Tesis sobre el tema "Négociations de paix"
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Séré, Daniel. "La paix des Pyrénées (7 novembre 1659) : la paix, fonction royale, dans les négociations entre la France et l'Espagne (1635-1659)". Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA040269.
Texto completoThe purpose of this study is to focus on one of the major roles of a King in the 17th century : to restore the peace. The main idea is that peace, in the foreign affairs, was as major part of King's duty as was war. To illustrate this, a close analysis was performed of the various attempts of peace negotiation between France and Spain, that lasted all along the war, up to the Treaty of the Pyrenees (November 7, 1659). The first part of the document, which is basically a detailed chronology, aims to give a continuous and unified view of the of the negotiation events, in the prospective of the final peace. A large use of the French and Spanish sources allows to emphasize several previously lessened aspects of this long efforts toward peace. The second part consists of special studies on selected topics : the complexity of the antagonism between France and Spain; the reluctance in Spain to make peace in spite of the perception of a deep crisis of the monarchy; the practice of negotiation as seen from the various attempts of peace, the peace in the reality and in the mentalities of the first half of the 17th century. Each of these studies contributes to enlighten an aspect of the role of the King as a peace maker
Al, Tabal Lyna. "Politique de colonisation, négociations de paix et statut disputé : Jérusalem au cœur du conflit israélo-palestinien". Paris 8, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA083749.
Texto completoIn 1947, 93% of the land was owned by Palestinians. In 1949, only 44% of it was offered to them. Nowadays, in the light of possible negotiations, only 9-10% of pre-1948 Palestine would be given to Palestinians. After occupying Gaza, the West Bank and East-Jerusalem in 1967, Israel is trying to settle the occupied Palestinian territories through a colony-building strategy. In spite of the peace process and negotiations thar were initiated between the two parties, Israel is still pursuing its settlement strategy. These colonies form the basis of a de facto apartheid system in the Palestinian territories. This scheme is being reinforced by a series of other unequal and separate systems of laws, the building of roads and of a discriminating policy of expropriation of natural resources. Today, the only hope is a dignified and fair coexistence between the two populations, on the basis of equality and self-determination. The real challenge is not making Jews, Muslims and Christians who would still be fighting each other live together, the real challenge is to make equal citizens live in peace on the same (piece of) land
Reyes, Macaya Rodolfo. "Le Crépuscule du koyag : chefferies mapuches et négociations de paix en temps des guerres (1765-1840)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL044.pdf.
Texto completoThis thesis focuses on the political negotiations that shaped borders after the dismantling of the Spanish Empire in Latin America Southern Cone. We focus on the region of Araucania, the Pampas and northern Patagonia. We use a combined perspective of Amerindian history and frontier history, with tools of historical anthropology. Our main objective is to study the diachronic transformations of peace negotiations in wartime and the role of Mapuche leaders in these negotiations, particularly after the disorders linked to the fall of the Spanish empire, the Independence revolutions and the civil wars in the current territories of Chile and Argentina. The purpose is to answer the following question: what happened to the Mapuche chiefdoms and leaderships once the general parliaments (koyag) of the Bourbon era ceased to exist? The internal conflicts of Amerindian societies are externalized through leadership crisis, and this crisis, accompanied by intermittent revolts, migrations and raids, reach its greatest magnitude after the fall of the king's authority in the region. After the dismantling of the Hispanic empire, the chiefs legitimised their leadership in the heat of war, but succeeded in establishing and crystallising it, transforming it into authority, thanks to peace negotiations between themselves and with the Creole authorities. The emergence of new republics did not mean the end of the koyag, but led to their polycentric atomisation, resulting in the widespread fragmentation of Mapuche chiefdoms and the emergence of new collective identities
