Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Nave dello Stato"

RiassuntoScopi- a) Indagare la struttura fattoriale della versione a 12 domande del General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12) in un campione di maschi diciottenni; b) saggiare la capacità dei punteggi fattoriali standardizzati di discrimi- nare tra soggetti portatori o meno di un disturbo psichico secondo il giudizio dello psichiatra.Disegno- Un campione di 363 soggetti selezionati nel corso della visita militare di leva è stato invitato a completare il GHQ-12 e ad essere intervistato da uno psichiatra. Dati completi sono stati raccolti per 320 soggetti (88% del campione selezionato).Risultati- Due componenti con autovalore(eigenvalue)superiore a 1 sono emerse dall'analisi a componenti principali prima della rotazione, riuscendo a spiegare il 46.7% della varianza nei dati. La prima componente, sulla quale tutti i 12 items del questionario hanno rivelato un peso di segno positivo, è stata interpretata come una misura globale dello stato psicopatologico dei soggetti esaminati. La seconda componente è risultata bipolare, dal momento che su di essa tutti gli items «positivi» hanno presentato pesi di segno positivo, mentre gli items «negativi» hanno avuto pesi negativi; cio suggerisce che il GHQ è in grado di cogliere entrambe le componenti della salute mentale, la componente negativa (di cui sono espressione i sintomi) e la componente positiva (rappresentata dalla presenza di uno stato di benessere soggettivo). Dopo rotazione Varimax ciascun item del questionario pesava significativamente su uno solo dei due fattori identificati, fatta eccezione per l'item 12 il cui peso è risultato inferiore a 0,500 su entrambi i fattori. Il fattore A, caratterizzato dai 6 items «negativi» del GHQ-12, è stato denominato «disforia generale» ; il fattore B, definito da 5 dei 6 items «positivi» è stato chiamato «benessere/funzionamento sociale» . La migliore discriminazione tra soggetti portatori o meno di un disturbo psichico è stata offerta dai punteggi relativi al fattore «disforia generale» ; nessun vantaggio è stato invece ottenuto dalla combinazione dei punteggi riportati sui due fattori.Conclusioni- La compren- sione della struttura fattoriale del GHQ-12 potra fornire utili informazioni oltre a quelle offerte da un singolo punteggio di severità risultante dalla semplice somma delle risposte positive, spingendo la descrizione dello stato psicopatologico dei soggetti esaminati oltre la semplice distinzione tra «casi» e «non-casi».

Sulla nave che lo portava verso le Clark lectures negli Stati Uniti, Jung racconta a Freud un sogno, divenuto famoso, in cui una casa a quattro piani, o livelli, sembra rappresentare la struttura di una psiche fondata sull'inconscio archetipico. Nonostante l'idea di archetipo sia stata più volte oggetto di critiche, a partire dalla seconda metà del 1900 gli studi scientifici sull'organizzazione del cervello umano hanno confermato l'ipotesi di una stratificazione delle funzioni mentali e di una determinazione prevalentemente istintuale ed ereditaria del primo e più antico strato dell'evoluzione neuropsichica. Pertanto, riprendendo la struttura della casa sognata da Jung, in questo articolo proponiamo l'idea di una stratificazione psico-neuro-archeologica suddivisa in 3+1 strati sovrapposti che costituisce una elaborazione del modello neuro-archeologico ternario elaborato da Paul MacLean prima e da Jaak Panksepp poi, in cui l'affettività rappresenta il fattore organizzativo fondamentale del cervello-mente. Lo strato più evoluto, caratteristico della specie umana, è quello dell'auto-coscienza riflessiva. Subito sotto si trova il livello della coscienza intersoggettiva, caratteristico delle specie omeoterme (mammiferi ed uccelli) e legato all'evoluzione di un complesso di strutture corticali mediali chiamate Default-Mode-Network. Ancora sotto si trova lo strato della coscienza cognitivo-immaginativa, evolutasi nei vertebrati dotati di corteccia cerebrale. Infine, il primo e più antico strato, è quello della consapevolezza affettiva, legato al funzionamento delle strutture sottocorticali mediali (core-Self), dove risiedono i circuiti istintuali ed archetipici individuati negli studi neuro-etologici di Panksepp.

