance of philosophical literature on justice, there is far less literature within political philosophy on the topic of injustice. I think one common assumption these approaches share is that injustice is simply the absence of justice; call this the absence thesis. This assumption becomes more peculiar juxtaposed to social and political struggle for justice, which quite commonly begins with cries of injustice. Injustice is an importantly distinct philosophical notion from justice – it can explain how justice fails to be realized in interesting and sophisticated ways, and, I argue, track our efforts to realize just social worlds, in ways that paradigmatically ideal and nonideal approaches to justice by themselves cannot. In this essay, I focus specifically on the question of how theories of justice can guide action in social worlds with systematic oppression. I ultimately argue that action-guiding theories of justice that evaluate worlds with systematic oppression must represent features of injustice. If a theory fails to represent features of injustice, it will fail to guide action in these worlds. That representation of such features is necessary gives us reason to think, in certain circumstances, that the absence thesis is false.
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14

Perez, Matthew B. "Intersections of Puerto Rican Activists' Responses to Oppression". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275957393.

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15

Byrskog, Sara. "Participation in women’s groups: a mean to overcome oppression? : A Field Study made in urban Bolivia". Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-26847.

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This Bachelor’s thesis is the result of a field study conducted in urban Bolivia. The aim of the study was to get a deeper understanding of the factors that can endorse or limit the potential for the women in a women’s group to influence social and economic agendas. It is a qualitative study that concerns the international social work with a women’s group, whose purpose seek to serve professional management in the production and selling of handicrafts. Participant observations in the women’s group, as well as interviews with two of the international social workers involved with the group were conducted. The results were analysed using a feminist theory perspective, with intersectionality theory as the main tool for analysis. The findings show that the access to income-generating activities can widen the elements of social identification for the women through active learning-processes, and further move towards an image where they become social actors. Concerns regarded if decision-making power were equally distributed among all women in the group.
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16

Bouchier, David I. "Protecting the minority shareholder : the fiduciary duty and oppression remedy compared". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63933.

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17

Figueira, Clarissa. "Du paradigme de l'exclusion à celui de l'oppression : Aux interstices entre travail social, économie populaire et mouvement social". Electronic Thesis or Diss., CY Cergy Paris Université, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023CYUN1263.

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Explorant un questionnement de professionnelle du travail social confrontée aux paradoxes de la lutte contre l’exclusion, la recherche a pour point de départ l’invisibilisation de l’économie populaire de la récupération-revente de déchets, dite biffe en Ile de France. Pourtant, elle a rendu visible un réseau qui se déploie à l’international. Les expériences des biffins ont été mises en dialogue avec celles du Mouvement National des Récupérateurs de Matériaux Recyclables du Brésil et du Mouvement des travailleurs ruraux Sans Terre du Brésil.Les stratégies individuelles et collectives en jeu dans ces espaces de production et reproduction de la vie, à distance du travail social institutionnalisé sont analysées à l’aide d’un cadre théorique multiréférentiel articulant analyse institutionnelle, épistémologies du sud et géographie sociale. Une co-tutelle avec une université brésilienne a permis de rééquilibrer une des caractéristiques de ce projet qui est de se situer sur une ligne historique d’exclusion entre deux continents. La dénaturalisation du regard ainsi produite a été renforcée par la place donnée aux acteurs dans une méthodologie inductive et collaborative pour une analyse faisant une place importante à leurs points de vue, donnant à voir une partie de ce qui se construit et se vit dans ces collectifs. Le voyage a joué un rôle clé pour déplacer le regard vers un autre référentiel, échappant au paradigme de l’exclusion qui domine en France. J’ai ainsi découvert le paradigme brésilien de l’oppression dans les racines des deux mouvements sociaux brésiliens concernés, par l’influence de la théologie de la libération et de la pédagogie de l’opprimé de Paulo Freire.La dimension politique des activités des collectifs vient questionner de manière directe le travail social institué en France. Avoir pensé la lutte contre l’exclusion comme un paradigme a permis de montrer sa tendance à assigner ses destinataires à une place sociale défavorisée dans une circularité des pratiques du travail social qui renforcent ce contre quoi elles sont censées lutter. Les résistances des acteurs ont montré que ce paradigme n’est pas universel. Il ne produit pas uniquement des individus isolés en perte de repères mais aussi des collectifs en reconstruction identitaire.Surprise de la recherche, “l’analyseur vie” révèle deux organisations qui paraissent antagoniques. Du côté des institutions dominées par le paradigme de l’exclusion, la vie semble être déjà écrite par les projets et dispositifs alors que dans les mouvements porteurs du paradigme de l’oppression, elle semble être à écrire collectivement
Exploring the issues faced by asocial work professional confronted with the paradoxes of the fight against exclusion, the starting point for this research is the invisibilization of the popular economy of waste recovery and resale, known as biffe, in the Ile-de-France region. However, it has made visible a network that is expanding internationally. The experiences of the biffins were put into dialogue with those of the National Movement of Recyclers of Recyclable Materials in Brazil and the Landless Rural Workers Movement in Brazil.The individual and collective strategies at play in these spaces of production and reproduction of life, at a distance from institutionalised social work, are analysed using a multi-referential theoretical framework combining institutional analysis, epistemologies of the South and social geography. A co-supervision with a Brazilian university has helped to rebalance one of the characteristics of this project, which is that it is situated on a historical line of exclusion between two continents. The denaturalisation of the gaze thus produced was reinforced by the place given to the actors in an inductive and collaborative methodology for an analysis that gives a significant place to their points of view, giving a glimpse of part of what is constructed and experienced in these collectives. The trip played a key role in shifting the focus to a different frame of reference, away from the paradigm of exclusion that dominates in France. I discovered the Brazilian paradigm of oppression in the roots of the two Brazilian social movements involved, through the influence of liberation theology and Paulo Freire's pedagogy of the oppressed.The political dimension of the collectives' activities directly challenges the established social work in France. Thinking of the fight against exclusion as a paradigm has helped to show its tendency to assign its recipients to an underprivileged social position in a circularity of social work practices that reinforce what they are supposed to be fighting against. Resistance from those involved has shown that this paradigm is not universal. It not only produces isolated individuals who are losing their bearings, but also groups rebuilding their identities.Surprisingly, the "life analyser" reveals two seemingly antagonistic organisations. In institutions dominated by the paradigm of exclusion, life seems to have already been written by projects and mechanisms, whereas in movements based on the paradigm of oppression, it seems to be written collectively
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18

Christopulos, Jesse Carin. "Oppression through obsession: A feminist theoretical critique of eating disorders". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1019.

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19

Arens, Jennifer L. "Power, Oppression, and Group Difference Interrogation| A Call to Social Justice Movement Organizations". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1582906.