Esta es una investigación sobre las negociaciones políticas que dieron forma a las fronteras tras el desmantelamiento del imperio español en el Cono sur. Nos situamos en el área de la Araucanía, Pampas y Patagonia norte. Utilizamos una perspectiva combinada de historia indígena e historia de fronteras, con herramientas de la antropología histórica. Nuestro objetivo principal es estudiar las transformaciones diacrónicas de las negociaciones de paz en tiempos de guerra y el rol de los liderazgos mapuches en estas, en especial tras la conmoción que significó la caída del imperio español, las revoluciones de independencia y las guerras civiles en los actuales territorios de Chile y Argentina. Esto en pos de responder a la pregunta: ¿qué sucedió con el liderazgo mapuche en el área una vez que los parlamentos generales o koyag dejaron de realizarse con la regularidad y convocatoria que tuvieron en el periodo borbónico? Los conflictos internos de las jefaturas mapuches se habrían expresado en una crisis de liderazgo y esta crisis, con revueltas, migraciones y raids intermitentes, alcanzó su mayor amplitud tras la caída de la autoridad del rey en la región. Tras el desmantelamiento del imperio hispánico, los caciques legitimaron su liderazgo al calor de la guerra, pero lograron establecerlo y cristalizarlo, transformándolo en autoridad, gracias a las negociaciones de paz entre ellos y con las autoridades criollas. El surgimiento de nuevas repúblicas no significó el fin de los koyag, sino que condujo a su atomización policéntrica, dando lugar a la fragmentación generalizada de los cacicazgos mapuche y al surgimiento de nuevas identidades colectivas
Milot, Catherine. "Femmes, conflits armés et processus de paix : victimes, spectatrices, protagonistes, mais surtout... actrices!" Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23774.
Texto completoTernat, François. "Inscrire la paix dans les espaces lointains. Histoire diplomatique d’un entre-deux-guerres : les négociations franco-britanniques de 1748 à 1756". Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040247.
Texto completoThe Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle which ended the War of Austrian Succession in 1748 threw into relief the linkage between the europeans and colonial issues. It returned the european claims in North America and in the West Indies to the statu quo ante bellum settled by the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. A boundary commission was established to study the claims, to determine what areas were considered as belonging to the British or to the French Crowns, and to define clear boundaries separating the colonial dominions. Not solely episode of the Anglo-French rivalry, these inter-war years took place in the middle of the Age of Enlightenment, which celebrated the idea of balance of powers. Despite their failure, these negotiations could be envisaged as attempts to regulate colonial and maritime disputes by international agreements and as experiences by both Courts of a far diplomacy
Ternat, François. "Inscrire la paix dans les espaces lointains. Histoire diplomatique d’un entre-deux-guerres : les négociations franco-britanniques de 1748 à 1756". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040247.
Texto completoThe Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle which ended the War of Austrian Succession in 1748 threw into relief the linkage between the europeans and colonial issues. It returned the european claims in North America and in the West Indies to the statu quo ante bellum settled by the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. A boundary commission was established to study the claims, to determine what areas were considered as belonging to the British or to the French Crowns, and to define clear boundaries separating the colonial dominions. Not solely episode of the Anglo-French rivalry, these inter-war years took place in the middle of the Age of Enlightenment, which celebrated the idea of balance of powers. Despite their failure, these negotiations could be envisaged as attempts to regulate colonial and maritime disputes by international agreements and as experiences by both Courts of a far diplomacy
Lebouteiller, Simon. "Faire la paix dans la Scandinavie médiévale : recherche sur les formes de pacification et les rituels de paix dans le monde scandinave au Moyen Âge (VIIIe-XIIIe siècle)". Caen, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CAEN1018.
