Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Norm-export"

This research establishes a decommissioning timeline for the existing oil and gas facilities across all of the Australian offshore oil and gas production basins. Minimal data exist in the public domain to estimate these decommissioning timelines and, more importantly, the significant waste volumes generated; including potentially hazardous wastes such as naturally occurring radioactive material (NORM). At this time there is no approved onshore radioactive waste disposal pathway in Australia to accommodate this material. Applying an estimation methodology, based on Norwegian decommissioning data with regional activity factors, allows a NORM waste forecast to be established for the decommissioning of Australian oil and gas offshore infrastructure. The total NORM disposal burden is estimated to be in the range of 223–1674 tonnes for decommissioning activity to 2060, with over 68% of this material generated between 2018 and 2025. Due to the sparsity of public domain data this forecast is deemed to be uncertain and excludes the NORM contamination anticipated to be present in subsea export pipelines, trunklines and well production tubing. Current regulations governing the categorisation and disposal of radioactive wastes across Australia are complex and regionally dependent. This regional variation makes the implementation of a national radioactive waste disposal facility more difficult, and encourages the export of radioactive wastes overseas for final disposal. Exporting of radioactive wastes potentially presents a higher risk compared with in-country disposal and is likely not an effective long-term proposition. A comprehensive NORM data collection and quantification assessment programme, spanning all onshore and offshore oil and gas infrastructure, needs to implemented to drive and verify a NORM waste management strategy for the wave of facility decommissioning projects that are fast approaching.

Kosovo as the newest state in the region, in the economic aspect represents an economic complex with considerable potential of human, economic and demographic resources, having an open economy and entirely Euro integrated, with the central position in Balkan Peninsula. As a new state Kosovo is going through a transition phase and is found in an unsatisfactory position, therefore a serious professional intervention by the competent mechanisms is necessary towards finding an adequate solution which enables a speedier economic, social and cultural development, thus accessing into economic and political integrations in the region and in Europe. Kosovo economy during 2012 was characterised by a positive norm of growth. The real norm of economic growth in the country reached the figure of 2.9 per cent. The slowest developments in the regional and European markets during this year appeared as a challenge for the general economic activity in the country. In 2012, a decrease was marked from several important sources of financing in the country, especially the foreign direct investments. A reduction was also characterised in export of goods, but, growth of export of the services neutralised the effect of decrease of goods export. Kosovo suffers from the negative trade balance, implying that Kosovo depends on imports, whereas its opportunities to export local products into foreign market are very low. With intention of improving the competitive position of Kosovar enterprises, and for increasing export into world market, the existing economic policies need to be amended and supplemented and the institutional functioning needs to be improved as well. The aim of this study is to provide a realistic overview of the economic situation of Kosovo through an overall analysis and to also give recommendations with intention of improving the trade balance in favour of increase of Kosovar export in the future.

ABSTRACT Active efflux of antimicrobial agents is one of the most important adapted strategies that bacteria use to defend against antimicrobial factors that are present in their environment. The NorM protein of Neisseria gonorrhoeae and the YdhE protein of Escherichia coli have been proposed to be multidrug efflux pumps that belong to the multidrug and toxic compound extrusion (MATE) family. In order to determine their antimicrobial export capabilities, we cloned, expressed, and purified these two efflux proteins and characterized their functions both in vivo and in vitro. E. coli strains expressing norM or ydhE showed elevated (twofold or greater) resistance to several antimicrobial agents, including fluoroquinolones, ethidium bromide, rhodamine 6G, acriflavine, crystal violet, berberine, doxorubicin, novobiocin, enoxacin, and tetraphenylphosphonium chloride. When they were expressed in E. coli, both transporters reduced the levels of ethidium bromide and norfloxacin accumulation through a mechanism requiring the proton motive force, and direct measurements of efflux confirmed that NorM behaves as an Na+-dependent transporter. The capacities of NorM and YdhE to recognize structurally divergent compounds were confirmed by steady-state fluorescence polarization assays, and the results revealed that these transporters bind to antimicrobials with dissociation constants in the micromolar region.

Goal: the need to study the principle of international legal cooperation in the field of oil export as an integral part of the principleof international economic cooperation.Methods of research: analysis and study of international legal documents and scientific works containing provisions on the principleof economic cooperation.Results: the principle of international legal cooperation in the field of oil export as an integral part of the principle of internationaleconomic cooperation has been defined. A number of international legal documents were adopted, which define the main directions ofcooperation between states in the field of energy resources use. Along with legal documents, the activities of international organizationsand various forums should be defined as the realization of this principle. Analyzing the main international documents, the activities ofrelevant international organizations, as well as scientific work in this direction, we consider that the principle of international legalcooperation in the field of oil export can become a key norm for achieving the common goals of the organization and international societyas a whole.Discussion: defining the principle of international legal cooperation in the field of oil export as an integral part of the principleof international economic cooperation.

ABSTRACTThe contribution of drug efflux pumps in clinical isolates ofNeisseria gonorrhoeaethat express extensively drug-resistant or multidrug-resistant phenotypes has heretofore not been examined. Accordingly, we assessed the effect on antimicrobial resistance of loss of the three gonococcal efflux pumps associated with a known capacity to export antimicrobials (MtrC-MtrD-MtrE, MacA-MacB, and NorM) in such clinical isolates. We report that the MIC of several antimicrobials, including seven previously and currently recommended for treatment was significantly impacted.

Following widespread disappointment with the modest amendments made in 1996 to Protocol II relating to landmines, of the 1980 Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW), hopes have risen that 1997 may see the adoption and signing of a new international treaty prohibiting the production, export, transfer and use of anti-personnel landmines. Although such a treaty might not attract universal adherence at the outset, it would nevertheless establish a significant international legal norm and represent a major advance towards the ICRC's goal of bringing the scourge of landmines to an end.

World Trade Organization (WTO) members have long expressed a norm concerning the trade “remedies” of countervailing (anti-subsidy) duties and antidumping duties: that these measures offset the behavior that gives rise to them, restoring trade to a “level playing field.” The WTO agreements provide that the duties imposed should be calculated accordingly, that countervailing duties are measured against subsidies and anti-dumping duties are measured against the excess of a benchmark “normal” value over export price. This paper makes two principle contributions in light of this norm. First, it develops formal models of antidumping and countervailing duty actions conforming to the offsetting duty norm. Economists have often shown little patience with the rationale for these duties, leading to a dearth of formal analysis that takes into account the social welfare function—the offsetting duty norm—incorporated in the WTO agreements; the formal models here provide that analysis. Second, the paper extends this analysis to the simultaneous prosecution of countervailing and antidumping cases. Once rare, simultaneous countervailing and antidumping duty proceedings have become perhaps the most prominent expression of trade protection permitted under WTO rules. The analysis establishes the conditions to identify any overlap in the application of countervailing and antidumping measures and demonstrates that recent practice of WTO members has created excessive application of duties. The analysis also provides the methods for preventing this double-count in simultaneous cases. These results have direct application to current policy debates.

Abstract European women dominate images of beauty, presumably because Europe has dominated the world for the past few centuries. Yet this presumed cause poorly explains “white slavery”—the commodification of European women for export at a time when their continent was much less dominant. Actually, there has long been a cross-cultural preference for lighter-skinned women, with the notable exception of modern Western culture. This cultural norm mirrors a physical norm: skin sexually differentiates at puberty, becoming fairer in girls, and browner and ruddier in boys. Europeans are also distinguished by a palette of hair and eye colors that likewise differs between the sexes, with women more often having the brighter hues. In general, the European phenotype, especially its brightly colored features, seems to be due to a selection pressure that targeted women, apparently sexual selection. Female beauty is thus a product of social relations, but not solely those of recent times.

Secondary active transporters belonging to the multidrug and toxic compound extrusion (MATE) family harness the potential energy of electrochemical ion gradients to export a broad spectrum of cytotoxic compounds, thus contributing to multidrug resistance. The current mechanistic understanding of ion-coupled substrate transport has been informed by a limited set of MATE transporter crystal structures from multiple organisms that capture a 12-transmembrane helix topology adopting similar outward-facing conformations. Although these structures mapped conserved residues important for function, the mechanistic role of these residues in shaping the conformational cycle has not been investigated. Here, we use double-electron electron resonance (DEER) spectroscopy to explore ligand-dependent conformational changes of NorM from Vibrio cholerae (NorM-Vc), a MATE transporter proposed to be coupled to both Na+ and H+ gradients. Distance measurements between spin labels on the periplasmic side of NorM-Vc identified unique structural intermediates induced by binding of Na+, H+, or the substrate doxorubicin. The Na+- and H+-dependent intermediates were associated with distinct conformations of TM1. Site-directed mutagenesis of conserved residues revealed that Na+- and H+-driven conformational changes are facilitated by a network of polar residues in the N-terminal domain cavity, whereas conserved carboxylates buried in the C-terminal domain are critical for stabilizing the drug-bound state. Interpreted in conjunction with doxorubicin binding of mutant NorM-Vc and cell toxicity assays, these results establish the role of ion-coupled conformational dynamics in the functional cycle and implicate H+ in the doxorubicin release mechanism.

Labour law regimes worldwide have undergone a metamorphosis on account of their inextricable relation with the labour market which in turn is influenced by the prevailing economic thought. The mid-eighties witnessed a marked shift in the dominant economic thought from demand side to supply side economic theory. Export processing zones or special economic zones established with a view to promote export oriented economic growth constitute an overzealous expression of this shift. In tune with this trend, labour law, as operationalised in special economic zones in India manifests adjustment of workers’ rights to the need of economic growth euphemistically called ‘development’. The intention to exclude application of labour law in these zones reflected in the Bill introduced by the then minister of Commerce and Industry is being realised despite the outright rejection of such exclusion by the legislature and its substitution by a norm upholding the applicability. The following piece presents the saga of normative ways and mechanisms adopted for such a structural adjustment of labour law within special economic zones.

Ever since the problem of the illegal exportation of the Mugunghwa Satellite No. 3 was raised at the parliamentary audit in 2013, a number of concerns about the follow-up measures are still being raised. Doubts have been raised about whether it was the right decision, as a legal matter, for the Science, ict and Future Planning Ministry to decide that the sale of Mugunghwa Satellite No. 3 was invalid on the ground that the Foreign Trade Act is a mandatory rule. Even in political terms, it is necessary to review whether the repurchase of Mugunghwa Satellite No. 3 is the best option. Under these circumstances, we must review whether retrieving Mugunghwa Satellite No. 3, which has a short lifespan, by paying a high price is a necessary measure to take from a national strategic perspective.