Un’etica della salute è possibile attraverso la ricognizione della soggettività che interpreta la malattia. Il saggio analizza l’evoluzione teoretica del concetto di malattia: dall’idea tradizionale di affezione del corpo al paradigma cognitivista delle più recenti elaborazioni filosofiche e bioetiche nate in ambito anglosassone come quella del filosofo australiano Stan Van Hooft. Il concetto tradizionale, pur cercando la sede della malattia a livello organico, non mette in discussione l’unitarietà e l’integrità somatica. L’epistemologia contemporanea, a partire dalla genetizzazione, invece ha scomposto il corpo in un aggregato biologico. Questo ha prodotto un cambio epocale dello sguardo e delle pratiche mediche e dello status stesso del malato nella società post genetica. Nella difficile concettualizzazione della salute (e dunque delle caratteristiche e dei limiti della malattia) che si muove tra gli estremi del sub ottimale e dell’ottimo, l’autore prende in esame il paradigma dei 4 livelli di soggettività di Van Hooft e ne aggiunge un quinto. Il quinto livello attraverso cui la malattia viene vissuta e interpretata dalla soggettività riguarda la dimensione relazionale del soggetto, la cui assenza descrive la malattia come mancanza di libertà. I livelli di funzionamento non sono prescrittivi ma di carattere metodologico perché permettono la comprensione della dimensione della malattia. Grazie a questa conoscenza è possibile costruire anche i principi che guidano la professione medico- scientifica che dipendono dal modo in cui l’azione terapeutica è pensata per il malato. ---------- Health ethics is possible by acknowledging that subjectivity interferes with the diseases. This essay analyzes the theoretical evolution of the concept of disease: from the traditional idea of the physical disease up to the latest philosophical and bioethical theories concerning the cognitivist view born in the Anglo-Saxon world such as the studies of the Australian philosopher Stan Van Hooft. The traditional conception, even if it has been looking for the location of the disease on an organic level, has never questioned about unitarity and the somatic integrity. Whereas contemporary epistemology, from the genotyping on, has discomposed the human body into a biological aggregate. All this has produced an epochal change of view both of the medical practices and of the clinical status of the patients in the post-genetic society. In the difficult conceptualization of health and consequently of the features and limitations of the diseases between suboptimal and optimal extremes, the author examines the paradigm of the 4 levels of subjectivity by Van Hooft and adds a fifth one to them. The fifth level, through which the disease is experienced and interpreted by the subjectivity, concerns the relational aspect of the subject, whose absence defines the disease as lack of freedom. The operating levels are not prescriptive but of methodological type because they allow to understand the extent of the disease. Thanks to this knowledge it is also possible to state the medical-scientific guidelines of the profession depending on how the therapeutic action on the patient is conceived.

Viene riproposto un articolo scritto negli anni 1990, e pubblicato nel n. 4/2003 di Psicoterapia e Scienze Umane, sulla terapia on-line, cioè a distanza. Il dibattito sulla terapia on-line che si è acce-so dal 2020 a causa della pandemia di COVID-19 rivela diffusi fraintendimenti sulla teoria della tecnica che possono portare a errori anche nella terapia senza Internet. Molti terapeuti infatti hanno guardato alla terapia on-line con diffidenza, senza capire che è una delle applicazioni di una teoria generale della psicoterapia. Questo dibattito ha quindi un interesse sociologico, non teorico, anche perché le problematiche teorico-cliniche della terapia a distanza erano già state affrontate negli anni 1950 a proposito della telephone analysis. Questo articolo fu scritto in tempi non so-spetti, quando chi praticava la terapia on-line era guardato con diffidenza e il Consiglio Nazio-nale dell'Ordine degli Psicologi (CNOP) aveva addirittura vietato la psicoterapia con Internet.