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Especially since the "new social movements" of the 1960s and 1970s, the complexities of group status difference and oppression have posed major challenges to social movements aimed at justice and equality. This paper explores the potential for social movement organizations to approach race, class, gender, and sexuality in ways that resist essentialized identities and expose and challenge the dynamics of power by which structural oppression operates. Focusing on the Washington Peace Center–a social movement organization in the District of Columbia–as a case study, I utilize qualitative, oral history interviews to illuminate the process of group difference interrogation and anti-oppression activism over time. I find that justice-seeking social movements– through an attention to standpoint, openness to the claims of other social movements, and proper consideration of the connection between local, national, and global issues–are capable of meaningful engagement across group difference that undermines complex and interrelated oppressions.

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20

Newman, Nell. "Oppression and (un)intelligibility: Resistance, moral agency, and the remaking of social identities". Thesis, Newman, Nell (2015) Oppression and (un)intelligibility: Resistance, moral agency, and the remaking of social identities. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2015. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/26865/.

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This thesis explores the idea that reinvention of their social identities is a possible means for members of subordinate social groups to demonstrate competencies in moral agency. As well as being considered morally inferior in the wider community, members of subordinate social groups may experience diminished moral agency as a result of external social constraints and the internalisation of negative stereotypes. Since a person's social identity is implicated in both their oppression and their potential for resistance, identity is problematised by positing that all persons have a multiplicity of identities, as proposed by Maria Lugones, including both privileged and oppressed identities. Social identities are further conceived as both mutable and possessing fluid boundaries. Being able to reinvent themselves depends upon persons developing feelings of self-worth and a sense of self-respect, which in turn rely upon the acquisition of appropriate self-knowledge through situational awareness. Crossing over the boundaries among their different identities and situating themselves critically in the margins provides oppressed persons with the social and discursive space to lay claim to new and reinvented selves. Since self-knowledge and self-direction are key to developing capacities in moral agency as well as to selfdefinition, I suggest that, rather than rely on political force to effect change, individual group members are able to resist systematic oppression based on their group memberships by making their social identities, relationships, and practices intelligible in their moral accounts. Limitations on self-knowledge and the possibilities of others attending to us, however, mean that these accounts can only be partial, and that persons with non-standard identities also expose themselves to the moral risk that their identities, relationships and practices may be unintelligible to others because they lack a shared interpretive framework. Nevertheless, it is argued that the imperfect nature of these moral accounts does not invalidate the potential of self-reinvention as a tool to enable the development of the competencies necessary for the exercise of moral agency.
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21

Khoday, Amar. "Legitimizing resistance? International refugee law and the protection of individuals resisting oppression". Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=122987.

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This is an article-based doctoral thesis which examines the intersection between international refugee law and resistance. In particular, it studies how courts and tribunals, within various States that are party to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and/or the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, have responded to the asylum claims of resisters. This thesis shall show that three types of resisters have been granted refugee status: (1) armed resisters; (2) military personnel deserting on the basis of a selective conscientious objection; and (3) individuals challenging corruption and economic oppression. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first part of the thesis posits that these decisions illustrate how individuals can act as agents advancing norms and principles founded in international law. Furthermore, it demonstrates how courts and tribunals through their decisions have legitimized the resisters' actions. It then proceeds to articulate how such decisions help to transform the dominant image of the refugee as a victim of persecution to something more complex and dynamic – someone who embodies both the attributes of victimhood and agency. The second part of thesis then examines and critiques a number of discrete issues that have arisen which effectively bar certain classes of resisters from obtaining asylum and in effect undermine the phenomenon discussed in the first part. It then proceeds to make suggestions about how to address these issues.
Il s'agit d'une thèse de doctorat basée sur des articles qui examine l'intersection entre le droit international des réfugiés et la résistance de ces derniers. En particulier, elle étudie la façon dont les cours et tribunaux, dans les différents États qui sont parties à la Convention de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés et/ou au Protocole de 1967 relative au statut des réfugiés, ont répondu aux demandes d'asile des résistants. Cette thèse démontrera que trois types de résistants ont obtenu le statut de réfugié: (1) les résistants armés, (2) les personnels militaire ayant déserté au motif d'une objection de conscience sélective, et (3) les personnes contestant la corruption et l'oppression économique. La thèse s'articule en deux parties. La première partie de la thèse postule que ces décisions illustrent la façon dont les individus peuvent agir comme agents de promotion des normes et de principes fondés sur le droit international. En outre, elle démontre comment les cours et tribunaux à travers leurs décisions ont légitimé les actions des résistants. Elle procède ensuite pour expliquer comment ces décisions contribuent à transformer l'image dominante du réfugié comme une victime de persécution en quelque chose de plus complexe et dynamique - quelqu'un qui incarne à la fois les attributs d'une victime et d'un agent. La deuxième partie de la thèse examine ensuite et critique un certain nombre de questions difficultés qui sont apparues et qui empêchent certaines catégories de résistants d'obtenir l'asile et, au final sapent le phénomène discuté dans la première partie. La thèse propose dans un dernier temps des suggestions afin de résoudre les problèmes identifiés.
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22

Tännsjö, Torbjörn. "Social Psychologoy and the Paradox of Revolution". Stockholms universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-10206.

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According to the gunman theory many revolutions do not take place, in spite of the fact that the majority stands to gain if they can put an end to the oppression exercised over it, since a gunman can see to it that egoistic individuals have no incentive to take part in the revolution. Champions of the idea that there is a paradox of revolution go further: Even if individuals care about the common good, they will not take action. This is wrong. If they care about the common good revolution will take place. This is good news. The bad news is, however, that those conditions, as we find them in social psychological literature, that are helpful to the revolutionary cause tend to get undermined by the oppressive system when it is well functioning.
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23

Moore, Courtney L. "Stress and Oppression| Identifying Possible Protective Factors for African American Men". Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3717844.

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One of the most discriminated groups of people in the United States are African American men who experience daily individual, institutional, and systemic racism. This research study will explore how several factors may influence the impact of the experience of discrimination on African American males who are over the age of 18 years. More specifically, this study will examine how formation of a sense of identity, personal definition of life satisfaction and an individual's adaptability in stressful situations impact the overall sense of well-being among African American males in the United States. There were 5 self-report research measures used in this study. This study?s correlations showed that if African American men experience stress in one area, they would also experience stress in other ways. An individual having a more developed racial identity and a higher sense of coherence will have a higher sense of well-being and overall satisfaction with life. The findings in this study can benefit the African American male community by providing more information to understand how discrimination and internalized oppression adversely impact their overall quality of life.

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24

Dedotsi, Sofia. "Social work education and anti-oppressive practice in Greece". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/social-work-education-and-antioppressive-practice-in-greece(a8704c39-c105-441e-b7e6-38f99a719989).html.