During World War II (WWII) from 1941-1945, the Japanese sought to obtain uranium and thorium from Malaya meant for its atomic research. This may violate international export controls or the domestic laws of the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). The main objective of this study is to investigate the extent of the Japanese acquisition of uranium and thorium in Malaya for its atomic research during WWII which may or may not have violated international or domestic export control laws of the US and UK. This qualitative study used a textual analysis for interpreting bilateral and trilateral agreements to secure uranium and thorium, the export control laws of the US and UK, and a case law. Other documentation concerning Japanese procurement of amazing in Malaya was referred. Secondary resources of books, book chapters, conference papers, journal articles, newspapers, magazines, and internet materials were also analyzed through content analysis. The write-up for this study is narrative as this study relates to history, law, and security studies. The results of this study indicate the Japan Nitrogen Company based in Malim Nawar had produced carbide, ammunition and ammonia. While this company’s branch in Hŭngnam, North Korea had been scouting for minerals for Japan’s atomic research, it is unknown if the unit in Malaya also played the same role. Amang was shipped to Japan for the extraction of monazite which in turn returned thorium and uranium were used for atomic research but some were sunk at sea or confiscated as war bounty by the US. Penang Island became a transit point for uranium sent by the Germans to the Japanese. The US and the UK export control laws were the most applicable in restricting Japan from acquiring uranium and other minerals for atomic research as international controls were just emerging and applicable among a few selected countries to yet become an accepted norm multilaterally.

AbstractGlobalization and robotics (globotics) are jointly transforming the world economy at an explosive pace. While much of the literature has focused on rich nations, the changes are quite likely to affect developing nations in important ways. The premise of the paper – which should be regarded as a thought-piece – is based on an extreme thought experiment. What does development look like when digital technology has rendered manufacturing jobless and many services freely traded? Our conclusion is that the service-led development path may become the norm rather than the exception; think India, not China. Since success in the service sector is based on quite different factors than success in manufacturing, development strategies and mindsets may have to change. This is an optimistic conclusion since it suggests that developing nations can directly export the source of their comparative advantage – low-cost labour – without having first to make goods with that labour.

The global food trade, with an estimated value of approximately USD 2,395 billion in 2022, encounters various obstacles pertaining to consumer health and the preservation of species. To mitigate these, governments enact legislation and regulations, potentially hindering international food trade. The FAO and WHO established the Codex Alimentarius Committee in 1963 with the goal of harmonizing international food standards, guidelines, and moral behavior for consumer health and fair trade. This paper analyzes the economic impact of Codex certification on Kimchi trade in Korea. Before Codex, various non-standardized versions of kimchi were marketed globally. The implementation codex standards serve to mitigate these disparities by establishing a standardized global norm. The examination of multivariate import and export demand functions investigates the impact of the codex on the trade dynamics of kimchi. The findings indicate a notable rise in kimchi exports to Japan and an increase in imports from China, resulting in benefits for multiple nations. The analysis employs regression models with variables like export prices, GDP per capita, financial crisis dummies, and Codex accreditation. Findings show Codex significantly increases Korean Kimchi exports by 7,096 metric tonnes annually and Chinese Kimchi imports by 99,628 metric tonnes yearly. This highlights Codex's potential to foster international trade and enhance consumer trust. In conclusion, Codex standards offer a robust framework for safe international trade while ensuring consumer safety and promoting market growth. The study provides insights into the economic implications of Codex standards for global food trade.

In an industry as opaque as the surveillance technology industry, any effort to put in place safeguards to prevent human rights abuses using these technologies should be recognised and encouraged. But what happens when those systems fail? For surveillance technology companies, deciding where not to sell in a world full of eager government clients has important ethical and financial implications. The surveillance industry favours a country-agnostic framework that hews to sanctions and export laws. Advocacy and media groups argue to extend the no-sell zone beyond sanctioned governments to ‘authoritarian’ ones. Yet legal compliance is not the only factor influencing surveillance companies’ choices, this article argues. Based on original investigation, this article examines the social responsibility policies of communications surveillance technology vendors and the legal, reputational and normative concerns these demonstrate. The article explores the use of country rankings related to ‘authoritarianism’ and ‘good governance’ by examining the inner workings of a specific company in crisis, Procera Networks. As the cases featured demonstrate, closer attention to be paid processes of corporate responsibility norm-making within companies.

In my last couple of messages to the Society, I cited Andy Grove, former CEO of Intel, who, in his 1998 book, Only the Paranoid Survive, advanced the concept of the “strategic inflection point” (see figure), and then discussed its implications for our Society, both from the standpoint of influence and relevance. I think that the Society is making good progress in that regard. Our Society has an important role to play as the go-to organization for learning how to effectively implement system safety engineering and management, regardless of the application. This is part of our “export” strategy, whereby we help other sectors to adopt the system safety approach. In mid-December 2016, I represented the Society as an invited speaker at a conference on NORM (naturally-occurring radioactive material) in Abu Dhabi, which focused on the upstream oil and gas industry. It is significant that many of our members are active outside of the traditional defense/aerospace sector, and they are doing great work to expand our influence in business, industry and academia. In memoriam: Erskine Harton

Since the trade liberalisation of the mid 1980s the trade regime facing Mexican manufacturers has changed dramatically. The economy has moved from one where import substitution behind tariffs and some licensing restrictions was the norm to a highly open trading environment with virtual free trade between Mexico and its largest trade partner the USA and modest tariffs of around 10 per cent with other countries. Since the late 1980s manufactured exports have grown dramatically at one of the fastest rates of any economy, although financed by large capital inflows the net trade balance in manufactures remains negative. This paper surveys the recent evidence on the impact of this liberalisation process on manufacturing performance. Various performance indicators can be used to assess the impact on manufacturing. Here four are discussed: (1) revealed comparative advantage measures of net trade balance; (2) efficiency wage estimates of unit labour costs; (3) total factor growth; (4) export growth. The performance of different branches of manufacturing is examined using these indicators and tests are conducted to establish links between movements in these indicators and the degree of exposure to foreign competition experienced by the various branches. The general conclusion is that the evidence is ambiguous with only some studies supporting the view that the greater the trade liberalisation in a branch the greater will be the subsequent improvement in performance.

The structure of nineteenth-century Greek households remains largely unknown. The handful of published articles and books based on quantitative analysis suggest the existence and persistence of many household forms among Greek populations. The most extensive study, and the only one dealing with an urban population, focuses on Athens. In The Making of the modern Greek family, Sant Cassia and Bada argue that an ‘urban model’ had emerged by the 1830s. Adopted from the nikokirei ‘upper-class’ group, households were characterized by equal partibility of parental property among sons and daughters, the generous endowment of daughters at marriage and ‘a tendency towards neolocality’ (the formation of an independent household on marriage). Gradually, this ‘Athenian model’ of property transmission and household organization ‘was legitimized by the church and by popular literature, and eventually became the cultural norm not merely for townspeople but for those in the countryside as well’. The authors are eager to point out that these ‘family forms and patterns of property transmission in Greece, especially in urban areas, are “new” rather than continuations of traditional rural patterns’, implying the ‘export’ of these new forms from the Athenian to other urban and rural populations.

Since the mid-1990s, there has been a marked decrease in the sea ice extent (SIE) in the Arctic Ocean. After reaching an absolute minimum in September 2012, the seasonal variations in the SIE have settled at a new level, which is almost one-quarter lower than the average climatic norm of 1979–2022. Increased melting and accelerated ice export from marginal seas ensure an increase in the open water area, which affects the lower atmosphere and the surface layer of the ocean. Scientists are cautiously predicting a transition to a seasonally ice-free Arctic Ocean as early as the middle of this century, which is about 50 years earlier than was predicted just a few years ago. Such predictions are based on the fact that the decrease in sea ice extent and ice thinning that occurred at the beginning of this century, initially caused by an increase in air temperature, triggered an increase in the thermal and dynamic contribution of the ocean to the further reduction in the ice cover. This paper reviews published evidence of such changes and discusses possible mechanisms behind the observed regional anomalies of the Arctic Sea ice cover parameters in the last decade.

The problem of food security has always been relevant and was studied by academics from the economic, environmental, social, and gender approaches, however rising prices, and in some cases food shortages, have triggered a new interest in this area of research. This problem is being addressed at the level of the state and international organizations. However, the approach to the task of these actors is different. If international organizations approach the problem of the food security from the standpoint of the international norm “the right to food”, relying on the postulates of neoliberalism, then states consider the necessity to provide population with food as a dilemma, where national interests outweigh the scales. The armed conflict in Ukraine has exacerbated the problem of food security, as food supply chains have been disrupted, provoking states to treat the export and import of food from the point of view of neorealists. This, in turn, led to food shortages, rising food prices, and in some places even famine. A survey of Kazakhstani population showed that there are some socially vulnerable people for whom the problem of providing the nutrition necessary for a healthy lifestyle is acute, which indicates the need for further research with the subsequent adoption of positive changes in food security policy.

This study attempts to expose three chronological layers of the communion repertory. I begin by compiling a set of analytical norms for the communions of Lent and the Sundays after Pentecost, which take their texts from the Psalter and are ordered numerically based on their source psalm. The majority of these chants are closely related in style, and their written tradition is quite stable. Those that form exceptions to the norm are assigned to feasts known to have been introduced or adjusted comparatively late in liturgical history, and it is argued here that their unusual musical traits might be taken as evidence for their addition or adaptation at a late stage of the cycle's evolution. A third set of communions is closely allied with these presumably younger psalmic chants. In addition to their curious use as both responsories for matins and communions at Mass, they are largely responsible for the well-known textual, modal, and stylistic heterogeneity of the communion repertory as a whole. The majority of these "responsory-communions" are assigned to the Paschaltide season, which also has recently been cited as the subject of late liturgical revision and expansion. These dual genre chants may well be among the last items added to the Roman plainchant repertory before its official export to the north in the mid-eighth century.

Although the export orientation of shrimp commodities in developing fisheries sector is very influential and has a great contribution in the country's economic development, but there are still many obstacles encountered in shrimp exports. Besides, domestic market can be an alternative choice for shrimp market. Understanding consumer behavior towards shrimp is very important for producers and government in order to know how consumers’ intention in shrimp consumption. Therefore, in this study conducted a consumer behavior analysis of shrimp to determine intention in shrimp consumption in Indonesia by using The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). This research aimed to analyze the characteristics of shrimp consumers, to analyze the contribution of attitudes toward behavior, subjective norms, and behavioral control and formulate market education strategy which can increase the consumption of shrimp. Descriptively, the results of the distribution of questionnaires showed that majority of shrimp consumers were less than 30 years old, with private employment type and housewives. The result of model Theory of Planned Behavior toward shrimp consumer behavior shows that there is a significant affects directly to intention which is from Subjective Norm. The influence of the environment are greatly affects consumers in taking decisions before making a purchase of shrimp products. The government in its program or policy has initiated an approach to the domestic consumers of seafood products in order to create high attention of people to consume fishery products.