Nel presente lavoro sono riportate le attuali conoscenze faunistiche riguardanti i Coleoptera (Carabidae, Chrysomelidae) e i Lepidoptera (Hesperioidea, Papilionoidea) della Valle della Nava (Provincia di Lecco, Italia). Viene documentata l’attuale situazione ambientale in un’area ancora scarsamente soggetta alla pressione antropica, tramite lo studio delle comunità di questi gruppi tassonomici. Indagini analoghe hanno dimostrato in più di un caso di essere adatte ad evidenziare gli effetti dell’alterazione ambientale di un determinato territorio, consentendo di ricavare utili informazioni per la gestione degli habitat in esso presenti (Thiele 1977; Brandmayr 1983; Pizzolotto 1994, Balletto et al. 1982a, 1982b). I dati provengono da 7 anni di ricerche entomologiche effettuate con svariate tecniche di raccolta, a cui si aggiungono alcuni dati inediti ricavati dall’esame della collezione Brivio conservata presso il Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Milano. È stata rilevata la presenza di 180 specie (68 di Carabidae, 72 di Chrysomelidae, 40 di Lepidoptera Hesperioidea, Papilionoidea). Considerata la piccola dimensione dell’area di studio (circa 75 ettari) i dati ottenuti sono particolarmente indicativi e interessanti. Vengono infine esposte alcune considerazioni zoogeografiche e ecologiche.

SommarioLa terapia sostitutiva corticosteroidea è indispensabile per la sopravvivenza dei pazienti con insufficienza surrenalica. Per oltre cinquant’anni sono stati impiegati steroidi a breve emivita e solo negli ultimi vent’anni sono state proposte nuove formulazioni derivate dall’idrocortisone, nate con l’obiettivo di migliorare gli effetti delle terapie convenzionali. In particolare, è stata prodotta una formulazione di idrocortisone a rilascio modificato in due fasi (DR-HC, Plenadren®). In questa rassegna si descriveranno le caratteristiche e gli effetti di tale formulazione.

Lo studio prende avvio dal rinvenimento di una statuetta fittile nel Santuario cireneo di Apollo sulla Myrtousa, che riproduce un giovane in posizione stante con una cornucopia nel braccio sinistro piegato e appoggiato ad un'erma e con un oggetto nella mano destra portata in basso lungo il fianco (Fig. 1).La terracotta è stata scoperta nel corso dei sondaggi stratigrafici eseguiti sulla fronte del Tempietto di Afrodite, situato sulla Terrazza Inferiore della Myrtousa immediatamente a Nord-Est dei Propilei Greci e ad Est del Donario degli Strateghi (Figg. 2, 11.1–2). Le ricerche, nate come parte del programma di lavoro sul propileo d'ingresso al sacro temenos, sull'area monumentale ad esso circostante e sul percorso della Via Sacra, hanno consentito di precisare la cronologia delle fasi costruttive del tempietto anche in relazione alle successive sistemazioni di questa parte della Terrazza Inferiore.La statuetta, ricomposta da più frammenti, si conserva per un'altezza massima di cm 20 e una larghezza di cm 11,5, mancando della parte inferiore della figura a partire da poco sopra l'articolazione delle ginocchia, di gran parte della mano sinistro con l'attributo, del collo e del corpo squadrato dell'erma (Figg. 1.1–1.4).La figura, nuda, con il mantello avvolto attorno al braccio sinistro, insiste sulla gamba destra, mentre la sinistro è leggermente divaricata e probabilmente in origine era un poco flessa. La testa, dal volto carnoso, da cui emergono i salienti del naso, della piccola bocca e del mento, è vista lievemente di tre quarti verso sinistro. La capigliatura è disposta intorno alla fronte con un addensamento di riccioli lavorati a massa. Sul torso sono ben dis-tinguibili i muscoli pettorali, l'addome con l'ombelico e la linea inguinale con il pube.

NOTA SULLA DENOMINAZIONE MEDIEVALE DEL COSIDDETTO “TEMPIO DELLA FORTUNA VIRILIS” A ROMAIl piccolo tempio repubblicano, che si trova presso la sponda del Tevere, generalmente noto come “Tempio della Fortuna Virile”, fu convertito, nei primi secoli del Medioevo, in una chiesa cristiana. L'identificazione della sua dedicazione è stata oggetto di controversie. L'autore ritiene che, se lo Stefano che era menzionato quale fondatore della chiesa in una perduta iscrizione può essere riconosciuto nello Stefano che detenne la carica di “secundicerius” nei primi anni del pontificate di Giovanni VIII, ciò raforzerebbe l'ipotesi avanzata da coloro che identificavano questo edificio con la chiesa di “S. Maria Sccundicerii”.