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Greece is seven years into a socio-economic crisis, where oppression has increased as a result of austerity measures driven by the political parties in governance and Troika. In a context of attacks on social care and social work, dominant social values of intolerance and violation of human rights, the pursuit of anti-oppressive practice is more crucial than ever. However, discussions and debates on social work and anti-oppressive practice have mostly taken place outside of the context of Greece. Reflecting on this gap, this doctoral research project asks: What is the role of social work education in influencing students' ability to manage value tensions in relation to anti-oppressive practice within the current context of social work education in Greece? It is the first such study of its kind in Greece. Using a qualitative case study methodology, the research was based in one of the four national Departments of Social Work (subsequently abolished). Semi-structured interviews were undertaken involving social work students in their first and final years of professional education (n=32) and academic staff/placement supervisors (n=10). Data analysis was informed by a ground theory approach. The study revealed social work education's failure in stimulating the development of an ethical and anti-oppressive self in students. The key determinants identified were: students' narrow understandings and individualistic approaches towards oppression; the unjust educational policies within which students are educated and educators work; an outdated curriculum with a clinical and technical approach; and lack of social action/connection with the community by the Department. Results are interpreted using the conceptual lens of Foucault (1977; 1980; 1982) and Freire (1970; 1993; 1994). A conceptual model is also presented, in order to understand and promote (anti-) oppressive practice at multiple levels: subjectivity, discipline and governmentality, as well as discourse, oppressive reality and dividing practices. The key implications of the study are for social work education to reflect and respond to current social needs by developing a radical and anti-oppressive curriculum; being involved in social action through social movements and professional associations; establishing a dialogical and reflexive learning process with the active participation of students and service users in designing and evaluating educational content and processes; and a constant deconstruction/reconstruction of the self for students, educators and practitioners.
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25

Wagland, Richard. "Age, equality, and cultural oppression : an argument against ageism". Thesis, Brunel University, 2004. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5557.

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The concept of 'ageism' has often been thought to be of limited moral concern, especially in comparison to other forms of discrimination such as racism and sexism. Nevertheless, there are also those who believe that ageism is morally significant, and there are diametrically opposed views within liberal and egalitarian theory as to whether age discrimination is or is not just. This thesis has two objectives. Firstly, it seeks to overcome the apparent vagueness of the concept that has given rise to such diametrically opposed views concerning ageism by examining exactly what the phenomenon involves. It defines the wrongfulness of much age discrimination as originating in either the nature of the reasons for which people discriminate against the old or the nature of the consequences for the individuals affected. In the course of the thesis I make several important distinctions, the most important of which are between the social and moral worth of a person, and between the synchronic and diachronic interests of a person. These distinctions allow us to distinguish between a culturally oppressive ageism and ageism that is justified by reasons of equality and efficiency. The former is intrinsically morally wrong, the latter extrinsically wrong. The second aim of the thesis is to develop an anti-ageist ethical principle capable of challenging both forms of ageism in a comprehensive way, and which is consistent with a broader liberal egalitarian political theory. This is achieved by drawing on the distinction between the irreducible nature of each person's synchronic and diachronic interests. I have identified the principle that we should protect the synchronic interests of older persons with a democratic social egalitarianism that seeks to equalise the social relations between citizens rather than concentrating upon an equality of distribution. It is in this way that I also connect the debate about the morality (or otherwise) of age discrimination with debates within contemporary liberal egalitarian philosophy.
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26

Yoon, InJeong y InJeong Yoon. "Confronting Systems of Oppression: Teaching and Learning Social Justice through Art with University Students". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625591.

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In this study I attempt to shed light on the experiences of the teacher researcher and university students who explored social justice issues in an art education course. The primary purpose of this study is to provide insights in teaching practice and students' learning processes when the course is designed to examine systems of oppression through class discussions and art-based assignments. The study delves into what challenges and rewards the teacher and students experience in an art class focusing on social injustice. I conducted this study in a semester-long art education course, where I taught as an instructor, with twelve university student participants. The questions that guided by study were: 1) How do I understand my experience of teaching social justice issues through art in an undergraduate art education course and what do I continue to learn from it?; 2) In what ways do undergraduate students navigate and learn about social justice issues through class discussions, writing and art-based assignments? I utilized two methodologies, autoethnography and case study, in order to provide in-depth descriptions of the participants' and my perspectives. The theoretical frame I used was critical race feminism, which highlights the intersectional experiences of females of color. For the autoethnographic study, I collected data from the artifacts I created during the study period including researcher’s journals, visual journals, and audio narratives. I also collected data from the participants, such as pre-course questionnaires, reading responses, reflection notes, personal narratives, peer interview responses, audio narratives, and final art projects. The findings of the study reflect different challenges and rewards that the student participants and I experienced in the university course on social justice art. Themes included student resistance, the teacher's self-doubt, the students' vague understanding of social justice, a difficulty to understand the concept of privilege, and the lack of hands-on activities. The participants also addressed significant learning moments including, learning about colorblindness, personal reflections about their own social identities in relation to systems of oppression, and various art-based assignments they created during the course. Both the participants and I found strong connections between the teacher and students, a sense of learning community, and student empowerment as the rewarding experiences. These findings suggest the need for teachers to reconsider the meaning of a safe space, student resistance, and the role of emotions when they teach social justice issues. Furthermore, the findings suggest that female teachers of color need to positively acknowledge our racial, sexual, cultural, and linguistic identities and envision our roles as border-crossers and agents of change.
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27

Chabo, Simel y Irene Kipouros. "Kvinnors tillgång till det offentliga rummet : En kvalitativ studie om kvinnors tillgång till det offentliga rummet i särskilt utsatta förorter inom Järvaområdet i Stockholms län". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Socialt arbete, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-35440.

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The purpose of this study is to study women's access to public space in particularly vulnerable suburbs within the area of Järva in Stockholm County. This study is based on a qualitative research method and has its foundation in semistructured interviews with ten women, telling about their experiences of living in particularly vulnerable suburbs within the area of Järva in Stockholm County. The results and analysis of the study are based on some theoretical starting points and chosen themes: The Female Role and Patriarchate, Power and Freedom and Repression and Symbolic Violence. The result has shown that what affects women's access to public space in particularly vulnerable suburbs in the area of Järva in Stockholm County is the limited power and freedom of women and the prevailing patriarchate system, in the form of a patriarchal society. The results show that men, through different methods such as through repression and symbolic violence, master, exploit and repress women in public space in particularly vulnerable suburbs. This happens through direct actions and through indirect actions, through various forms of oppression and symbolic violence. Women are not treated in the same way as men in public space, and can be interpreted as men not seeing women as important as men or that men as a group consider themselves to be superior women as a group. The results also show that women are restricted from acting for free will because of the current picture of "the female role" and because women, according to men, may not deviate from the norm. Overall, the study shows that women have limited access to public space in these particularly vulnerable suburbs in the area of Järva in Stockholm County. The outcome of the study should be considered as a major problem for society, because women are involuntarily assigned a subordinate position to men who make up the norm, which is not fair.
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28

Mallory, Jason Leonard. "Prisoner oppression, democratic crises, abolitionist visions towaqrds a social and political philosophy of mass incarceration /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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29

Smith, Rebecca. "The Moral Oppression of the Teaching Profession: Learning to Transcend". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5869.