The subject of scientific research is the scientific and practical principles of development of the labor market and the market of livestock products in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the areas of formal employment and increase livestock production in agricultural enterprises. The data of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, normative-legal acts of Ukraine and the following methods of scientific research are used: abstract-logical; system approach; monographic; statistical and economic; balance. Based on the analysis of meat and milk consumption by the population of Ukraine, it is proved that there is a violation of the balanced diet of the population, which is one of the main tasks of state social policy. Its structure has a large shortage of meat products (35 % of norm); dairy products (46 % of the norm), etc. In the studied period of 2014-2019, the production of livestock products, in particular beef and veal, significantly decreased. The scenario-empirical calculation of the increase in formal employment in agriculture due to the increase in domestic production of livestock products to ensure a rational food balance of the country and the formation of export supplies showed the following. It is possible to involve more than 900 thousand workers in agricultural enterprises. These indicators correspond to the need to increase the number of jobs in rural areas (about 500 thousand unemployed and more than 600 thousand self-employed people in households alone). It is proved that to ensure a socially oriented direction of livestock development in agricultural enterprises it is necessary to increase the efficiency of livestock production to ensure short-term employment and wages, stability of employment, development of rural areas and communities. Based on the analysis of economic indicators, livestock and cows in different types of agricultural producers, the content of employment in animal husbandry, it was possible to substantiate social and labor imperatives and the relevant organizational and economic principles of livestock development in large, medium and small agribusiness. The development of the latter is especially important due to the transformation of efficient rural households into farms and small agribusiness enterprises. Key words: rural population, employment, labor market, territorial community, development, cattle breeding, agricultural enterprise, farm.

Agricultural research and development plays an essential role in a nation's economic development, providing for food security for an ever-increasing population. In developed countries, the gap between potential and actual yield is largely closed because of a combination of advanced technologies, high-yielding new varieties and the application of agrochemicals in highly mechanized production systems. In most of these countries, agricultural production exceeds national demand, resulting in excess products for export. In many of the developing countries, however, agricultural productivity is still far below what it should be because of multiple technical and socio-economic constraints. Food deficits are the norm in poor and middle-income countries, requiring expensive food imports. To partially alleviate this situation, agricultural research must be strengthened. As branches of basic sciences, plant and crop physiology have often been criticized for being non-effective in translating their findings into improving crop productivity, which would enhance agricultural progress. This paper addresses this issue by presenting an assessment of past achievements of physiological research and their impacts on crop improvement and food production. Shortcomings and limitations of isolated, non-relevant research are discussed, along with scientist views on how effective physiological research should be conducted and integrated within breeding-based multidisciplinary research teams. Examples of successful research in crop physiology and their contributions towards increasing crop productivity are given. All this points to the need for steadfast funding of basic research by public and private sectors of developed countries.

This research was actually about the rubber commodity at the Federated Malay States (FMS) in between the year of 1900-1941. Rubbers were actually the first commodity of economic activity at the Colonial British time at NNMB. This article is done by using the qualitative method. This analysis was focus on the document and manuscript on prime resources such as the annual year report and even the British government’s file. What are gains from this research is that the agricultural activity is already becoming a norm for the societies at that period of time and the one that did it the most is usually the Malay citizen at FMS. The type of Plantation that was usually plants by the local communities is such as cassava, pepper, coffee, and gambir. However, there is one popular type of crops and they are rubber plantation. This type of plantation gave a really high profit towards the British and this could prove through the timetable of the import and export of rubber at the international level. For the conclusion of this article is this could make people realize how much does rubber plantation is important especially for the stakeholders other than the British in building good stability of the economy in Malaya. In the end, this article could show how far does rubber could help increase the British economy to a much higher level of stability that can make them stay much longer at Malaya.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose a theoretical framework for democratize inclusively through participatory and deliberative apparatus. Design/methodology/approach The paper draws on literature from inclusion in deliberation, gender in participation and intersectionality to critically analyze the democratic deepening. By bringing into dialogue with one another “the norm of parity of participation” (Fraser, 2006), “communicative democracy” (Young, 1993) and the “matrix of domination” (Collins, 1990) a response to one of the questions that has been put to European and North American thought in democracy since the 1960s is proposed: how is it possible to democratize inclusively? Findings The reproduction of domination through apparatuses for the extension of democracy is both possible and probable. So, to democratize inclusively, it is necessary to bring the theories on vertical and horizontal inclusion into dialogue with each other. With the aim of establishing a dialogue between the two, it is necessary to export complex thought regarding oppression and inequality into the design of deliberative and participatory apparatuses. For that, consider that designing democratization processes based on the fact that the intersectional experience of oppression is not an exception but rather an everyday occurrence allows participatory procedures to be made more inclusive. Practical implications This paper proposes a tool designed with a focus on dialogue among the norm of parity of participation, communicative democracy and the matrix of oppression, based on 11 direct questions for the inclusive design of deliberative or participatory procedures. Facilitators, experts and social agents involved in deliberative or participatory processes will be able to use this question-based instrument in their work. Originality/value This paper has applied value because it offers a conceptual key to the design of and thought about participatory inclusive processes. The originality of this approach lies in its shift away from partial analyses of horizontal and vertical inclusion. It is of use both to facilitators of participatory processes and educators and researchers concerned with democratization. It offers an instrument for working on reflexivity with regard to inclusion in democratic extension, based on a series of key questions that can be used as a checklist. In comparison with other forms of considering inclusion in democracy, the proposal considered includes complex thought on oppression based on the critique of simple identity, as well as on an intersectional perspective.

In the article it is shown the results of summarizing of the features, methods, and tools of state support for business structures of the agricultural sector in Ukraine. It is established that the main form of state support is preferential tax treatment and implementation of state targeted programs, covering budget financing of programs and activities aimed at the development of certain industries, partial compensation of interest rates on commercial banks, partial compensation of purchased agricultural machinery. As a result of the analysis of public expenditures in support of the agricultural sector of Ukraine, it was found that the actual amount of funding does not meet the legal norm in the amount of 1 % of GDP. It should be noted a significant overall reduction in public spending to support the agricultural sector of Ukraine in 2020 year compared to the previous 2018–2019 years. At the same time, there is a reorientation of state support: expenditures on livestock and processing of this industry are significantly reduced, while expenditures on cheaper loans and partial compensation for the cost of purchased agricultural machinery are increasing. Given the problems of the agricultural sector, the main areas of the state support and stimulation of agricultural entrepreneurship should be: creating an effective mechanism for the financial support of agricultural enterprises in the context of budget grants and public investment; development of the programs to ensure the renewal of fixed assets and logistical re-equipment of agricultural enterprises through the introduction of innovations; protection of the domestic agricultural producers through a balanced export-import policy.

As the country started to become an export oriented country since the early 1970s, the growth of Malaysia’s textile industry has increased greatly. In 2011 alone, the country has provided a total of RM10.8 billion of exports of textile products and RM 6.6 billion of imports. This valuable improvement has lead to several environmental impacts involving land and water pollution. The current trend in waste management is to examine the feasibility of using textile sludge generated in wastewater treatment plants of textile industry as a partial replacement for clay as building materials. The chemical and physical properties of clay and textile have been analyzed. The effects of sludge proportion (0%-10%), and firing temperature (950oC and 1180oC) on the quality of the clay bricks were examined. The tests were conducted as per British Standard (BS) codes to investigate the potential of the textile sludge to be incorporate into clay for use as engineering blocks and load bearing bricks. According to the results, sludge addition and firing temperature are the important factors to determine the quality of clay bricks. All clay samples satisfied the requirement of British Standard norms in term of compressive strength and water absorption. It is seen that all bulk density of clay samples did not comply with good quality of clay brick but they can be categorized as lightweight building materials. Textile sludge was also tested for substitution into cement bricks. Cement samples with 10% textile sludge substitution comply with the requirement of British Standard norm for load bearing class 3. In summary, this study provides a preliminary research output that will contribute to expand a new area of research in recycling of textile sludge.

The paper is devoted to finding a convenient argument for the one-factor production function of a mine. For construction of one-factor production functions it is offered to use composite goods (compositum mixtum), the value of which corresponds to the amount of costs, incurred by an enterprise during a year-long period of time. Taking into account peculiarities of coal mines, the study verifies an expedience of converting the composite good to the coal equivalent (conventional fuel), consumed by an enterprise in a technological process, Big Mac burgers, and the stuff number. An attempt to use coal to build the production function of a mine as a composite good was not entirely successful. An experimental study of the dependence of coal production from actual costs of coal resources, carried out on a mathematical model of a mine, proved the inexpediency of such formalization, particularly due to the strong influence of non-mine (external) factors. Statistically significant, for example, were the efficiency of fuel use in power plants and the norm of coal for household needs. The relevance and popularity of the ‘sandwich index’ is due to the fact that McDonald's is in most countries, and Big Mac itself contains so many food ingredients (bread, cheese, meat and vegetables) that can act as a kind of mold of the national economy. But the conducted research demonstrated that such a way of expressing the composite good for Ukrainian mines is not rational due to macroeconomic interventions (permanent increase of the minimum wage) in the microeconomics of an enterprise. The most appropriate argument for the production function of the mine is the stuff number of an enterprise. The rationality of Big Mac as the basis of the production function is demonstrated in the construction of the production function of world export coal markets.

As the nation’s cultural heritage of Indonesia, batik has an important role in the Indonesian economy. This industry provides job opportunities that involve a lot of human resources in it and contributes to the country's foreign exchange through the export of national batik to big countries. Although the development of the batik industry has increased, there are still problems in marketing batik products in Indonesia. These problems can lead to more serious problems such as batik craftsmen leaving the business. These problems must be overcome so that the batik industry can maintain its existence. One of the possible solutions is to understand buying behavior characteristics of the existing consumer groups, which are Millennials and gen Z. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to use a theoretical framework based on the Planned Behavior Theory (TPB) model by Ajzen (1991) to analyze the relationship between experimental variables and the effect on Indonesian Millennials and Gen Z's intention to buy Batik. The focus area selected was Java Island because that is an area with the largest batik industry center in Indonesia. So, the potential to reach a larger consumer need to be explored. Considering the potential of the new generation's high buying power, Millennials and Gen Z were selected as the subject of this study. A total of 177 respondents from various provinces in Java were involved in filling out an online questionnaire containing measurement items related to the purpose of this study. The next step is processing the data using the Partial Least Square Structural Equation Model (PLS-SEM), which has been widely used in various research disciplines over the last two decades. The results show that the five of six hypotheses tested are acceptable: 1) Attitude towards behavior influences purchase intention; (2) Batik Brand Image influences Attitude towards behavior; (3) Perceived behavior control influences purchase intention; (4) Subjective norm influences purchase intention; (5) attitude mediates the relationship between brand image and purchase intention.