This essay documents the diffusion of the Italian language and culture in Aotearoa-New Zealand, an officially bilingual (English and Māori), as revealed by the double name, and multicultural society. By adopting an eclectic approach that combines sociolinguistics, language teaching methodology, and cultural anthropology, my paper is a micro-ethnography performed on a group of five women of Italian origin with different levels of competency in Italian as their second language. This group of Kiwis – as New Zealanders frequently refer to themselves – ranged age from 16 to 68 and reside in greater Auckland, New Zealand’s most populous city. Their testimonies were collected through a series of face-to-face semi-structured qualitative interviews and based on several sessions of participant observation involving immersion and interaction in the socio-cultural environment of the informants. Notwithstanding their small number, the stories collected in this research disclose a significant ethnographic relevance as they testify to key aspects of Italianness in the social and historical context of New Zealand. In line with the sociolinguistic theories on the circulation of Italian in the world, on the motivations underpinning its learning and on the typology of speakers, I specifically addressed the following topics: Italian as a language of migration, Italian as a language of culture, Italian taught at university, Italian as part of a fluid and transnational multi-identity, and Italian in the global market. Due metà dello stesso Kiwi: lingua e cultura italiana tra i neozelandesi di origine italiana Il seguente saggio documenta la diffusione della lingua e della cultura italiana in Aotearoa - Nuova Zelanda, paese ufficialmente bilingue (inglese e Māori), come rivela il doppio nome, e multiculturale. Attraverso un approccio eclettico che combina sociolinguistica, glottodidattica e antropologia culturale, l’articolo si propone come micro-etnografia condotta su un gruppo di cinque donne di origine italiana con diversi livelli di competenza in italiano come lingua seconda. Questo gruppo di informatrici Kiwi – questo è il nome con il quale i/le neozelandesi si riferiscono comunemente a sé stessi/e – ha un’età compresa tra i sedici e i sessantotto anni e risiede nell’area metropolitana di Auckland, la città più popolosa della Nuova Zelanda. Le loro testimonianze sono state raccolte tramite una serie di interviste qualitative semi-strutturate, condotte di persona, e diverse sessioni di osservazione partecipante che hanno comportato l’immersione e l’interazione nell’ambiente socio-culturale delle informatrici. Nonostante il loro numero limitato, le storie raccolte in questa ricerca dimostrano una significativa rilevanza etnografica poiché testimoniano aspetti chiave dell’italianità nel contesto storico-sociale neozelandese. In linea con le teorie sociolinguistiche sulla circolazione dell'italiano nel mondo, sui motivi dell’apprendimento e sulla tipologia dei parlanti, ho esaminato nello specifico i seguenti argomenti: l’italiano lingua di migrazione, l’italiano lingua di cultura, l’italiano insegnato all’università, l’italiano come parte di una pluri-identità fluida e transnazionale e, infine, l’italiano nel mercato globale.