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This thesis is both descriptive and philosophical, and at its core, it justifies the need for social foundations of education courses and programs in the university setting. It begins by analyzing the meaning of oppression and the part knowledge plays in confining the individual. The analysis then draws upon Patricia Hill Collins' theory of intersecting oppressions to get at the complexities and restrictions of working in the public schooling institution. It works through the ways in which sexist, classist, and racist practices afflict everyone in the institution through the bureaucratic mechanism and collateral oppression. The four components that make up the wires on the cage (gender, class, race, and bureaucracy) not only confine; they cause varying degrees of direct and indirect harms (psychological, emotional, moral, financial) to those on the inside. The concept of the institutional cage is then merged with Rodman Webb's work on schools as total institutions. Through an analysis on the characteristics of total institutions, it becomes apparent that standardization, technological developments, and the influence of venture philanthropy have brought schools more in-line with the total institution. The study then clarifies the ways in which corporatic, bureaucratic, and technocratic mentalities infect the institution, where they intersect, and how they restrict those within. The components coalesce into the conceptualization of moral oppression: the act of being coerced to ignore and suppress one's morality, moral impulses, and moral way of knowing. The remainder of the study explores the meaning of moral action and suggests some ways educators can let go of the ways of thinking and acting that may be keeping them from confidently doing what they know to be good and just.
M.A.
Masters
Office of Interdisciplinary Studies
Graduate Studies
Interdisciplinary Studies
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30

McClellan, Michael J. "AWARENESS OF PRIVILEGE AND OPPRESSION SCALE-2: CONSTRUCTION AND INITIAL VALIDATION". UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/edp_etds/22.

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The purpose of this study was to revise the Awareness of Privilege and Oppression Scale (Montross, 2003) and to improve upon the psychometric properties of the original instrument. The APOS-2 is a diversity training outcome measure that is designed to measure the social justice-related construct awareness of privilege and oppression. I retained 26 items from the original APOS (Montross, 2003) and utilized an expert focus group to generate new test items for the APOS-2. Feedback from an expert rater group was solicited and then incorporated into the APOS-2 to help reduce the number of items, improve item content, and evaluate content validity. The newly revised scale was then administered to a combined sample of 484 undergraduate students at a large public university through an internet-based survey. Item-analysis procedures and an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with direct oblim oblique rotation were utilized to further reduce the number of items and then determine the psychometric properties of the final solution. The EFA of the APOS-2 data provided support for the theoretical four-factor solution. The observed Cronbach alpha reliability estimates for the final 40-item total score and subscale scores were as follows: Total score (.92), Awareness of Heterosexism (.84), Awareness of Sexism (.73), Awareness of Classism (.84), and Awareness of Racism (.86). The APOS-2 correlated low and positively (r = .29) with a measure of openness to diversity and negatively and close to zero (r = -.10) with a social desirability measure. These collective data suggest the APOS-2 may be a viable alternative to the original APOS with a stronger initial effort to link item content to the extant literature, improved subscale reliability estimates, continued support for the use of the theoretically derived subscales, and a predictable relationship with measures of convergent and discriminant validity.
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31

Jeyacheya, D. Z. "Exploring the nature of oppression as experienced by people with learning disabilities". Thesis, Coventry University, 2015. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/e544e73d-2450-44fb-a4f7-4afb248f4d72/1.

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Aim: The principal aim of this qualitative research study is to gain a clearer understanding of oppression as experienced by People with Learning Disabilities (PWLD). In particular, this study investigated: 1) the nature of oppression - the typical kinds of oppression PWLD face during the course of their everyday lives; 2) the causes of their oppressive experiences: 3) the impact these oppressive experiences can have on their quality of life; and 4) their reaction - the strategies PWLD employ to prevent further oppression. Rationale: Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation since the 1980s, many PWLD have not found social integration easy and continue to endure oppressive experiences in community-based settings. The nature/extent of this social problem has often been overlooked by researchers and practitioners. Methods: This research was conducted using interpretive phenomenology as a methodology; an approach which influenced the study’s design, method of data collection and strategy for analysing the rich qualitative findings. Semi-structured interviews were carried out across two sample populations; a group of PWLD (N=11) and a group of community-based practitioners/carers (N=11). The participants were selected through purposive sampling and the qualitative data was analysed using a specific Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) process. Findings: PWLD remain a deeply oppressed social group. Respondents reported experiencing multiple forms of oppression, which seem to interact in complex ways and be present throughout the course of their lives. The two key super-ordinate themes (most dominant forms of oppression experienced by PWLD) emerging from the process of IPA appear to be: 1) The life-long effects of marginalisation (social exclusion, powerlessness and existing as a socio-economic underclass) and 2) Multiple forms of victimisation (coping with exploitation, intimidation and abuse, both overt and subtle, from the public, family members and at times practitioners). Respondents believe that the underlying cause of their oppressive experiences is society’s negative perception. Negative attitudes and beliefs arise from oppressive social forces such as: the use of diagnostic labels, segregated special needs education and limited opportunities for employment. These are experiences which respondents assert often do little more than spoil their social identity as human beings. Conclusion: The findings confirm that PWLD living in the community continue to encounter negative social experiences which are pervasive. This research attempts to draw together and make sense of these experiences in terms of the concept of oppression. Through gaining a clearer understanding of the marginalised and victimised status of PWLD policy makers will be more informed about how to respond to their social and economic needs, and in turn help alleviate their experiences of oppression.
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32

Hedberg, Per Henrik. "Interpersonal society : essays on shared beliefs, trust, mnemonic oppression, distributive fairness, and value creation". Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Institutionen för Marknadsföring och strategi, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-1761.

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33

Delibasic, Amina. "HONOR-RELATED VIOLENCE AND OPPRESSION IN CHILD CARE INVESTIGATIONS : A qualitative study of the challenges and possibilities faced by social services when investigating honor related violence". Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hälsa, vård och välfärd, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-55102.