A cross-sectional study was carried out among the students of the 7th cycle of the State University of Cuenca where the incisal sum of each student was analyzed by using STL models with the Nemocast program and by using tomographies with the Sidexis 4 program. It was possible to use a wide universe previously obtained from a database of 40 students, provided by the University of Cuenca, of which 19 were randomly chosen to be able to analyze the data without the aim of distorting and manipulating the data released. Through a meticulous evaluation of the analyzed data of the incisal sum of the 19 people, we proceeded to order the values ​​and standardize them, however, for a greater impact and veracity in the study, we proceeded to analyze the data and propose an alternative hypothesis: which would be corroborated through the "T Student" method. Finally, it was possible to find the values ​​of the mean and variance of each data grouping (format and incisal sum). Theoretical framework: To carry out this study, it is important to know that different orthodontic measurement parameters and different software used were used. These elements will be disclosed below. Mayoral analysis: This method can be used in permanent occlusion and allows estimation of the relative distances between the grooves that separate the buccal cusps from the lingual cusps of maxillary first and second premolars, and between the midline grooves where the mandibular cusps meet, the first molars of the maxilla. converge and normal patients should have dimensions of 35, 41, and 47 mm, respectively. When the value obtained is lower than the norm, a diagnosis of transverse micrognathism is obtained, and when a higher value is obtained, a diagnosis of transverse micrognathism is. [1] The disadvantage of this method is that the cross-sectional assessment is only performed in the maxilla and not in the mandible. [1] Nemoceph: NemoCast is an orthodontic software that allows you to perform digital cast analysis, digital diagnosis and planning, and export and print products.

Problem statement. Today, the food security of the world is one of the main issues for the political, economic and scientific community, and the recent crisis with the export of Ukrainian grain only intensifies the urgency of the problem. The important part of this issue is creation of reliable and safe grain storage silos. An analysis of recent accidents in silos, especially with conical hoppers, revealed a range of imperfections in outdated regulatory practices that Ukraine inherited from the Soviet building norm system. A limited list of agricultural crops, ignoring the statistical spread of their physical and mechanical characteristics, not differentiating between the stress-strain state for filling and discharge silos, the absolute absence of guidelines and recommendations for the design of principal connections - this is a far from complete list of shortcomings and omissions of outdated Soviet standards. With the entry into force of the new Ukrainian norm DBN V.2.6-221:2021 “Designs of steel silos with a corrugated wall for grain”, the situation should have changed. Firstly, the new standards take into account the world experience in design, construction and fabrication of silos, and secondly, they have a direct and legitimate reference to the necessary standards of the Eurocode system, in which a modern engineer can find answers to a wide range of practical questions. Unfortunately, the introduction of this, without exaggeration, modern and extremely important standard into construction practice is constantly ignored. On the one hand, this is due to the unwillingness of Ukrainian manufacturers to switch to new European and more rigid requirements for reliability and safety, on the other hand, the fear of Ukrainian engineers in front of the complex and extensive Eurocode standardization system. The purpose of the article (ignoring the financial commercialism of individual silo manufacturers) is explain to domestic designers a few provisions of the new DBN V.2.6-221:2021 related to the design of silos with a conical hopper. In particular, the design of one of the very important units at the point of transition of the cylindrical part of the silo to the conical hopper. Methodology. For this, the general ideology and methodology of the limit state method, implemented in the Eurocode standards through the system of partial reliability factors, as well as classical methods of structural mechanics, which are still not reflected in the system of building regulation of modern Ukraine, are used. Results. As a result, clear recommendations for the design of the transition junction of silos with a conical hopper in accordance with Eurocode and DBN V.2.6-221:2021, as well as clarification of “special” points that are not properly covered in both regulations. Conclusion. The recommendations and explanations given in the article, firstly, accelerate the introduction of the new DBN V.2.6-221:2021 into engineering practice, which is harmonized with the Eurocode system, and secondly, allow to achieve more reliable and safe design solutions in the field of silos fabrication, in thirdly, they deactivate the chronic design fear of Ukrainian engineer before the European school of building standards.

Voluntary certification schemes have grown in popularity since the late 1980s. Today, a large number of consumer items from coffee and chocolate to oil palm and soya products carry labels that supposedly attest their contribution to promoting fair trade or a reduction of negative environmental impacts. Many printed books, magazines and other paper products carry a label promising 'environmentally appropriate, socially beneficial and economically viable' management of the tree plantations that deliver the raw material for the pulp and paper from which these products are made. This article explores the role that one such voluntary certification scheme used by the pulp and paper sector plays in maintaining ecologically unequal exchange. Would ecologically unequal exchange in a certified product cease to exist if the voluntary certification schemes available for pulp and paper products were to become the norm, instead of just catering to a niche market? If the answer to that hypothetical question is 'no' – which it is – then the question that arises is: what role does the voluntary certification scheme play in upholding ecologically unequal exchange? This article explores the role of one particular voluntary certification scheme – by the Forest Stewardship Council – in maintaining ecologically unequal exchange in the trade of pulp products between industrialised countries with a relatively high per-capital consumption of pulp and paper products and the global South, in this case Brazil. It shows how, from the perspective of communities who bear the ecological, social and economic cost of industrial tree plantations and who oppose further expansion of these plantations, voluntary certification schemes have (inadvertently?) helped tilt the balance of power even further in favour of corporate interests for expansion. An unacknowledged imbalance of power between corporations and the certification schemes, on the one hand, and communities and their allies, on the other, has become manifest and aids further expansion of industrial tree plantations for production of pulp for export, thus contributing to maintaining ecologically unequal exchange.Key words: certification; commodity chains; conflicts; consumption; ecologically unequal exchange; environmental justice; Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), industrial tree plantations; pulp and paper; resistance struggles

The aim of the research work is to form a model of control and risk assessment of foreign economic security (FES) of national economies in the conditions of global crises. Its implementation will make it possible to take into account the likely future threats of FES in time and introduce effective mechanisms for their extinguishing or reduction in the present time to form an optimal trajectory for the development of foreign economic relations. The article substantiates that as the forecast values of FES indicators for the formation of a model of control and risk assessment of FES of national economies, it is advisable to include the following indicators: the level of openness of the economy; import export coverage ratio; growth rates of exports and imports; the share of imports in domestic consumption of the country; level of unemployment. As a method of forecasting the FES indicators, it is proposed to use a consensus forecast based on the principle of calculating the median values of indicators based on expert assessments by macroeconomic analysis and forecasting specialists. The practical implementation of the model of control and risk assessment of the FES of national economies was carried out on the example of the Ukrainian economy as one that is subject to the strong influence of crisis phenomena that cause a complex of threats to the FES. The projected level of FES risk for Ukraine according to a pessimistic and probable estimate is dangerously high, according to an optimistic one – high. This means the presence of a destabilizing negative impact of the crisis occurrences on the foreign economic activity of the national economy and a significant decrease in its functionality. To ensure the proper level of the FES of Ukraine in the context of crisis, it is necessary to: improve the regulatory framework by introducing a mandatory norm for calculating the FES index annually along with the forecast value of the risk level; introduction of mechanisms to increase Ukraine's role in the world trade system through the development of high-tech sectors of the economy, in particular through attracting international investment; search for new opportunities for foreign trade cooperation and development of the internal market.

International trade law is primarily concerned with facilitating the flow of goods and services across national borders by minimizing tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade. However, there is a nexus between international trade and the environment. First, international trade is reckoned to have destructive environmental effects. The liberalization of global trade results in increased economic activity, including industrial processes, manufacturing, innovation of new technology, and extraction of natural resources from the earth and the sea, which inevitably results in environmental externalities such as biodiversity loss, pollution, and climate change. Second, international trade law intersects environmental law whenever trade restrictive measures such as import bans, export control and border taxes are adopted by states as a means of achieving environmental goals.[1] Such measures condition market access on the fulfilment of environmental norms related to the characteristic of the product or the process of its production. The World Trade Organization (WTO) currently oversees the largest multilateral regime for international trade. WTO covered agreements expressly recognises some exceptions to trade liberalization commitments for environmental objectives, this policy space is subjected to a system of strict limitations and review procedures designed to protect the global trading system from arbitrariness and disguised restrictions on trade. This scrutinized policy space accounts for the contention that the multilateral trading system constrains environmental regulation and requires treaty reforms for the purpose of adapting to contemporary environmental concerns. Others have focused on a change of approach in the reasoning of WTO adjudicators in their review of trade-restrictive environmental measures. However, the process of multilateral negotiations for new agreements needed to effect rule change is notably complex and has been fraught with deadlocks in the last couple of decades. The stalemate over appointment of members of the Appellate Body has hampered the effective functioning of third-party adjudication in the WTO and the prospect of ‘pro-environmental’ approaches in the interpretation of WTO law on environmental measures. Meanwhile, numerous environment-related measures continue to be notified within the WTO. I argue that notwithstanding the absence of treaty reforms, international trade law continuously evolves through various formal and informal norm-generating practices by member states and trade stakeholders. Viewed through the lens of legal pluralism, these practices contest, modify and transform normative meaning in the multilateral trading system thereby creating a permissive setting for trade-restrictive environmental measures within the framework of extant international trade law.

The purpose of the study. To analyze the state of meat production in the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation with the allocation of promising points of balanced growth and sustainable development in order to form clear prerequisites for improving the quality of nutrition of the population of these countries.Methodology. The following scientific methods are used in the work: statistical observation; comparative analysis; meta-analysis; multidimensional statistical analysis; analogy; synthesis; formalization; summary and grouping of statistical observation materials; absolute and relative statistical values; expert evaluation; retrospective.The originality / value of the research is to identify promising directions for the development and sustainable growth of the sectoral sectors of the agro-industrial complex (AIC) of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation.Findings. Today in the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan, a large number of industry programs have been approved and are being implemented quite successfully, aimed at ensuring the sustainable and effective development of meat-product subcomplexes; promising forms of organization of the industry market are: contracting of raw materials; sale of products at wholesale sites; sale through commodity distribution networks of farmers' cooperation; supplies at the intersectoral level; stock exchanges; sale from farms; in Kazakhstan today, feed is produced almost 2 times less than the zootechnical norm; specialized enterprises for fattening cattle, sheep, pigs and poultry should become the basis of the meat industry of Kazakhstan; specialization, compared with diversified production, provides 1.5-2 times higher productivity and reduces the cost of livestock production by 25-40% in Kazakhstan; mechanized shepherd brigades should become the main organizational form of lamb production in steppe, semi-desert areas; one of the most significant risks in the development of modern animal husbandry in Russia is the threat of the spread of dangerous and especially dangerous diseases among; today in the Russian Federation there is a serious spread between the initial price of agricultural producers and the final price in the retail segment for meat products; the level of resource provision in the Russian Federation has quite high indicators and a steady growth trend is inherent in it; today the industry sector in Russia is functioning steadily, and the points of growth should be: export; entrepreneurship; investment; digitalization; veterinary control; the basis for the sustainable development of the industrial sectors of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation should be specialized enterprises for fattening cattle, sheep, pigs and poultry.