Texto completoBetween the 8th and the 13th century, Scandinavian war and aristocratic leaders took part in many conflicts. For example, we observe in Scandinavia the rise of kingship which brought about oppositions from local chieftains and rivalry for power. This period was also characterized by the development of the Scandinavian in Europe, especially during the Viking Ages, and by many confrontations in the regions where they were active. In this dissertation, we are concerned with a particular aspect of these conflicts : how they used to be resolved and how peaceful relations were maintained between former adversaries. It is firstly a question of examining the rituals and the diplomatic practice used by the Scandinavian to organize negotiations and to reach settlements : message and embassy sendings, mediation, negotiations and meeting places, hostageship, oath-taking. . . Another focus is on the variations and evolutions of peacemaking technics and the consequences of Christianization and the rise of kingship on these practices. We are also interested in the representation of peace and peacemaking and its stakes in Scandinavian literature, most notably in historiography, Icelandic sagas, scaldic poetry or the Eddas
Mbadinga, William Charlis. "Les pourparlers de paix entre Rome et les Barbares le long du limes rhéno-danubien de 337 à 375". Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00857547.
Texto completoZoleko, Tsane Patrice. "Le nouveau système continental de maintien de la paix en Afrique subsaharienne au début du XXIe siècle". Toulon, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009TOUL0056.
Texto completoThe new African peacekeeping system is rooted in the transformations in international society since the early 1990s. It is simultaneously a response to the limitations of African previous mechanisms for conflicts resolution and a regional response to the evolution of the UN strategy to sharing responsibility with regional organizations. It opened in any case a new page of peacekeeping in Africa and African IGOs raise the rank of major players in the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts on the continent. African IGOs Activism in the peace progress in Ivory Coast, Darfur (Sudan), Somalia, Central African Republic and in many other conflict situations in sub-saharian Africa testifies to he main role now occupied by the African peacekeeping strategy. These peace initiatives taken in less than a decade do not conclude to the existenceof an African peacekeeping strategy. But they establish at least the beginnings of a control of any African State on the new security system. It arises from the functions and powers of the new structures of collective security that the African State is at the heart of continental security system because it is the primary or sole subject and object. However, new African conflicts involve a multitude of actors other than States, where one of a major inconsistencies of the system. Furthermore, configuration of various bodies and the articulation of their respective powers and skills, raise significant doubts about hte ability of the new system to ensure the prevention, management and resolution of the new African conflicts. Thus the main limitations of the new continental security system are essentially inherent in its origin. It would thus need less foreign States and IGOSs support, that an internal reinforcement consisting mainly of restoring the authority of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the AU, which seems to be more a state representative structure than central body for prevention, mangement and resolution of conflicts
Nader, Amal. "Géopolitique, information et Moyen-Orient : Les négociations de paix entre le Liban, la Syrie et Israël de 1991 à 2000 à travers deux quotidiens libanais : An-Nahar et As-Safir". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030084.
Texto completoThe main purpose of this thesis is to study, peace negotiations between Lebanon,Syria and Israel from 1991 to 2000, via their coverage in two Lebanese news papers An-Naharand As-Safir. This was a tense period in the recent history of Lebanon; it was marked by thepolitical influence of Syria on Lebanon, and a strategic period during which the peace processbetween Israel and Arab countries began. It consists primarily in an analysis of the changingnature of the coverage and discourse of two major Lebanese daily newspapers - An-Nahar andAs-Safir. The “copy” here analyzed related to a sensitive geopolitical issue affecting Lebanese independence and relations between Syria and Israel. The survey spans à decade: it is limited to front-page coverage of each newspaper. In order to examine the subject scientifically, aspecific software was specially designed and developed for this purpose. A matrix fororganizing and analyzing textual information and media production was devised. First thestudy was affected horizontally, in order to compare various actors and their related newspaper coverage. Then the study was elaborated in a vertical manner, i.e. by handlingeach newspaper and each author separately, in order to establish the evolution of different discourse. This was achieved by cross-comparing differences and similarities in the discourse,and constants and variables over time
Graf, Kathrin. "La médiation : une approche constructive à la hauteur des conflits de notre temps : un pont possible entre la justice et la paix dans un monde pluraliste". Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020052/document.