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This Master’s project aims to explore the challenges and possibilities the social services encounter when investigating honor related violence in childcare investigations. Furthermore, the project is investigating social workers’ perceptions and experiences of honor related violence (HRV) and if that aspect of violence makes any difference to the investigation of child abuse. A qualitative approach has been used, where interviews were held with ten social workers. The project’s result and analysis has been divided into three themes: Social workers knowledge regarding HRV, working methods used when investigating child abuse with elements of HRV   and the impact of the child perspective on different assessments concerning children in the same families.  The results show that the social worker's knowledge has a significant role in how a case is handled by the social services. The lack of in-depth knowledge among social workers regarding HRV can have consequences for the work in various ways. The study also shows that there is a need for social services to develop treatments that are adapted to honor-related violence. Finally, the conclusion of this study shows that the current legislation in Sweden could be further developed.
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34

Ayad, Goriel Rana y Jenny Bengtsson. "Heder En narrativ textanalys av svensk medias framställning av hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck". Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-59031.

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Abstract This study aims at investigating how four different Swedish newspapers produce the phenomenon of honor, creating differences between "we and them" (our own quotation), as well as a summary of the differences between the newspapers'. This is to gain a deeper knowledge of the connection between the honour phenomenon and Swedish media. Method: Eight articles were collected based first on predetermined criteria and then by a random selection from all four newspapers. Analysis: The collected material was divided based on the issues as well as an thematization of the content and then analyzed in order to answer these questions. This study is based on an intersectional perspective with the following concepts: Culture, power, ethnicity, biological and social gender. Conclusion: The conclusions drawn in the following study are that the writers build their text content on factors that are represented as the causes of the honour-related violence. The most relevant factors are culture, religion and ethnicity, where the term gender also creates an additional dimension in the explanations of the honour phenomena. These explanations can further create a division between "we and them" (our own quotation). The victims of the articles are often made as weak and helpless as well as being young girls of different origins. The role of the villain becomes complex, as the practitioners themselves becomes the helper, while honour or culture takes the place as the main villain character in the content of the text. Even society is assigned a meaning through two different roles, patrons and the fraudulent rescuer. Based on this conclusion, a model was formed that might serve to clarify when it comes to the media's presentation of the relationship between the majority society and the victim of the honour violence. From this model, it becomes possible to understand the importance of self-awareness regarding attitudes in society and how it can further affect social work.
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35

Espitia, Birgitte Bonning. "Experiences of oppression among Middle-Eastern couples living in Denmark implications for marriage and family therapy /". Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342734251&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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36

Mitchell, Leslie Roy. "Discourse and the oppression of nonhuman animals: a critical realist account". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003951.

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This work examines the use of nonhuman animals in the farming industry and seeks to understand why this practice takes place and what supports its continuation. The research is approached from a critical realist perspective and after a description of past and current practices in the industry, it uses abduction and retroduction to determine the essential conditions for the continuation of the phenomenon of nonhuman animal farming. One essential condition is found to be the existence of negative discourses relating to nonhuman animals and this aspect is examined in more detail by analyzing a corpus of texts from a farming magazine using Critical Discourse Analysis. Major discourses which were found to be present were those of production, science and slavery which construct the nonhumans respectively as objects of scientific investigation, as production machines and as slaves. A minor discourse of achievement relating to the nonhumans was also present. Further analysis of linguistic features examined the way in which the nonhumans are socially constructed in the discourses. Drawing on work in experimental psychology by Millgram, Zimbardo and Bandura it was found that the effects of these discourses fulfil many of the conditions for bringing about moral disengagement in people thus explaining why billions of people are able to support animal farming in various ways even though what happens in the phenomenon is contrary to their basic ethical and moral beliefs.
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37

Sabo, Anamaria Ariana <1988&gt. "MODELLI MASCHILI EGEMONICI E MASCOLINITA’ MARGINALI UNA CHIAVE DI LETTURA DEI RAPPORTI SOCIALI DI OPPRESSIONE". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12805.

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Analizzare le mascolinità ,ossia le peculiarità che contraddistinguono i maschi , con le quali si autoidentificano e vengono identificati in quanto esseri sessuati e nel processo storico di inculturazione , significa condividere il riposizionamento delle esperienze maschili nella propria parzialità di genere al fine di conferire alla realtà “umana” una valenza inclusiva che consideri gli uomini soggetti attivi della propria storia e non più degli human beings ,attori neutri, asessuati, appartenenti alla categoria di genere privilegiata ,connotata da un’astratta umanità. La narrazione storica dominante ha prediletto non solo i maschi, ma il maschio, un ideale di mascolinità e virilità proposto come valore universale e destinato a svolgere un ruolo vitale nell’ascesa del nazionalismo moderno. E’ proprio dall’impostazione di un modello maschile egemonico che muove l’elaborazione di riflessioni critiche sulla pluralizzazione della mascolinità. Nonostante il richiamo della “patria” volto alla costruzione dello stereotipo maschile nazionale a cui sono accorsi moltissimi uomini in cambio di uno spicchio di eternità[1], tale ideale è stato profondamente permeato dalle influenze esercitate dai mutamenti sociali , determinando differenti e molteplici declinazioni della mascolinità. In questo elaborato esplorerò alcune di queste sfaccettature che si definiscono nelle esperienze individuali e di gruppo e le forme di gerarchizzazione intimamente intrecciate con l’identità nazionale, una questione di riconoscimento. Ne emergono indubbiamente mascolinità egemoniche e mascolinità marginali. [1] GEORGE L. MOSSE, Sessualità e nazionalismo, Editori Laterza, Bari, 2011, p. 10.
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38

Ayad, Sara y Asma Halak. "Hedersrelaterat Våld och Förtryck". Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hälsa, vård och välfärd, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-55221.

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abstract The purpose of this study is to shed light on the experiences of the social workers when managing and treating errands concerning young girls/women who are exposed to honor related violence and oppression in several municipalities in Central Sweden. The study’s main questions focus, and purpose was based on five qualitative interviews. These questions were answered through five qualitative interviews through a targeted sample. The two selected theoretical perspectives were intersectionality and empowerment. Previous research shows that honor related violence occurs throughout the world with 5000 women being killed annually in the name of honor. Previous research emphasizes the importance of not connecting honor related errands to a certain culture and sheds light to the social services challenges, for example, when some families deny that honor related violence occurs.  The interviews emphasized that collaboration between social services and sheltered housing, long-term support, respect and understanding for the clients were central aspects. The result could give an indication that especially the smaller municipalities in central Sweden did not have an actual action plan for their particular municipality. The results of the study could show that cases concerning honor violence and oppression were complex and broad and could complicate the social services preparedness and when handling the honor related cases.  Intersectionality could provide an understanding of the risk if these issues would be culturalized because it could lead to a “we and them” mindset.
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39

Clarke, Michelle (Michelle Anne) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Oppression through neglect : an examination of the assumptions and meanings behind three social policies affecting Canadian single mothers". Ottawa, 1990.

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40

Heath, Demetria. "Six Degrees of Segregation| From Picture Books to Oppressive Practices". Thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10845142.