The entire atmosphere created by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and its presence in the world played one of the responsible roles, since after the US bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, nuclear weapons were never used in a military situation (unless, of course, you take into account that the nuclear powers conducted more than 2,000 nuclear explosions at their test sites). It can be said that this is the result of a broad consensus reached by the international community on the prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the result of the actual operation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons during its more than 50 years of existence. Currently, no bilateral or multilateral meeting on international security issues, including at the highest level, is held without a mention of nuclear non-proliferation, and it is often at the top of the agenda. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is an international legal and ethical norm that has entered the minds of millions of people. Many countries have developed and adopted national legislation establishing export control rules for materials used in the production of weapons of mass destruction, as well as other laws (customs, etc.) to help ensure the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Extensive training of young experts in basic knowledge to support the international non-proliferation regime of nuclear weapons is ongoing. In the field of technology, scientists and experts in reactor engineering are working in many countries to build nuclear power plants that will not produce materials used to create weapons of mass destruction. Many scientists are working to prevent the construction of reactors that threaten the proliferation of technologies and nuclear materials capable of producing nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. The conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the establishment of an international non-proliferation regime contributed to a fundamental change in the world’s attitude to nuclear weapons. From the first impression in the eyes of the world public that nuclear weapons are a «genius» discovery, the latter is increasingly perceived as a mortal danger that threatens human existence, and this idea penetrates deeper and deeper into the consciousness of millions of people.

Laws restricting foreign funding to domestically operating nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have proliferated in developing countries. This is puzzling because Western powers support the norm that NGOs are critical for democracy and development, recommend governments partner with NGOs, and sometimes use trade sanctions to encourage adherence to this norm. We examine whether rising trade with China influences the onset of NGO restrictions. China, which has emerged as an important export destination, articulates a different norm of state sovereignty over NGOs and does not sanction developing countries that enact restrictive NGO laws. Analysis of 153 developing countries from 2000 to 2015 finds that increasing exports to China may double the risk of NGO crackdown, but only when accompanied by declining exports to Western democracies. NGO scholars should recognize there are multiple norms about state-NGO relationship and that norm acceptance is influenced by the economic clout of the power that espouses a particular norm.

The problems that will be examined in this study related to the validity of the law of Permendag number 29 year 2019 on export and import of animal and animal products to the existence of Halal product guarantee law. The problem is related to the legality of the Halal Product Guarantee Act in consideration and the legal basis of Permendag number 29 year 2019 and the validity of the law of Permendag number 29 year 2019 faced with the existence of the Halal Product Guarantee Act. This method of study uses a normative juridical approach by analyzing the problems associated with the legislation (of Aproach) in the field of consumer protection law. This research approaches the concept of validity theory and legal certainty that includes legal, legal justice, legal certainty, accountability, transparency, effectiveness, and efficiency and professionalism of statutory regulations. In particular the Halal and Permendang Product Guarantee Act 29 year 2019 on the terms of export and import of animals and animal products. The results in this study showed that with the existence of problems (conflicts) The philosophical impacts caused contrary to the theory of legal protection and legal morality where a norm is essentially aimed to protect consumers especially Muslim consumers in their rights. Sociologically from the study also has an impact on the decline in moral stability and certainty in the law that applies to the inclusion of halal certification in animal import products and animal products in Indonesia after the issuance of Permendag number 29 year 2019 about the provisions of export and import of animals and animal products so that it can create multiple interpretations and mistakes from various circles including the community.

Abstract What explains the existence of humanitarian concerns in decisions involving arms transfers? This paper examines the potential influence of democratization and civil society activities on arms transfer policies and practice through a case study on Brazil. Brazil's re-democratization in 1985 provides an opportunity to test whether a change of regime type influences arms export behavior and whether civil society groups can influence it in newly democratized countries. Based on evidence collected mainly through archival research at Brazil's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and semi-structured interviews, this paper argues that transitioning to democracy had an immediate effect on arms transfer policies and practice in Brazil. After the end of Brazil's military regime, arms export policies and practice changed due mainly to reputational concerns: a stricter arms control could provide reputational gains to Brazil in an international norm environment where liberal values were perceived to be cascading. In addition to this immediate effect, democratic institutions created better conditions for the emergence of civil society groups campaigning for a stricter arms control, which emerged in the late 1990s. The paper studies a campaign and network led by the civil society group Viva Rio, which led to the introduction of a stricter policy on arms sales to most Latin American and Caribbean countries. These findings imply that democratization has both short- and long-term effects on arms transfers and that democratic institutions can influence state behavior regarding arms transfers even in countries with little tradition of civil society groups working with arms control.

Abstract For the last 500 years, the West has mapped Africa as a source of raw materials, disrupted vibrant African value addition, and arrogated itself as the place where industrial revolutions (value addition) happen. This strategy is clearly traceable from the transatlantic slave trade, continuing through European colonialism, to the current critical raw materials (CRMs) framing necessary for its digital and climate tech dominance. African countries have realized that continuing to export materials raw is an unsustainable path of dependency. Emphasis is now on value addition, which is the norm in everyday life, rendered informal, marginal, even illegal under colonialism and never revisited, recentered, and formalized after independence. This article takes minerals as an example of indigenous value addition and how the transatlantic slave trade and colonial rule destroyed it and inserted in its place extractive infrastructures of CRMs export that have remained intact since independence. The last half of the essay switches to Africa’s pivot to value addition, zeroing in on Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo as case studies, focusing on chrome, cobalt, and lithium. These minerals constitute the basis for the electric vehicle, smartphone, lithium-ion battery, semiconductor, and other electronic manufacturing to supply the newly created African Continental Free Trade Area, an internal market of 1.3 billion people. The article ends with a discussion of four major challenges to value addition—energy, finance, markets, and skills—and how Africa is meeting and could meet them. The reader is invited to consider the implications of a world order in which Africa is no longer exporting its materials raw, but becomes the center of global manufacturing, adding value to its own materials. Graphical abstract

The article highlights the need to develop effective mechanisms for guaranteeing the foreign economic security of agricultural enterprises due to the increase in their foreign trade activity. The share of agricultural exports in the structure of national exports is key, which confirms the feasibility of relevant research. In this case, the question of the quality of export activity becomes relevant not only due to the increase in value volumes but also given its content. Therefore, the problem of the high share of primary agricultural products in the export of agricultural products is problematic, which precedes the problem of forming the characteristics of the domestic agricultural sector as a resource with a low level of added value. The article examines the relationship between the state of foreign economic security of the agricultural sector with the commodity and geographical differentiation of foreign trade. The problem of insufficient commodity differentiation is problematic because to a greater extent domestic agricultural exports are represented by goods of plant origin. Moreover, the basis of exports of crop products are cereals and oilseeds. This state of affairs forms a position of high dependence on trends in foreign markets and fluctuations in demand for these types of crops, which precedes the existence of problems of foreign economic security of the agricultural sector in general and enterprises in particular. Instead, the situation of geographical differentiation has positive characteristics due to the balancing of priorities in trade relations. Despite the European integration path of Ukraine's development, the degree of dependence on fluctuations in demand in EU markets is within the norm. Positive is the destruction of the established approach to the priority of cooperation with the Russian Federation and the acquisition of new markets for agricultural products. The effectiveness of this kind of change in geographical differentiation is confirmed by the positive balance of export-import activity. However, it is worth noting the negative trends in terms of imports. For example, with minimal exports to the United States, we have huge volumes of imports. A mechanism of a certain kind of "structural isolation" should be formed, which would determine the limits of expediency of interstate cooperation in the sense of trade in agricultural products, based on efficiency indicators.

In the 2022 marketing year, grain prices in Ukraine fell due to port blockades and limited export opportunities. Almost 20% less of the planned volume of corn was exported. Export problems have significantly reduced the price of corn. The opening and continuation of the (grain) corridor stabilized export prices. Instead, the internal price of corn, which, for example, was uniform in Ukraine in 2021, had a wide range in the 2022 season. In addition, the price of seeds, plant protection products and especially mineral fertilizers have increased significantly, which in turn has caused a significant increase in production costs for cultivation, which in turn has encouraged farmers to use alternative elements in the plant nutrition system and the widespread use of biological preparations and biofertilizers different mechanism of action. This article defines the main aspects of optimization of the corn fertilization system due to the combination of soil biological fertilizer Groundfix with mineral fertilizers in the full norm and under the conditions of its reduction by 30%. The production necessity and relevance of the implementation of such technological solutions and the search for optimal options for the maximum economic efficiency of corn cultivation in view of the peculiarities of the conditions that have developed today have been proven. On the basis of the two-year research conducted, it was established that the maximum yield of corn grain in the experiment of 11,48 t/ha in the P8834 hybrid and 11,77 t/ha in the P9074 hybrid was formed on the variant of the experiment where mineral fertilizers were applied at the rate of N120P60K60 (100%) and in pre-sowing cultivation, soil biological fertilizer Groundfix was applied at the rate of 6 l/ha, the yield increase compared to the control in these variants was 0,74 t/ha and 0,89 t/ha. Under the condition of reducing the rate of mineral fertilizers by 30% (N80P40K40) and applying the Groundfix biofertilizer at the rate of 6 l/ha, a fairly high level of corn grain yield was formed at the level of 10,35 t/ha in the P8834 hybrid and 10,83 t/ha in the P9074 hybrid, which has a high positive effect from an economic point of view.

Abstract This article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) ‘trade continuity programme’. The promise that, once outside the European Union (EU), the UK would strike new, lucrative trade deals continues to be an important part of the Brexiteers’ narrative. What the UK was compelled to do first, however, was to conclude ‘roll-over’ agreements to replace the trade agreements already made by the EU. This article posits that, contrary to expectations, the UK’s continuity programme should be regarded as a success – for both the UK and the EU. In most cases, the UK managed to replicate to a very large extent the terms originally granted to the EU, despite being a smaller market and despite challenging circumstances. From the EU’s perspective, the UK’s continuity programme can be regarded as a case of successful norm internalization and export. This first chapter of post-Brexit UK trade policy shows that even a country that has left the EU still legally commits itself and its partners to the EU’s norms and values. Hence, the EU should welcome the UK’s imitation as a shared normative basis to expand cooperation with its former member state in a challenging geopolitical environment.