Riassunto: Una recente pronuncia del Tribunale di Belluno offre l’occasione per discutere le difficoltà che circondano l’applicazione delle norme italiane di diritto internazionale privato relative alla protezione delle persone maggiorenni che, a causa di un un’infermità o di menomazioni psichiche o fisiche, non sono in grado di provvedere ai propri interessi. Investito di un’istanza per la nomina di un amministratore di sostegno, il Tribunale ha affermato la sussistenza della giurisdizione italiana in ragione del fatto che la beneficiaria della misura di protezione –una cittadina macedone– aveva la propria residenza in Italia; circostanza rilevante, si legge nel provvedimento, tanto ai sensi dell’art. 3 quanto ai sensi dell’art. 9 della legge italiana di diritto internazionale privato (legge n. 218/1995), le norme generali riguardanti, rispettivamente, la giurisdizione contenziosa e quella volontaria. Quanto alla legge applicabile, il Tribunale ha innanzitutto rilevato che l’art. 43 della legge italiana di diritto internazio-nale privato richiama la legge nazionale della persona di cui trattasi, cioè, nella specie, la legge macedone. Si è dunque preoccupato di accertare se le norme macedoni sui conflitti di leggi richiamassero una legge diversa, ed è giunto alla conclusione che queste rinviassero nel caso di specie alla legge italiana. Anche il diritto internazionale privato macedone assoggetta in via ordinaria la protezione degli adulti alla legge del paese di cittadinanza dell’interessato, ma esiste nel sistema macedone una clausola di eccezione di carattere generale che, in un caso come quello considerato, interamente collegato con l’Italia (a parte la cittadinanza della beneficiaria) corregge il richiamo predetto e riconduce la fattispecie sotto il diritto italiano. Da qui, in forza dell’art. 13 della legge italiana di diritto internazionale privato, in tema di rinvio, l’applicabilità del diritto italiano. L’articolata argomentazione che sorregge la pronuncia, in sé convincente, mette in luce le ragioni per le quali l’assetto normativo attuale appare inadeguato a soddisfare gli interessi che oggi dominano la materia, quali risultano in particolare dalla Convenzione delle Nazioni Unite del 2006 sui diritti delle persone con disabilità. La ratifica italiana della Convenzione dell’Aja del 2000 sulla protezione internazionale degli adulti comporterebbe, si sostiene nell’articolo, vantaggi significativi. Parole chiave: disabilità; capacità; supporto nella assunzione di decisioni; competenza giurisdizionale; procedimenti contenziosi e volontari; legge applicabile; rinvio; clausola di eccezione. Abstract: A recent decision by the Tribunal of Belluno provides the opportunity to discuss the difficulties that surround the application of the Italian rules of private international law concerning the protection of adults who, by reason of an impairment or insufficiency of their personal faculties, are not in a position to protect their interests. Seised of a request for the appointment of an “amministratore di sostegno” (a person charged with assisting the adult concerned in the taking of particular decisions), the Tribunal found it had jurisdiction on the ground that the person for whom the protection was sought – a national of Macedonia – resided in Italy. As noted by the Tribunal, this provided a sufficient basis for jurisdiction under both Article 3 and Article 9 of the Italian Statute on Private International (Law No 218 of 1995), concerning jurisdiction over contentious and non-contentious proceedings, respectively. As regards the applicable law, the Tribunal observed at the outset that, pursuant to Article 43 of the Italian Statute, the protection of adults is governed by the law of the State of nationality of the adult concerned, that is, in the circumstances, the law of Macedonia. The Tribunal went on to assess whether the conflictof-laws rules in force in Macedonia refer, in turn, to the law of the different country, and found that they refer the matter back to Italian law. Like the Italian Statute, the Macedonian Statute of Private International Law provides that the protection of adults be governed by the law of nationality of the adult in question. However, the Macedo-nian Statute includes a general exception clause pursuant to which, in the Tribunal’s view, the case must rather be considered to be governed by Italian law, given that the case is con-nected with Italy in all respects, apart from the nationality of the person concerned. Hence, according to Article 13 of the Italian Statute, on renvoi, the application of Italian law. The Tribunal’s complex reasoning, while persuasive in itself, illustrates the reasons why the cur-rent legal landscape hardly suits the interests underlying this area of law, in particular as they result from the United Nations Convention on the rights of persons with disabilities of 2006. The paper argues that the picture would significantly improve if Italy ratified the Hague Convention of 2000 on the international protection of adults. Keywords: disability; capacity; assisted decision-making; jurisdiction; contentious and non-contentious proceedings; applicable law; renvoi; exception clause.