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Children’s picture books engage young readers with lessons of both literacy and socialization. They are discursive components of visual culture, with ideological origins that can be traced to European colonizers, whose policies fueled popular sentiment that devalued those who appeared different and, thus, encouraged systemic oppression and genocide. Utilizing Hall’s definition of representations will provide perspective in discussions of social constructs (including constructed absences), developmental psychology, and research-evidenced processes of child perception and meaning. These phenomena often convey unearned hierarchical power that culminates in behaviors that include social exclusion and discrimination, and their far-reaching effects are discussed by MacDonald as European Structuralism, in which “social and cultural life are governed by deep-seated structural polarities” (1995, p. 35). European Structuralism, and related systems, disadvantaged groups that include females, non-European males, non-heterosexuals, those with a high body mass index (BMI), and non-Christians. Visual culture, including picture books, perpetuates these constructs that lead to oppression. To call attention to the origins of biased messages, I analyze the physical characteristics of best-selling picture book authors and illustrators. Few surprises exist, yet these data add another layer to the intricate systems of power dynamics.

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41

Cabrera, Santa ângela. "Identificação e análise dos/as pobres como categoria social: uma pesquisa bíblica a partir de contextos histórico-sociais na subunidade dos Salmos 3-14". Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2011. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/200.

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The research, in 5 chapters, develops the theme of the poor as a social category in Ps 3-14, subunit of the first book of the Psalter (Psalms 3-41). The Psalms 3-14 are attributed to David, the fact is related to the schools and their theologies present in the final edition of the Psalter. These Psalms were born in the peasant communities of ancient Israel, which were later improved and adapted by groups of official singers in the temple of Jerusalem. The Psalms 3-14 are characterized by the individual lament and supplication. They belong to a collection of pre-exilic, but concentrate in the late post-exilic texts. The places they occupy were strategically thought. The Psalms 9; 10 introduce hebrew concepts that identify the poor: dak, ani, ebyon. They designate the free small peasants who still with access to land. Throughout the ancient Israel history they did not suffer sudden changes as a social category, however, there are some notable features are that distinguish them in the periods corresponding to the first and the second temple of Jerusalem. Moreover, the Psalms 9; 10 show synonymous words that may identify them: hellkah "poor / unfortunate" and naqi "innocent." Despite the small variations of the concepts, all point to a social category, with the right to appeal in court, though with weak legal influence. This community has theological identity. Yahweh is presented as its counsel. The depletion in Psalter is something dramatic, because the face of the poor is the very face of Yahweh. Poverty is not a matter of misfortune or of spirituality. It is generated by a social-political system, intelligently planned, that does not allow the countryside people to progress as farmers. This powerful sector, domestic or foreign, is identified in the texts, with the following concepts: goyim "nations," sorerim "aggressors", oyebim "enemies", raxa im "unfair/ unjust . Their domain is supported by violence and weapons. The ideology of the dominant systems is fundamental in the interpretation of texts. The psalmists society presents the crises in relation to human identity. The violence and peace are vying for space. The Ps 8 shows an alternative society thought from the point of view of what appears weak: the olelim "children" and yanaqim "lactating" (Ps 8:3). The cries of little children, the cry of the oppressed, joined to the cry of creation, are comparable with the labor pain, from which life begins. It is a cry that seeks to transform the bent paths of history. These are signs of hope that distinguishes the theology of the poor. The Psalms 3-7 and 11-14 continue to present the reality of the poor. Sometimes the concepts are located: ani oppressed and ebyon "poor", others resort to new synonyms as has͇id "faithful" and sadiq "fair/ just" These Psalms demonstrate that the poor are present even in the texts in which such concepts do not appear. The groupings (Ps 3-7 and 11-14) is a break in the subunit (Ps 3-14), without breaking the sense of Ps 8, 9 and 10. Finally, in the society of Ps 3-14 is located in the, tax mode of production. Theories of economic sciences, archaeological, historical, contribute to the understanding universe socio-political generator of the poor.
A pesquisa, em 5 capítulos, desenvolve o tema dos/as pobres como categoria social nos Sl 3-14, subunidade do primeiro livro do saltério (Sl 3-41). Os Sl 3-14 são atribuídos a Davi, o fato está relacionado com as escolas e suas teologias presentes na edição final do saltério. Esses salmos nasceram nas comunidades camponesas do antigo Israel, posteriormente, foram aperfeiçoados e adaptados por grupos de cantores oficiais no templo de Jerusalém. Os Sl 3-14 se destacam pelo lamento e pela súplica individual. Pertencem a uma coleção pré-exílica, mas concentra textos tardios, do pós-exílio. Os lugares que ocupam foram pensados estrategicamente. Os Sl 9; 10 apresentam conceitos hebraicos que identificam os/as pobres: dak, ani, ebyon. Estes/as designam pequenos/as camponeses/as livres, ainda com acesso à terra. Ao longo do antigo Israel não sofreram mudanças bruscas como categoria social, no entanto, podem assinalar-se algumas características que os/as distinguem nos períodos correspondentes ao primeiro e o segundo templo de Jerusalém. Ademais, os Sl 9; 10 apresentam palavras sinônimas que também os/as identificam: hellkah pobre/infeliz e naqi inocente . Apesar das pequenas variações dos conceitos, todos apontam à uma categoria social, com direito à apelação nos tribunais, embora com fraca influência jurídica. Essa comunidade tem identidade teológica. Javé é apresentado como o seu defensor. A espoliação no saltério é algo dramático, porque o rosto do/a pobre é o próprio rosto de Javé. A pobreza não é um assunto de espiritualidade nem de casualidade. É gerada por um sistema político-social, planejado de forma inteligente, que não permite ao povo da roça progredir como agricultor. Esse setor poderoso, nacional ou estrangeiro, é identificado nos textos, sob os conceitos: goyim nações , sorerim agressores , oyebim inimigos , raxa im injustos . O seu domínio é suportado pela violência e as armas. A ideologia dos sistemas dominantes é fundamental para a interpretação dos textos. A sociedade dos salmistas apresenta crises com relação à identidade humana. A violência e a paz se disputam os espaços. O Sl 8 mostra uma sociedade alternativa pensada a partir daquilo aparentemente fraco: as olelim crianças e os yanaqim lactantes (Sl 8,3). O grito das criancinhas, o grito dos/as oprimidos/as, unido ao grito da criação, se compara à dor de parto, com o qual inicia a vida. Trata-se de um grito que busca transformar os trajetos entortados da história. Esses são indícios da esperança que distingue a teologia dos/as pobres. Os Sl 3-7 e 11-14 continuam a apresentar a situação dos/as pobres. Às vezes, localizam-se os conceitos: ani oprimido e ebyon pobre , outras, recorre-se a novos sinônimos como has͇id fiel e sadiq justo . Esses salmos demonstram que os/as pobres estão presentes também nos textos onde tais conceitos não aparecem. As agrupações (Sl 3-7 e 11-14) são uma pausa na subunidade (Sl 3-14), não uma quebra de sentido com os Sl 8; 9 e 10. Finalmente, se localiza na sociedade dos Sl 3-14, o Modo de Produção Tributário. As teorias das ciências econômica, arqueológica, histórica, contribuem com a compreensão do universo sóciopolítico gerador de pobres.
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42

Berglund, Nike y Johanna Simonsson. "Hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck som en mångfacetterad diskurs". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete (SA), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-71818.