Texto completoThis work aims to provide a multidisciplinary approach - historical, socio-political, economic, and psychological - to understand the general interest of constructive conflict management, and in particular the opportunities related to the method of mediation. The thesis reflects the path taken - from deconstruction to reconstruction of the subject - beginning with a theoretical analysis (origins, specificities, differences with other methods, values and principles) and considering the individual and collective phenomena inherent to each conflict and its management (levels of conflict, management dimensions, individual psychological foundations, opportunities of integrative bargaining, but also the limits and risks associated with the method of mediation). The present work also takes into account the personal evolution of the researcher, her practice as a mediator, exchanges with other professionals on this behalf and her personal findings of feasibility (practical advice, logistical organization, concrete tools for the various phases, and the restitution of the key steps of a practical case). Key words : active listening, alternative dispute resolution, arbitrary, communication facilitation, conciliation, confidentiality, consensus, constructive and effective conflict management, creative problem-solving, decision science, dialogue, empathy training, empowerment, Harvard negotiation model, impartiality, integrative bargaining, looping, mediative solutions, moderation, negotiation, “pareto optimal” solutions, peacemaking, process management, reconciliation, reframing, settlements, supervision, therapy, understanding, zone of possible agreements
Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
Texto completoThe Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms
Nikolaeva, Desislava. "Le droit de la diplomatie préventive : étude de la règle de prévention en droit international public contemporain". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAA009.
Texto completoInternational law regulates States’ diplomacy for the purpose of preventing insecurity, and, by extension, armed conflicts. Accordingly, the law of preventive diplomacy reflects, in a sense, the idea that prevention of imminent risks of serious material damages defines a general principle of international law. The assertion of such a principle is based on an inductive analysis of the major treaties on collective security concluded between 1899 and 1945. It is verified in light of their application by Member States of the League of Nations and, since 1945, of the United Nations. The general nature of this principle is deduced from a combined study of the jurisprudence of a number of international courts and tribunals in various fields of international law. Those findings support the idea that individual and collective efforts of conflict prevention are subject to the respect of a general legal regime governing the current international system of peace-maintenance and collective security
Cook, Justin. "Faire la paix par la reconnaissance : l’étude de cas de la transformation des relations moldo-pridnestroviennes de 1989 à 1998". Thesis, Lille 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL20013/document.
Texto completoThe Moldovan civil conflict between 1989 and 1992 left the country and the people permanently divided between the banks to the Dniestr/Nistru River. Despite Pridnestrovia’s (PMR) victory in its war of independence, it would not achieve its goal of being a recognized state. The ceasefire agreement of 1992 officially put an end to the war and solidified Prinestrovia’s separation through the creation of a security zone and the establishement of peacekeeping forces. Furthermore, the resolution of the conflict and the end of the new status quo had to be synchronized with the accordance of a new political status for the PMR. As an official status was never determined, the conflict has remained frozen. During the post-war period, the balance of power favored the PMR from an economic, energy and security perspective, providing it with major leverage over Moldova. However, given that the PMR was never attributed statehood meant that it inherited a symbolic deficit because only Moldova could provide it with recognition. Moldova’s policy of recognition towards the PMR between 1994 and 1998 would be the determing factor in the transformation of the conflict, leading to the signing of three “major accords”. The historic Moscow Memorandum of 1997 highlighted this transformative process by which the two “opponants” considered eachother as “partners” within the negociation process. By 1998, Chisinau and Tiraspol embarked upon the path of confidence building and security measures with the Odessa Accord of 1998
Shihab, Amjad. "Le projet d’un Etat palestinien". Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40015.