Dal 2016 in Veneto ed in particolare a Verona si è registrato un enorme aumento di nigeria-ne vittime di tratta a scopo di sfruttamento sessuale. Come servizio sociale del Comune di Verona, all'interno delle azioni del Progetto NAVe Network Antitratta per il Veneto è emersa l'esigenza di essere più efficaci negli interventi dei vari attori coinvolti nel progetto di aiuto alle ragazze per molte difficoltà nella creazione di relazioni interpersonali di fiducia, con conseguenti esiti fallimentari dei percorsi di assistenza, dovuti sia a limiti dei dispositivi di intervento sia alle sempre più complesse problematiche rilevate (scarsa motivazione, com-portamenti adolescenziali, esiti da traumi, aborti, atti autolesivi, tentati suicidi, ricoveri ospe-dalieri, allontanamenti, comportamenti a rischio e devianti, uso inconsapevole dei social net-work, ecc.). C'era l'esigenza di mettersi in discussione e modificare approcci e modalità di intervento, al fine di essere più efficaci nei percorsi di inclusione individuali, cambiare pro-spettiva e rimettere al centro le vere protagoniste dei percorsi di inclusione. Si è quindi scelto di fare un lavoro di gruppo tra minorenni e neomaggiorenni in carico al servizio sociale. Puntando su accettazione incondizionata e autodeterminazione delle perso-ne, si è avviato un percorso di empowerment di gruppo per accompagnare le giovani nige-riane vittime di tratta seguite in un percorso pedagogico antioppressivo di liberazione. Le attività sono condotte e facilitate da tre assistenti sociali, una mediatrice linguistico cultu-rale nigeriana e da una ragazza nigeriana con funzione di peer educator. Da settembre 2018 si sono organizzati incontri di 4-5 ore ogni sei settimane. Come scelta di conduzione delle attività si è scelto di non dare eccessiva strutturazione agli incontri e di utilizzare delle tecniche di animazione per facilitare un clima informale che age-volasse le relazioni e la libera espressione. L'obiettivo principale non è quello di trasmettere contenuti, ma di stimolare un processo di maturazione e consapevolezza del sé. Il messaggio esplicitato da subito era molto chiaro: «come sistema pubblico di assistenza siamo molto in difficoltà: abbiamo bisogno che siate voi stesse a farci capire come aiutarvi meglio». Le ra-gazze hanno così compreso il ruolo di partecipazione attiva richiesto; contemporaneamente la sfida per il servizio sociale ed i sistemi di accoglienza è stata quella di mettersi maggior-mente in gioco, per ridare fiducia alle ragazze e riconoscere loro competenze e capacità nell'autodeterminarsi. Da loro è inizialmente emersa una propensione a concentrarsi su temi legati al presente ed al futuro (la vita in comunità, la stabilizzazione nel territorio italiano, il lavoro, ecc.) ed una tendenza ad evitare tematiche più dolorose (il passato, il viaggio e l'esperienza di tratta, il rapporto con la Nigeria, ma anche in qualche modo il riconoscimento/consapevolezza di uno status di vittima che necessita di protezione). Si sono coinvolti negli incontri vari soggetti esterni soggetti della rete dei servizi, anche di tipo istituzionali (Questura, servizi specialistici sociosanitari, ecc.), affrontando alcune tematiche scelte dalle ragazze (le regole delle comunità, i documenti, la salute, le emozioni, le relazioni interpersonali, ecc.). Dopo un anno e mezzo, si individuano alcuni iniziali indicatori di esito: continuità della pre-senza e partecipazione attiva agli incontri, clima del gruppo, interazioni tra le ragazze all'interno e fuori dal gruppo, creazione di vicinanza e fiducia verso le istituzioni, tenuta dei percorsi di inclusione, maggiore attenzione, consapevolezza e disponibilità a mettersi mag-giormente in gioco, oltre ad un allargamento e coinvolgimento attivo da parte di servizi so-ciosanitari pubblici.

Alcuni pazienti per poter procedere nella loro analisi devono esperire la creazione di uno spazio potenziale, come definito da Winnicott, per riprendere il gioco della loro vita. In alcuni casi è necessario giungere alle aree primitive del paziente dove non è possibile usare le parole perché ancora non nate. In questi pazienti il loro percorso di vita è stato interrotto dall'assenza di questo spazio, necessario anche per la comunicazione e lo scambio con l'altro. In analisi di questo tipo l'unica comunicazione possibile è quella da esperienza a esperienza tra analista e paziente, dove grazie alla relazione è possibile trasformare le esperienze in parole prima e pensieri poi. Dopo la realizzazione di quest'area di gioco il paziente potrà proseguire per realizzare il suo pieno potenziale, il suo senso di vivere. L'autrice descriverà l'uso di parola-esperienza nate nella relazione analitica, parole che hanno senso dentro il setting e nella relazione con la paziente e al di fuori dei quali possono sembrare pura follia.