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The aim of this study was to conduct a discourse analysis of how school and social services professionals talk about/explains honour-related violence and oppression. The analysis was complemented by an intersectional perspective. The study was conducted through semi-structured qualitative interviews with eight people working in schools and social services. The material from the interviews was analyzed through Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework and intersectional theory. We concluded that the discourse about honour-related violence should be understood as multi-faceted. The complexity of the discourse is exemplified by the different positions and the consequences these risk to lead to. We found a difference in how the school and social services staff explain and give content to honour-related violence and oppression. School staff had a tendency to explain honour-related violence and oppression as something which only occurs in certain cultures. Social services staff, on the other hand, wanted to explain honour-related violence as a universal oppression against women. Our study shows that honour-related violence and oppression are primarily understood as men as perpetrators of violence and women as victims. A view that renounces women as perpetrators and men as victims. Through this study it is possible to understand the problem of finding a definition of honour-related violence and oppression, and why it is so debated. We propose future studies concerning young people's experiences of living in a context characterized by honour-related violence and oppression. We also propose research concerning HBTQ issues related to honour-related violence and oppression.
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43

Pion-Klockner, Nikita. "From consciousness to action are there common identifiable life experiences among people who actively organize against oppression? : a project based on qualitative research /". Click here for text online. Smith College School for Social Work website, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/1007.

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Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2007
Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Social Work. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-132).
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44

Gunzelmann, Janine. "Intersecting Oppressions of Migrant Domestic Workers : (In)Securities of Female Migration to Lebanon". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91402.

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This Master’s thesis explores the intersection of powers that create (in)secure female migration to Lebanon. It contributes to a growing literature corpus about the lives of women, originating from South/ South-East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, who migrate to Lebanon to work in the domestic work sector. Ongoing exploitations of migrant domestic workers (MDWs) under Lebanon’s migration regime, the kafala system, have been documented in detail. Yet, the question about which overlapping powers actually shape the migratory experience of MDWs calls for closer inspection – especially in light of previous unidirectional analyses that seem to obscure the intersectional experiences of migrant women. By uncovering intersecting systems of domination and subordination, this analysis aims to deconstruct oppressive powers and to answer the research question about which powers create (in)secure female migration to Lebanon. This objective is approached through ethnographic-qualitative methods of semi-structured interviewing and participant observation during a seven-week field research in Lebanon. Data contributed by research participants, i.e. MDWs themselves and individuals that have experience in supporting them, are analyzed through an intersectional lens that acknowledges the multifacetedness of MDWs as social beings comprised of overlapping and intersecting dynamic facets. This analysis argues for multiple levels and layers that create an enmeshed web of interacting categories, processes and systems that render female migration insecure. Detected underlying powers range from global forces over specific migration regulations to societal structures that are based on sexism, racism, cultural othering and class differences - amongst others. These forces are impossible to deconstruct in isolation because they function through each other. Their multilevel intersections lead to power imbalances between worker and employer, isolation and invisibility of the former on several levels as well as the commodification, dehumanization and mobility limitations of MDWs. Yet, female labor migrants counter these intersecting powers through creative and dynamic acts of resistance and self-empowerment and, thus, prove that the dismantling of overlapping oppressions calls for intersecting multilevel deconstructions.
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45

Vornanen, Juulia. "“How can we ensure that they get support?”: A qualitative study of professionals' experiences of cooperation and support for girls and young women exposed to honour-related oppression". Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hälsa, vård och välfärd, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-55186.

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In Sweden, honour-related oppression has received more attention in recent years at the political and academic level but also in social work. Honour-related problems are largely in conflict with the rights and freedoms of children and women, and attempts have been made to alleviate the issue. The purpose of this master thesis is to examine the professionals’ experiences of the challenges of cooperation, support and personal treatment of girls and young women who are exposed to honour-related oppression. The professionals mainly represent the social services and other actors who work with honour-related problems, such ashealth care personnel. Based on a qualitative approach using focus group and individual interviews, the results illustrate the importance of cooperation and knowledge when working with girls and young women who are exposed to honour-related oppression. The study illustrates challenges for cooperation, such as professional confidentiality, and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the professional’s work with the matter. Honour-related oppression can be described as a challenging problem that still needs further recognition in society. The study can contribute to the work of social services and other actors by presenting challenges and opportunities for the work with honour-related oppression
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46

Bertoldi, Silvia <1993&gt. "Donne lavoratrici immigrate: oppressioni e resistenze. Percorsi di lotta sindacale e processi generativi di trasformazione individuale, collettiva e sociale". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21393.

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In un contesto nazionale, e non solo, caratterizzato da una svalutazione complessiva della manodopera e da un'inferiorizzazione sistemica della condizione sociale e giuridica della popolazione immigrata, le donne lavoratrici immigrate ricoprono una posizione che interseca diversi assi, tra cui il genere, la classe sociale, la nazionalità, lo status giuridico, il ruolo familiare. Lungo tali assi scorrono rapporti di subordinazione e di dominio che si riproducono dentro e fuori il luogo di lavoro e da cui il sistema di produzione capitalistico trae possibilità di sfruttamento. Tuttavia, nell'ultimo decennio ha preso avvio un'importante attivazione sindacale a partire da quei settori chiave dell'attuale sistema di produzione, tra cui il settore logistico, che vedono impiegati una maggioranza di manodopera straniera. Con la presente ricerca si intende pertanto indagare i fenomeni riguardanti l'attivismo sindacale in cui le donne lavoratrici immigrate hanno ricoperto un ruolo centrale e di protagonismo: attraverso l'analisi di due casi studio - ovvero i percorsi di lotta sindacale, e non solo, avvenuti presso lo stabilimento alimentare Italpizza (Modena 2018-2019) e presso i magazzini del gruppo Yoox-Net A Porter (Bologna, 2013-2014 e 2020-2021) - si ricostruiranno le condizioni di lavoro e le motivazioni che hanno spinto all'auto-attivazione e all'organizzazione collettiva e si ripercorrerà lo sviluppo del percorso di lotta interno ed esterno al luogo di lavoro. Si proseguirà con l'analisi dei risultati ottenuti dalla lotta sindacale, tanto in termini vertenziali e materiali, quanto in riferimento ai risvolti simbolici e immateriali che hanno influito e influiscono sulla soggettività delle donne coinvolte nelle mobilitazioni, sui territori in cui queste hanno preso luogo e sulla società tutta. Ciò è stato analizzato attraverso una ricerca empirica qualitativa effettuata tramite tredici interviste in profondità e la partecipazione ad alcuni momenti collettivi auto-organizzati dalle realtà coinvolte nelle mobilitazioni. La letteratura accademica principalmente utilizzata fa riferimento alla sociologia critica degli studi sulle migrazioni e del lavoro, in particolar modo rispetto alle teorie riguardo la segmentazione del mercato del lavoro e della divisione internazionale del lavoro; agli studi sui movimenti sociali, soprattutto in riferimento ai fenomeni migratori, e alla produzione teorica e concettuale del 'black feminism' e del cosiddetto femminismo marxista della rottura.
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Rocha, Mayara Melo. "From the waters that silence to the waters that speak: oppression and resistance on the course of the representations of water in Chapada do Apodi". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=15162.