Texto completoThis study investigates the proposal to establish a Palestinian State in accord with international policy and law. The research also looks into the reasons for the failure to establish such a state following the defeat of Arab armies in 1967 until the present time. These reasons can be summarized in the lack of clear strategic policy for the Palestinian leadership, the internal division of the Palestinian political institutions, and the Israeli practices and measures against Palestinians and the Palestinian leadership on both international and national levels to stop the establishment of this state.This study attempts to show that in the absence of true international support for a Palestinian State, the existence and vitality of such a state would depend on Israel's good intentions. However, the prospects to establish this state seem unattainable as a result of Israel's refusal to abide by international law and in the absence and inability of the international community including the consecutive American Presidents to exert pressure on Israel to even freeze settlement. Following Oslo Agreement, Palestinians found themselves in a situation to establish an entity that is more than autonomous self-rule but still less than a fully-fledged state. The study concludes that the possibility to create a Palestinian State has become unrealistic in current political and legal contexts
Tawa, Netton Prince. "Les stratégies des anciennes puissances coloniales dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique après 1994 : Sierra Leone et Côte d’Ivoire". Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020048.
Texto completoHe failure of the United Nations Restore Hope operation in Somalia under the leadership of the United States of America and the 1994 Rwandan genocide altered the Western world's relationship to internal armed conflict in Africa. From an initial desire to strengthen the capacity of African actors to manage conflicts within African states, the Western world adopted a position of disengagement from internal conflict in Africa. The United States’ Presidential Decision Directive 25 of May 3, 1994 and the recommendation of the Belgian Senate of January 28, 1998 are particularly significant in terms of changing the Western world’s attitude in favor of Africa in conflict. However, and "going against the current," the United Kingdom on the one hand and France on the other hand have decided to shoulder their share of historical responsibility in the fate of their former colonies in Africa. For these two former colonial powers, the internal difficulties facing the post-Cold War African states were real challenges which these states needed assistance in dealing with. This commitment on both sides of the Channel helped to stabilize and restore peace in two African states in the Rwandan post-genocide era, namely Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. How did the United Kingdom and France manage to stabilize Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast and extricate them from seemingly intractable conflicts, given the depth of the differences between the actors? What strategic adjustments did the United Kingdom and France make in their interventionist policies in the context of the resolution of internal armed conflicts in Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, and what actions did they take to achieve success in both these countries? Through a review of the literature as well as through interviews of diplomats, politicians, military leaders and other actors, this thesis demonstrates how, through a synergy of well-coordinated actions, the United Kingdom and France brought peace and tranquility to Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. Having done so, these two middle-ranking powers, permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, gave Africa and the world reason to believe in international interventions
Yarali, Serkan. "Why do peace negotiations fail? : a case study of the 2012-2015 peace talks between Turkey and the PKK". Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19135.
Texto completoWhy do peace negotiations fail? Answering this question, this dissertation synthesizes the literature on bargaining theory and third party involvement in intrastate conflicts. Using qualitative case study methods, I employ this theoretical framework to the third round of the peace talks between Turkey and Kurdistan Workers’ Party, which was held between December 2012 and July 2015. Bargaining model of war highlights the problems of information asymmetries and credible commitment that lead to bargaining failures. Information asymmetries and commitment problems are usually more severe in intrastate conflicts because it tends to be more difficult to obtain information about the military capabilities of non-state armed groups (NSAGs) and there tends to be larger power asymmetries between states and NSAGs. The case highlights four sets of implications. First, both sides in a peace process can willingly make choices that fail to achieve the ends to which they aspired. Second, these choices result from ill-designed measures in bargaining practices and/or the lack of a third party that would redress the relative balance of power and maintain it during the peace talks. This ultimately intensifies the problems of credible commitment. Third, disruptive exogenous shifts in relative capabilities, especially in favor of the NSAG, may produce asymmetric information problems. Fourth, some conflicts do not lend themselves to third-party involvement, as it may be too difficult or costly for third parties to redress the relative balance of power.
Haratsaris, Elena. "L'État inachevé colombien et le processus de paix du président Andrés Pastrana". Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3542/1/M11630.pdf.
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