Formata dal movimento dei ghiacciai quaternari, la Valle di Susa è una valle alpina nel Nord Ovest italiano. Luminoso esempio di “materia narrante”, è anche terreno di scontro tra iniziative conservazionistiche e progetti infrastrutturali transnazionali. Il progetto dell’alta velocità-capacità ferroviaria, o TAV, è stato oggetto di dure critiche. Dagli anni Novanta, grandi mobilitazioni riunite sotto il vessillo No TAV dalla valle si sono estese all’intero territorio nazionale. Parallelamente, il TAV gode l’appoggio bipartisan delle forze politiche. Diversi progetti preliminari sono stati stracciati nel tentativo di sedare un conflitto quasi trentennale con le comunità locali, un conflitto che buona parte della popolazione descrive come “resistenza”, riallacciandosi all’epopea partigiana contro la piaga nazista. Il 28 luglio 2017, il Movimento No TAV ha annunciato il rinvenimento della sgargiante Zerynthia polyxena presso il torrente Clarea. Questa farfalla è inserita nella Direttiva Habitat, adottata dall’Unione europea nel 1992 per promuovere la tutela della biodiversità. Tuttavia, l’area è stata scelta come nuovo sito di cantiere da TELT, Promotore Pubblico responsabile della realizzazione e gestione della sezione transfrontaliera della futura linea Torino-Lyon. La notizia offre una lettura inedita del rapporto fra umano, tecnologia e ambiente in un contesto di altissima tensione economica e sociale quale è la Val di Susa. Nell'Ecuba, Euripide racconta che Polissena, principessa troiana, preferì farsi uccidere piuttosto che diventare schiava. La vicenda di Polissena è il cavallo di legno che introduce nel dibattito sul progetto del TAV l’assunto per cui “la liberazione della natura così ardentemente desiderata dagli ambientalisti non potrà mai essere pienamente ottenuta senza la liberazione della donna” (Gaard). Una nuova possibilità per il Movimento No TAV di far sentire la propria voce sarà illuminando la verità che il corpo della Terra e i corpi delle donne sono un unico corpo soggiogato e subordinato all’uomo, vittime dello stesso pregiudizio, quello di essere predisposti a uno scopo: compiacere, nutrire, servire. Ho ripercorso una china che va da La Dea Bianca di Robert Graves alla stregoneria al fascismo, guidato da alcune eroine letterarie. Coniugando idealmente l’ecofemminismo alla teoria designata da Edward Lorenz, battendo le ali Polissena può davvero scatenare un uragano. Abstract Formed by the movement of large ice sheets during the Quaternary glaciations, the Susa Valley is an alpine site in northwestern Italy. It is a luminous example of “storied matter,” but it is also a battlefield between visions of wild nature and the plans of “crossnational” infrastructures. The planned TAV (Treno Alta Velocità, or high-speed train) line has been the source of heavy criticism: since the 1990s, an intense mobilization has spread from the valley all across Italy under the banner of the “No TAV” movement. The TAV project has since enjoyed unwavering political support from the members of parliament, right-wing and left-wing alike. Several preliminary drafts have been overturned in the attempt to quell a three-decades–long clash with the communities, a clash that most of the local people depict as “resistance,” latching on to the partisans’ epic stories of endurance against the Nazi scourge that took place in the valley. On July 28, 2017, the No TAV movement announced the discovery of the rare and striking butterfly Zerynthia polyxena, among the rare, threatened, or endemic species in the European Union listed in the Habitat Directive adopted in 1992. Yet, the area has been chosen as the new construction site by the company entrusted with the management of the cross-border section of the high-speed railway line between Turin and Lyon (a.k.a. TELT). This piece of news provides an original point of view to address the relationship between human and non-human agencies in a context of economic and social tension such as the Susa Valley. In this paper, I compare contemporary circumstances in the valley to the ancient Greek myth of Polyxena. In the tragedy Hecuba, the dramatist Euripides describes Polyxena as the Trojan princess who prefers to kill herself rather than become a slave. Hence, the butterfly that carries her name might become a Trojan horse enshrining the idea that “the liberation of nature so ardently desired by environmentalists will not be fully effected without the liberation of women” (G. Gaard). Combining various critical strains within the Environmental Humanities–from ecofeminism and biosemiotics to environmental history and new materialism–I suggest that richer, more encompassing narratives will be generated only when the similar fate of subjugation experienced by non-human bodies and the bodies of women will be more widely recognized. I carve a meandering spatio-temporal narrative path that goes from Robert Graves’ The White Goddess to witch trials and fascism, attempting to follow an erratic fluttering pattern amongst the voices of literature. It is the very slanted figure eight pattern that Polyxena makes with its wings, and by which, according to the theory designated by Edward Lorenz, a hurricane could grow, bringing alternative world visions.Resumen Formado por el movimiento de grandes capas de hielo durante las glaciaciones cuaternarias, el valle de Susa es un enclave alpino en el noroeste de Italia. Es un ejemplo luminoso de “materia narrada”, pero también es un campo de batalla entre las visiones de la naturaleza salvaje y los planes de las infraestructuras “transnacionales”. La línea TAV (“Treno Alta Velocità” o tren de alta velocidad) ha sido objeto de fuertes críticas: desde la década de 1990 se ha extendido en toda Italia una intensa movilización bajo el lema del movimiento “No TAV”. Desde entonces, el proyecto TAV ha gozado de un apoyo político inquebrantable por parte de los miembros del parlamento, tanto de derecha como de izquierda. Varios proyectos preliminares han sido revocados en un intento de sofocar un enfrentamiento de tres décadas con las comunidades, un choque que la mayoría de la población local concibe como “resistencia”, con referencia a las épicas historias de resistencia de los partisanos contra el flagelo nazi que tuvo lugar en el valle. El 28 de julio de 2017, el movimiento No TAV anunció el descubrimiento de la sorprendente mariposa Zerynthia polyxena, entre las especies raras, amenazadas o endémicas de la Unión Europea, enumeradas en la Directiva Hábitat adoptada en 1992. Sin embargo, el lugar ha sido elegido como el nuevo sitio de construcción por la empresa encargada de la gestión del tramo transfronterizo de la línea ferroviaria de alta velocidad entre Turín y Lyon (también conocido como TELT). Esta noticia proporciona un punto de vista original para abordar la relación entre los seres humanos y el medio ambiente en un contexto de tensión económica y social como el Valle de Susa. En este artículo, comparo las circunstancias contemporáneas en el valle con el antiguo mito griego de Políxena. En la tragedia Hécuba, el dramaturgo Eurípides describe a Políxena como la princesa troyana que prefiere suicidarse antes que ser una esclava. Por lo tanto, la mariposa que lleva su nombre podría convertirse en un caballo de Troya que consagre la idea de que “la liberación de la naturaleza tan ardientemente deseada por los ecologistas no se realizará completamente sin la liberación de las mujeres” (G. Gaard). Combinando varias tendencias críticas dentro de las ciencias humanas ambientales—desde el ecofeminismo y la biosemiótica hasta la historia ambiental y los nuevos materialismos—sugiero que se generarán narrativas más ricas e incluyentes sólo cuando el destino similar de subyugación experimentado por cuerpos no humanos y cuerpos de mujeres sea más ampliamente reconocido. Trazo una ruta narrativa espacio-temporal serpenteante que va desde La Diosa Blanca de Robert Graves hasta los juicios de brujas y el fascismo, tratando de seguir un patrón de aleteo errático entre las voces de la literatura. Es el patrón inclinado de la figura de ocho que hace Políxena con sus alas, y por obra del cual, de acuerdo con la teoría designada por Edward Lorenz, un huracán podría crecer, trayendo visiones alternativas del mundo.