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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
In this study we analyzed the social representations of water in TomÃ, a community in Chapada do Apodi (Northeastern Brazil), and their relation to the socioenvironmental conflicts resulting from the establishment of the Jaguaribe-Apodi irrigation district. Centered on the community in TomÃ, we evaluated changes in the use of and access to water in order to identify the relation between, on one side, the processes of private appropriation of water resources and contamination by agrochemicals associated with the adoption of agro-export models, and, on the other side, changes in the local populationʼs perceptions and web of significance of water. The approach was qualitative, based on deep hermeneutics, and comprised an array of techniques, such as open interviews, inclusion of members of the community in research groups, ethnographic field work with participant observation, and field logs. The collected data were interpreted by way of discourse analysis. Agricultural modernization was found to have disrupted the local populationʼs perceptions and web of significance of water, leading to changes in collective water use practices. Processes were identified which tend towards loss of the perception of water as a collective good and the individualization of strategies of defense and protection against risks. These changes have taken hold through mechanisms of symbolic violence perpetrated by power agents against local populations silenced out of fear of discussing issues like contamination and private appropriation of water resources. A symbolic reconstruction of the web of significance of water in light of rights and access to common goods is necessary in order to reinforce local resistance.
A pesquisa analisa as representaÃÃes sociais da Ãgua na comunidade do TomÃ, Chapada do Apodi (CE), e suas relaÃÃes com os conflitos socioambientais ocasionados pela implantaÃÃo do PerÃmetro Irrigado Jaguaribe-Apodi. Tomando como foco a comunidade do Tomà reconstruÃram-se as modificaÃÃes ocorridas nas formas de uso e acesso à Ãgua com o objetivo de identificar a relaÃÃo entre os processos de apropriaÃÃo desigual e contaminaÃÃo por agrotÃxicos â decorrentes da implantaÃÃo do modelo agroexportador na regiÃo â, e as interferÃncias no modo de significaÃÃo e representaÃÃo da Ãgua pelas populaÃÃes locais. Utilizou-se uma abordagem qualitativa baseada na proposta metodolÃgica da HermenÃutica de Profundidade abrangendo diferentes tÃcnicas de pesquisa como as entrevistas abertas, a formaÃÃo de um grupo de pesquisa ampliado com membros da comunidade, a realizaÃÃo de trabalho de campo de base etnogrÃfica fazendo uso da observaÃÃo participante e do diÃrio de campo. O processo analÃtico-interpretativo do material coletado se deu atravÃs da abordagem proposta pela AnÃlise do Discurso. A pesquisa resultou na identificaÃÃo do processo de modernizaÃÃo agrÃcola como promotor de rupturas na teia significativa da Ãgua modificando suas representaÃÃes e, consequentemente, alterando as prÃticas coletivas de uso. Revelam-se processos que caminham para o rompimento da representaÃÃo da Ãgua enquanto bem coletivo à medida que as estratÃgias de defesa e proteÃÃo contra os riscos se individualizam. Essa reconfiguraÃÃo à ocasionada por mecanismos de violÃncia simbÃlica, exercidos por agentes do poder contra as populaÃÃes locais, uma vez que o medo de tratar das questÃes relativas à contaminaÃÃo e a apropriaÃÃo privada da Ãgua tem provocado o silenciamento da comunidade sobre o tema. Aponta-se para a necessidade de processos de reconstruÃÃo simbÃlica sobre a Ãgua, que retomem a perspectiva do direito e do acesso aos bens comuns, para que as aÃÃes de resistÃncia sejam fortalecidas.
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48

McDaniel, Beth, Silvia Vilches y Allie Merritt. "Prevention, Protection, or Institutional Oppression? Exploring Family Well-Being and the Institution of Child Abuse and Neglect Prevention in Alabama". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/secfr-conf/2020/schedule/15.

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Historically, child abuse and neglect (CAN) prevention efforts have focused on individuals and families, with disregard for the contexts and conditions that may underlie family challenges. There is increased recognition that efforts to support families and children must include focus on the societal level (Browne, 2014), yet few studies have examined how institutional processes influence community-based CAN prevention services. I utilized institutional ethnography to identify institutional factors that impact family well-being and CAN prevention work in Alabama. I relied on three primary forms of data: 1) focus group discussions; 2) interview discussions; and 3) analysis of key documents. Preliminary analysis indicates prevention work is diverse and occurs within a system of limited institutional and public support. I will discuss the specific institutional factors that influence child and abuse prevention work in Alabama and close with a discussion of how institutional ethnography can be used to strengthen family research and policy.
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49

Nasca, Paul M. "Fostering Pride and Badges of Oppression: A Contextual Study of British Military Buttons from Paget Fort, Bermuda, 1778-1820". W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626486.

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50

Widman, Stina y Pauline Hoogendoorn. ""Det ska inte vara så att livet är kört bara för att man blir hederhotad" : -En kvalitativ studie om flickors upplevda behov av stöd och hjälp efter uppbrottet från sin hederskultur". Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-43106.

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The purpose of our study was to give girls who are victims of honor related violence a chance to express their needs experienced after the breakup from their families. Furthermore, the study aimed to examine in what extent the girls' needs have been met, how and by whom? The focus was the girls' own experiences thru the breakup from their families and beyond. The issues we wanted to answer were: What needs of help and support does these girls feel that they have? What are the needs immediately after the breakup and how do they look in the longer term? To what extent do the girls have their needs met, how and by whom? What needs experience the girls have not been satisfied? In order to answer our questions, we used semi-structured life-world interviews. We have used needs as a theoretical concept in an attempt to understand the perceived needs of girls through different perspectives. Our results show that the girls are in: need for security both in connection with the breakup but also seen in the long term, needs of belonging to a community and finally, a need of being confirmed as an individual.

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