Introduction Daffodil Day, usually held in spring, raises funds for cancer awareness and research using this symbol of hope. On that day, people who donate money to this good cause are usually given a yellow daffodil pin to wear. When I lived in Auckland, New Zealand, on the last Friday in August most people walking around the city centre proudly wore a cheerful yellow flower. So many people generously participated in this initiative that one almost felt obliged to join the cause in order to wear the ‘uniform’ – the daffodil pin – as everyone else did on that day. To donate and to wear a daffodil is the social expectation, and operating in social environment people often endeavour to meet the expectation by doing the ‘appropriate things’ defined by societies or communities. After all, who does not like to receive a beam of acceptance and appreciation from a fellow daffodil bearer in Auckland’s Queen Street? States in international society are no different. In some ways, states wear ‘uniforms’ while executing domestic and foreign affairs just as human beings do within their social groups. States develop the understandings of desirable behaviour from the international community with which they interact and identify. They are ‘socialised’ to act in line with the expectations of international community. These expectations are expressed in the form of international norms, a prescriptive set of ideas about the ‘appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity’ (Finnemore and Sikkink 891). Motivated by this logic of appropriateness, states that comply with certain international norms in world politics justify and undertake actions that are considered appropriate for their identities. This essay starts with examining how international norms can be spread to different countries through the process of ‘state socialisation’ (how the countries are ‘talked into’ wearing the ‘uniform’). Second, the essay investigates the idea of ‘cultural match’: how domestic actors comply with an international norm by interpreting and manipulating it according to their local political and legal practices (how the countries wear the ‘uniform’ differently). Lastly, the essay probes the current international normative community and the liberal values embedded in major international norms (whether states would continue wearing the ‘uniform’). International Norms and State Socialisation: Why Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’? Norm diffusion is related to the efforts of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ using various platforms to convince a critical mass of states to embrace new norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 895-896). Early studies of norm diffusion tend to emphasise nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as norm entrepreneurs and advocates, such as Oxfam and its goal of reducing poverty and hunger worldwide (Capie 638). In other empirical research, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) were shown to serve as ‘norm teachers,’ such as UNESCO educating developing countries the value of science policy organisations (Finnemore 581-586). Additionally, states and other international actors can also play important roles in norm diffusion. Powerful states with more communication resources sometimes enjoy advantages in creating and promoting new norms (Florini 375). For example, the United States and Western European countries have often been considered as the major proponents of free trade. Norm emergence and state socialisation in a normative community often occurs during critical historical periods, such as wars and major economic downturns, when international changes and domestic crises often coincide with each other (Ikenberry and Kupchan 292). For instance, the norm entrepreneurs of ‘responsible power/state’ can be traced back to the great powers (mainly the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) and their management of international order at the end of WWII (see Bull). With their negotiations and series of international agreements at the Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference in the 1940s, these great powers established a post-World War international society based on the key liberal values of international peace and security, free trade, human rights, and democracy. Human beings are not born to know what appropriate behaviour is; we learn social norms from parents, schools, peers, and other community members. International norms are collective expectations and understanding of how state governments should approach their domestic and foreign affairs. States ‘learn’ international norms while socialising with a normative community. From a sociological perspective, socialisation summarises ‘how and to what extent diverse individuals are meshed with the requirement of collective life’ at the societal level (Long and Hadden 39). It mainly consists of the process of training and shaping newcomers by the group members and the social adjustment of novices to the normative framework and the logic of appropriateness (Long and Hadden 39). Similarly, social psychology defines socialisation as the process in which ‘social organisations influence the action and experience of individuals’ (Gold and Douvan 145). Inspired by sociology and psychology, political scientists consider socialisation to be the mechanism through which norm entrepreneurs persuade other actors (usually a norm novice) to adhere to a particular prescriptive standard (Johnston, “Social State” 16). Norm entrepreneurs can change novices’ behaviour by the methods of persuasion and social influence (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 496-506). Socialisation sometimes demands that individual actors should comply with organisational norms by changing their interests or preferences (persuasion). Norm entrepreneurs often attempt to construct an appealing cognitive frame in order to persuade the novices (either individuals or states) to change their normative preferences or adopt new norms. They tend to use language that can ‘name, interpret and dramatise’ the issues related to the emerging norm (Finnemore and Sikkink 987). As a main persuasive device, ‘framing’ can provide a singular interpretation and appropriate behavioural response for a particular situation (Payne 39). Cognitive consistency theory found in psychology has suggested the mechanism of ‘analogy’, which indicates that actors are more likely to accept new ideas that share some similarities to the extant belief or ideas that they have already accepted (see Hybel, ch. 2). Based on this understanding, norm entrepreneurs usually frame issues in a way that can associate and resonate with the shared value of the targeted novices (Payne 43). For example, Finnemore’s research shows that when it promoted the creation of state science bureaucracies in the 1960s, UNESCO associated professional science policy-making with the appropriate role of a modern state, which was well received by the post-war developing countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Finnemore 565-597). Socialisation can also emanate actors’ pro-norm behaviour through a cost-benefit calculation made with social rewards and punishments (social influence). A normative community can use the mechanism of back-patting and opprobrium to distribute social reward and punishment. Back-patting – ‘recognition, praise and normative support’ – is offered for a novice’s or member’s cooperative and pro-norm behaviour (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503). In contrast, opprobrium associated with status denial and identity rejection can create social and psychological costs (Johnston 504). Both the reward and punishment grow in intensity with the number of co-operators (Johnston 504). A larger community can often create more criticism towards rule-breakers, and thus greatly increase the cost of disobedience. For instance, the lack of full commitment from major powers, such as China, the United States, and some other OECD countries, has arguably made global collective action towards mitigating climate change more difficult, as the cost of non-compliance is relatively low. While being in a normative environment, novice or emerging states that have not yet been socialised into the international community can respond to persuasion and social influence through the processes of identification and mimicking. Social psychology indicates that when one actor accepts persuasion or social influence based on its desire to build or maintain a ‘satisfying self-defining relationship’ to another actor, the mechanism of identification starts to work (Kelman 53). Identification among a social group can generate ‘obligatory’ behaviour, where individual states make decisions by attempting to match their perceptions of ‘who they are’ (national identity) with the expectation of the normative community (Glodgeier and Tetlock 82). After identifying with the normative community, a novice state would then mimic peer states’ pro-norm behaviour in order to be considered as a qualified member of the social group. For example, when the Chinese government was deliberating over its ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety in 2003, a Ministry of Environmental Protection brief noted that China should ratify the Protocol as soon as possible because China had always been a country ‘keeping its word’ in international society, and non-ratification would largely ‘undermine China’s international image and reputation’ (Ministry of Environmental Protection of PRC). Despite the domestic industry’s disagreement with entering into the Protocol, the Chinese government’s self-identification as a ‘responsible state’ that performs its international promises and duties played an important role in China’s adoption of the international norm of biosafety. Domestic Salience of International Norms: How Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’ Differently? Individual states do not accept international norms passively; instead, state governments often negotiate and interact with domestic actors, such as major industries and interest groups, whose actions and understandings in turn impact on how the norm is understood and implemented. This in turn feeds back to the larger normative community and creates variations of those norms. There are three main factors that can contribute to the domestic salience of an international norm. First, as the norm-takers, domestic actors can decide whether and to what extent an international norm can enter the domestic agenda and how it will be implemented in policy-making. These actors tend to favour an international norm that can justify their political and social programs and promote their interests in domestic policy debates (Cortell and Davis, “How Do International Institutions Matter?” 453). By advocating the existence and adoption of an international norm, domestic actors attempt to enhance the legitimacy and authority of their current policy or institution (Acharya, “How Ideas Spread” 248). Political elites can strengthen state legitimacy by complying with an international norm in their policy-making, and consequently obtain international approval with reputation, trust, and credibility as social benefits in the international community (Finnemore and Sikkink 903). For example, when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), only four states – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States – voted against the Declaration. They argued that their constitutional and national policies were sufficiently responsive to the type of Indigenous self-determination envisioned by UNDRIP. Nevertheless, given the opprobrium directed against these states by the international community, and their well-organised Indigenous populations, the four state leaders recognised the value of supporting UNDRIP. Subsequently all four states adopted the Declaration, but in each instance state leaders observed UNDRIP’s ‘aspirational’ rather than legal status; UNDRIP was a statement of values that these states’ policies should seek to incorporate into their domestic Indigenous law. Second, the various cultural, political, and institutional strategies of domestic actors can influence the effectiveness of norm empowerment. Political rhetoric and political institutions are usually created and used to promote a norm domestically. Both state and societal leaders can make the performative speech act of an international norm work and raise its importance in a national context by repeated declarations on the legitimacy and obligations brought by the norm (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). Moreover, domestic actors can also develop or modify political institutions to incorporate an international norm into the domestic bureaucratic or legal system (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). These institutions provide rules for domestic actors and articulate their rights and obligations, which transforms the international norm’s legitimacy and authority into local practices. For example, the New Zealand Government adopted a non-nuclear policy in the 1980s. This policy arose from the non-nuclear movement that was leading the development of the Raratonga Treaty (South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone) and peace and Green party movements across Europe who sought to de-nuclearise the European continent. The Lange Labour Government’s 1984 adoption of an NZ anti-nuclear policy gained impetus because of these larger norm movements, and these movements in turn recognised the normative importance of a smaller power in international relations. Third, the characteristics of the international norm can also impact on the likelihood that the norm will be accepted by domestic actors. A ‘cultural match’ between international norm and local values can facilitate norm diffusion to domestic level. Sociologists suggest that norm diffusion is more likely to be successful if the norm is congruent with the prior values and practices of the norm-taker (Acharya, “Asian Regional Institutions” 14). Norm diffusion tends to be more efficient when there is a high degree of cultural match such that the global norm resonates with the target country’s domestic values, beliefs or understandings, which in turn can be reflected in national discourse, as well as the legal and bureaucratic system (Checkel 87; Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 73). With such cultural consistency, domestic actors are more likely to accept an international norm and treat it as a given or as ‘matter-of-fact’ (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 74). Cultural match in norm localisation explains why identical or similar international socialisation processes can lead to quite different local developments and variations of international norms. The debate between universal human rights and the ‘Asian values’ of human rights is an example where some Asian states, such as Singapore and China, prioritise citizen’s economic rights over social and political rights and embrace collective rights instead of individual rights. Cultural match can also explain why one country may easily accept a certain international norm, or some aspect of one particular norm, while rejecting others. For example, when Taiwanese and Japanese governments adapted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into their local political and legal practice, various cultural aspects of Indigenous rights have been more thoroughly implemented compared to indigenous economic and political rights (Gao et al. 60-65). In some extreme cases, the norm entrepreneurs even attempt to change the local culture of norm recipients to create a better cultural match for norm localisation. For example, when it tried to socialise India into its colonial system in the early nineteenth century, Britain successfully shaped the evolution of Indian political culture by adding British values and practices into India’s social, political, and judicial system (Ikenberry and Kupchan 307-309). The International Normative Community: Would States Continue Wearing ‘Uniforms’? International norms evolve. Not every international norm can survive and sustain. For example, while imperialism and colonial expansion, where various European states explored, conquered, settled, and exploited other parts of the world, was a widely accepted idea and practice in the nineteenth century, state sovereignty, equality, and individual rights have replaced imperialism and become the prevailing norms in international society today. The meanings of the same international norm can evolve as well. The Great Powers first established the post-war international norms of ‘state responsibility’ based on the idea of sovereign equality and non-intervention of domestic affairs. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of many international organisations, which built new standards and offered new meanings for a responsible state in international society: a responsible state must actively participate in international organisations and comply with international regimes. In the post-Cold War era, international society has paid more attention to states’ responsibility to offer global common goods and to promote the values of human rights and democracy. This shift of focus has changed the international expectation of state responsibility again to embrace collective goods and global values (Foot, “Chinese Power” 3-11). In addition to the nature and evolution of international norms, the unity and strength of the normative community can also affect states’ compliance with the norms. The growing size of the community group or the number of other cooperatives can amplify the effect of socialisation (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503-506). In other words, individual states are often more concerned about their national image, reputation and identity regarding norm compliance when a critical mass of states have already subscribed into the international norm. How much could this critical mass be? Finnemore and Sikkink suggest that international norms reach the threshold global acceptance when the norm entrepreneurs have persuaded at least one third of all states to adopt the new norm (901). The veto record of the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) shows this impact. China, for example, has cast a UNSC veto vote 17 times as of 2022, but it has rarely excised its veto power alone (Security Council Report). For instance, though being sceptical of the notion of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which prioritises human right over state sovereignty, China did not veto Resolution 1973 (2011) regarding the Libyan civil war. The Resolution allowed the international society to take ‘all necessary measure to protect civilians’ from a failed state government, and it received wide support among UNSC members (no negative votes from the other 14 members). Moreover, states are not entirely equal in terms of their ‘normative weight’. When Great Powers act as norm entrepreneurs, they can usually utilise their wealth and influence to better socialise other norm novice states. In the history of promoting biological diversity norms which are embedded in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the OECD countries, especially France, UK, Germany, and Japan, have been regarded as normative leaders. French and Japanese political leaders employed normative language (such as ‘need’ and ‘must’) in various international forums to promote the norms and to highlight their normative commitment (see e.g. Chirac; Kan). Additionally, both governments provided financial assistance for developing countries to adopt the biodiversity norms. In the 2011 annual review of CBD, Japan reaffirmed its US$12 million contribution to assisting developing countries (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). France joined Japan’s commitment by announcing a financial contribution of €1 million along, with some additional funding from Norway and Switzerland (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). Today, biological diversity has been one of the most widely accepted international environmental norms, which 196 states/nations have ratified (United Nations). While Great Powers can make more substantial contributions to norm diffusion compared to many smaller powers with limited state capacity, Great Powers’ non-compliance with the normative ‘uniform’ can also significantly undermine the international norms’ validity and the normative community’s unity and reputation. The current normative community of climate change is hardly a unified one, as it is characterised by a low degree of consensus. Major industrial countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have not yet reached an agreement concerning their individual responsibilities for reducing greenhouse emissions. This lack of agreement, which includes the amount of cuts, the feasibility and usefulness of such cuts, and the relative sharing of cuts across various states, is complicated by the fact that large developing countries, such as China, Brazil, and India, also hold different opinions towards climate change regimes (see Vidal et al.). Experts heavily criticised the major global powers, such as the European Union and the United States, for their lack of ambition in phasing out fossil fuels during the 2022 climate summit in Egypt (COP27; Ehsan et al.). In international trade, both China and the United States are among the leading powers because of their large trade volume, capacity, and transnational network; however, both countries have recently undermined the world trade system and norms. China took punitive measures against Australian export products after Australia’s Covid-19 inquiry request at the World Health Organisation. The United States, particularly under the Trump Administration, invoked the WTO national security exception in Article XXI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to justify its tariffs on steel and aluminium. Lastly, norm diffusion and socialisation can be a ‘two-way path,’ especially when the norm novice state is a powerful and influential state in the international system. In this case, the novices are not merely assimilated into the group, but can also successfully exert some influence on other group members and affect intra-group relations (Moreland 1174). As such, the novices can be both targets of socialisation and active agents who can shape the content and outcome of socialisation processes (Pu 344). The influence from the novices can create normative contestation and thus influence the norm evolution (Thies 547). In other words, novice states can influence international society and shape the international norm during the socialisation process. For example, the ‘ASEAN Way’ is a set of norms that regulate member states’ relationships within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It establishes a diplomatic and security culture characterised by informality, consultation, and dialogue, and consensus-building in decision-making processes (Caballero-Anthony). From its interaction with ASEAN, China has been socialised into the ‘ASEAN Way’ (Ba 157-159). Nevertheless, China’s relations with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) also suggest that there exists a ‘feedback’ process between China and ARF which resulted in institutional changes in ARF to accommodate China’s response (Johnston, “The Myth of the ASEAN Way?” 291). For another example, while the Western powers generally promote the norm of ‘shared responsibility’ in global environment regimes, the emerging economies, such as the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), have responded to the normative engagement and proposed a ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ regime where the developing countries shoulder less international obligations. Similarly, the Western-led norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which justifies international humanitarian intervention, has received much resistance from the countries that only adhere to the conventional international rules regarding state sovereignty rights and non-intervention to domestic affairs. Conclusion International norms are shared expectations about what constitutes appropriate state behaviour. They are the ‘uniforms’ for individual states to wear when operating at the international level. States comply with international norms in order to affirm their preferred national identities as well as to gain social acceptance and reputation in the normative community. When the normative community is united and sizable, states tend to receive more social pressure to consistently wear these normative uniforms – be they the Geneva Conventions or nuclear non-proliferation. Nevertheless, in the post-pandemic world where liberal values, such as individual rights and rule of law, face significant challenges and democracies are in decline, the future success of the global normative community may be at risk. Great Powers are especially responsible for the survival and sustainability of international norms. The United States under President Trump adopted a nationalist ‘America First’ security agenda: alienating traditional allies, befriending authoritarian regimes previously shunned, and rejecting multilateralism as the foundation of the post-war global order. While the West has been criticised of failing to live up to its declared values, and has suffered its own loss of confidence in the liberal model, the rising powers have offered their alternative version of the world system. Instead of merely adapting to the Western-led global norms, China has created new institutions, such as the Belt and Road Initiatives, to promote its own preferred values, and has reshaped the global order where it deems the norms undesirable (Foot, “Chinese Power in a Changing World Order” 7). Great Power participation has reshaped the landscape of global normative community, and sadly not always in positive ways. Umberto Eco lamented the disappearance of the beauty of the past in his novel The Name of the Rose: ‘stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda tenemus’ ('yesterday’s rose endures in its name, we hold empty names'; Eco 538). If the international community does not want to witness an era where global norms and universal values are reduced to nominalist symbols, it must renew and reinvigorate its commitment to global values, such as human rights and democracy. It must consider wearing these uniforms again, properly. 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IntroductionIn 2011, Four Corners — the flagship current affairs program of the Australian national broadcaster, ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) — aired an investigative report on the conditions in Indonesian slaughterhouses. Central to the report was a focus on how Australian cows were being killed for human consumption. Moral outrage ensued. The Federal Government responded with a temporary ban on the live export of cattle to Indonesia. In 2010 the Australian Government initiated legal action in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) opposing Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean, following a sustained period of public opposition. This article pays close attention to expressions of public opposition to the killing of what have come to be referred to as our cows and our whales, and the response of the Federal Government.Australia’s recent history with the live export of farmed animals and its transformation into an anti-whaling nation provides us with a foundation to analyse these contemporary disputes. In contrast to a focus on “Australian cow making” (Fozdar and Spittles 76) during the live export controversy, this article investigates the processes through which the bodies of cows and whales became sites for the mapping of Australian identity and nationhood – in other words, a relational construction of Australianness that we can identify as a form of animal nationalism (Dalziell and Wadiwel). What is at stake are claims about desired national self-image. In what we might consider as part of a history of cows and whales is in many ways a ‘history of people with animals in it” (Davis 551). In other words, these disputes are not really about cows and whales.The Live Export IndustryAustralia is the largest exporter of live farmed animals, primarily sheep and cows, to the Middle East and Southeast Asia respectively (Phillips and Santurtun 309). The live export industry is promoted and supported by the Federal Government, with an explicit emphasis on the conditions experienced by these farmed animals. According to the Government, “Australia leads the world in animal welfare practices … [and] does not tolerate cruelty towards animals and will not compromise on animal welfare standards” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). These are strong and specific claims about Australia’s moral compass. What is being asserted is the level of care and concern about how Australia’s farmed animals are raised, transported and killed.There is an implicit relationality here. To be a ‘world leader’ or to claim world’s best practice, there must be some form of moral or ethical measure to judge these practices against. We can locate these more clearly and directly in the follow-up sentence on the above claim: “Our ongoing involvement in the livestock export trade provides an opportunity to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). The enthusiasm expressed in this statement manifests in explicitly seeking to position Australia as an exporter of moral progress (see Caulfield 76). These are cultural claims about us.In its current form the Australian live export industry dates back to the early 1960s, with concerns about the material conditions of farmed animals in destination countries raised from the outset (Caulfield 72; Villanueva Pain 100). In the early 1980s animal activists formed the Australian Federation of Animal Societies to put forward a national unified voice. Protests and political lobbying lead to the formation of a Senate Select Committee on Animal Welfare, reflecting what Gonzalo Villanueva has referred to as a social and political landscape that “appeared increasingly favourable to discussing animal welfare” (Transnational 89-91).The Select Committee’s first report focussed on live export and explicitly mentioned the treatment of Australian farmed animals in the abattoirs of destination countries. The conditions in these facilities were described as being of a lower “standard of animal welfare” to those in Australia (Senate Select Committee on Animal Welfare xiii). These findings directly mirror the expressions of concern in the wake of the 2011 controversy.“A Bloody Business”On 30 May 2011, Four Corners aired a report entitled ‘A Bloody Business’ on the conditions in Indonesian slaughterhouses. The investigation followed-up on footage provided by Animals Australia and Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA Australia). Members from these groups had travelled to Indonesia in order to document conditions in slaughterhouses and prepare briefing notes which were later shared with the ABC. Their aim was to increase public awareness of the conditions Australian farmed cattle faced in Indonesia, provide a broader indictment of the live export industry, and call for an end the practice. The nationwide broadcast which included graphic footage of our cows being killed, enabled broader Australia to participate from the comfort of their own homes (see Della Porta and Diani 177-8).The program generated significant media coverage and public moral outrage (Dalziell and Wadiwel 72). Dr Bidda Jones, Chief Scientist of RSPCA Australia, referred to “28,000 radio stories, 13,000 TV mentions and 3,000 press stories” making it one of the top five national issues in the media for five weeks. An online petition created by the activist organisation GetUp! collected more than 260,000 signatures over a period of three days and $300,000 was raised for campaign advertising (Jones 102). Together, these media reports and protest actions influenced the Federal Government to suspend live exports to Indonesia. A front-page story in The Age described the Federal Government as having “caved in to public and internal party pressure” (Willingham and Allard). In her first public statement about the controversy, Prime Minister Julia Gillard outlined the Government’s intent: “We will be working closely with Indonesia, and with the industry, to make sure we can bring about major change to the way cattle are handled in these slaughter houses” (Willingham and Allard).The Prime Minister’s statement directly echoed the claims made on the Department of Agriculture and Water Resources website introduced above. Implicit is these statements is a perceived ability to bring about “major change” and an assumption that we kill better. Both directly align with claims of leading the world in animal welfare practices and the findings of the 1985 Select Committee report. Further, the controversy itself was positioned as providing an “opportunity to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources).Four Corners provided a nationwide platform to influence decision-makers (see Della Porta and Diani 168-9). White, Director of Strategy for Animals Australia, expressed this concisely:We should be killing the animals here under Australian conditions, under our control, and then they should only be shipped as meat products, not live animals. (Ferguson, Doyle, and Worthington)Jones provided more context, describing the suffering experienced by “Australian cattle” in Indonesia as “too much,” especially when “a clear, demonstrated and successful alternative to the live export of animals” was already available (“Broader”; Jones 188). Implicit in these calls for farmed cows to be killed in Australia was an inference to technical and moral progress, evoking Australia’s “national self-image” as “a modern, principled culture” (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84). The clean, efficient and modern processes undertaken in Australia were relationally positioned against the bloody practices conducted in the Indonesian facilities. In other words, we kill cows in a nicer, more humane and better way.Australia and WhalingAustralia has a long and dynamic history with whaling (Salter). A “fervently” pro-whaling nation, the “rapidly growing” local industry went through a modernisation process in the 1950s (Day 19; Kato 484). Operations became "clean and smooth,” and death became "instant, swift and painless”. As with the live export controversy, an inference of a nicer, more humane and better way of killing was central the Australian whaling industry (Kato 484-85). Enthusiastic support for an Australian whaling industry was superseded within three decades by what Charlotte Epstein describes as “a dramatic historical turnabout” (Power 150). In June 1977, the International Whaling Commission (IWC) came to Canberra, and protests were organised across Australia to coincide with the meeting.The IWJ meeting was seen as a political opportunity. An IWC meeting being held in the last English-as-first-language nation with a commercial whaling operation provided an ideal target for the growing anti-whaling movement (Epstein, Power 149). In parallel, the opportunity to make whaling an electoral issue was seen as a priority for locally based activists and organisations (Pash 31). The collective actions of those campaigning against the backdrop of the IWC meeting comprised an array of performances (Tarrow 29). Alongside lobbying delegates, protests were held outside the venue, including the first use of a full-sized replica inflatable sperm whale by anti-whaling activists. See Image 1. The symbol of the whale became a signifier synonymous for the environment movement for decades to follow (see Epstein, Power 110-11). The number of environmental organisations attending exceeded those of any prior IWC meeting, setting in place a practice that would continue for decades to follow (M’Gonigle 150; Pash 27-8).Image 1: Protest at Australia’s last whaling station August 28, 1977. Photo credit: Jonny Lewis Collection.Following the IWC meeting in Canberra, activists packed up their equipment and prepared for the long drive to Albany in Western Australia. Disruption was added to their repertoire (Tarrow 99). The target was the last commercial whaling operation in Australia. Two months later, on August 28, demonstrations were held at the gates of the Cheynes Beach Whaling Company. Two inflatable Zodiac boats were launched, with the aim of positioning themselves between the whales being hunted and the company’s harpoon vessels. Greenpeace was painted on the side — the first protest action in Australia under the organisation’s banner (Pash 93-94).In 1978, Prime Minister Fraser formally announced an Inquiry into the future of whaling in Australia, seeking to position Australia as being on the right side of history, “taking a decisive step forward in the human consciousness” (Epstein, World 313). Underpinning announcement was a (re)purposing of whales bodies as a site for the mapping of relational constructions of Australian identity and nationhood:Many thousands of Australians — and men, women and children throughout the world — have long felt deep concern about the activities of whalers… I abhor any such activity — particularly when it is directed against a species as special and intelligent as the whale.(Qtd. in Frost vii)The actions of those protesting against whaling and the language used by Fraser in announcing the Inquiry signalled Australia’s becoming as the first nation in which “ethical arguments about the intrinsic value of the whale” displaced “scientific considerations of levels of endangerment” (Epstein, Power 150). The idea of taking action for whales had become about more than just saving their lives, it was an ethical imperative for us.Standing Up for (Our) WhalesThe Inquiry into “whales and whaling” provided specific recommendations, which were adopted in full by Prime Minister Fraser:The Inquiry’s central conclusion is that Australian whaling should end, and that, internationally, Australia should pursue a policy of opposition whaling. (Frost 206)The inquiry found that the majority of Australians viewed whaling as “morally wrong” and as a nation we should stand up for whales internationally (Frost 183). There is a direct reference here to the moral values of a civilised community, what Arne Kalland describes as a claim to “social maturity” (130). By identifying itself as a nation on the right side of the issue, Australia was pursuing a position of moral leadership on the world stage. The Whale Protection Act (1980) replaced the Whaling Act (1960). Australia’s policy of opposition to whaling was “pursued both domestically and internationally though the IWC and other organizations” (Day 19).Public opposition to whaling increased with the commencement of Japan’s scientific research whaling program in the Southern Ocean, and the dramatic actions of Greenpeace and Sea Shepherd Conservation Society. The Daily Telegraph which ran a series of articles under the banner of “our whales” in June 2005 (see, for example, Hossack; Rehn). The conservative Federal Government embraced the idea, with the Department of the Environment and Heritage website including a “Save Our Whales” page. Six months out from the 2007 federal election, opposition leader Kevin Rudd stated “It's time that Australia got serious when it comes to the slaughter of our whales” (Walters). As a “naturally more compassionate, more properly developed” people, we [Australians] had a duty to protect them (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84).Alongside oft-repeated claims of Australia’s status as a “world leader” and the priority placed on the protection of whales nationally and internationally, saveourwhales.gov.au wristbands were available for order from the government website — at no charge. By wearing one of these wristbands, all Australians could “show [their] support for the protection of whales and dolphins” (Department of the Environment and Heritage). In other words, the wearer could join together with other Australians in making a clear moral and ethical statement about both how much whales mean to us and that we all should stand up for them. The wristbands provided a means to individually and collectively express this is what we do in unobtrusive everyday way.Dramatic actions in the Southern Ocean during the 2008/09 whaling season received a broader audience with the airing of the first season of the reality TV series Whale Wars, which became Animal Planets most viewed program (Robé 94). As with A Bloody Business, Whale Wars provided an opportunity for a manifestly larger number of people to eyewitness the plight of whales (see Epstein, Power 142). Alongside the dramatised representation of the risky and personally sacrificial actions taken by the crew, the attitudes expressed reflected those of Prime Minister Fraser in 1977: protecting special and intelligent whales was the right and civilised thing to do.These sentiments were framed by the footage of activists in the series. For example, in episode four of season two, Lockhart McClean, Captain of the MV Gojira referred to Japanese whalers and their vessels as “evil” and “barbaric”, and their practices outdated. The drama of the series revolved around Sea Shepherd patrolling the Southern Ocean, their attempts to intervene against the Japanese fleet and protect our whales. The clear undercurrent here is a claim of moral progress, situated alongside an enthusiasm to export it. Such sentiments were clearly echoed by Bob Brown, a respected former member of federal parliament and spokesperson for Sea Shepherd: “It’s just a gruesome, bloody, medieval, scene which has no place in this modern world” (Japanese Whaling).On 31 May 2010 the Federal Government initiated proceedings against Japan in the ICJ. Four years later, the Court found in their favour (Nagtzaam, Young and Sullivan).Conclusion, Claims of Moral LeadershipHow the 2011 live export controversy and opposition to Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean have unfolded provide us with an opportunity to explore a number of common themes. As Dalziell and Wadiwell noted with regard to the 2011 live export controversy, our “national self-image” was central (84). Both disputes encompass claims about us about how we want to be perceived. Whereas our cows and whales appear as key players, both disputes are effectively a ‘history of people with animals in it” (Davis 551). In other words, these disputes were not really about the lives of our farmed cows or whales.The Federal Government sought to reposition the 2011 live export controversy as providing (another) opportunity "to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries,” drawing from our own claimed worlds-best practices (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). The “solution” put forward by White and Jones solution was for Australian farmed cows to be killed here. Underpinning both was an implicit claim that we kill cows in a nicer, more humane and better way: "Australians are naturally more compassionate, more properly developed; more human” (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84).Similarly, the Federal Government’s pursuit of a position of world-leadership in opposing whaling was rooted in claims of our moral progress as a nation. Having formally recognised the specialness of whales in the 1970s, it was our duty to pursue their protection internationally. We could individually and collectively express national identity on our wrists, through wearing a government-provided saveourwhales.gov.au wristband. Collectively, we would not stand by and let the "gruesome, bloody, medieval” practice of Japanese whaling continue in our waters (“Japanese”). Legal action undertaken in the ICJ was the penultimate pronouncement.In short, expressions of concerns for our cows whales positioned their bodies as sites for the mapping of relational constructions of our identity and nationhood.Author’s NoteFor valuable comments on earlier drafts, I thank Talei Vulatha, Ben Hightower, Scott East and two anonymous referees.References“Broader Ban the Next Step: Animal Group.” Sydney Morning Herald, 8 June 2011. 11 July 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/environment/conservation/broader-ban-the-next-step-animal-group-20110608-1frsr.html>.Caulfield, Malcolm. Handbook of Australian Animal Cruelty Law. North Melbourne: Animals Australia, 2009.Dalziell, Jacqueline, and Dinesh Joseph Wadiwel. “Live Exports, Animal Advocacy, Race and ‘Animal Nationalism’.” Meat Culture. Ed. Annie Potts. Brill Academic Pub., 2016. 73-89.Day, David. The Whale War. Random House, Inc., 1987.Della Porta, Donatella, and Mario Diani. Social Movements: An Introduction. 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