L'obiettivo di questo articolo č di cercare di capire come le emozioni agiscono e interagiscono nel processo di apprendimento della psicosocioanalisi. All'interno dei processi di apprendimento proposti da Ariele č stato evidenziato che, indipendentemente dalla motivazione che portava ad iscriversi, nel gruppo spesso "avviene qualcosa" che improvvisamente provoca, fa emergere una forte emozione individuale, positiva o negativa, ma comunque generativa. Questo turbamento emotivo implica un passaggio di apprendimento cognitivo sia individuale che gruppale per rendere le emozioni sostenibili e riconoscibili e per riuscire a rielaborarle in un pensiero accettabile. L'articolo arriva a proporre un possibile modello psicosocioanalitico di apprendimento attraverso le emozioni. La metafora dell'apprendimento emotivo che emerge da queste riflessioni č quella di una nave sul mare che č potenzialmente nel caos, deve attraversare una tempesta, puň affondare o navigare alla ricerca di un approdo, affrontando il rischio.

L'articolo analizza gli eventi che ebbero luogo a Cartagena de Indias il 4 febbraio 1641 quando si seppe che il 1 dicembre 1640 i portoghesi si erano ribellati a Filippo IV. Il nuovo monarca portoghese, João IV, si affrettò a inviare a Cartagena una nave con lettere apocrife attribuite a Filippo IV. In esse si chiedeva di restituire alle isole Azzorre la flotta portoghese che era ancorata in quel porto. Tuttavia, la frode delle lettere apocrife fu scoperta grazie alla fedeltà del generale portoghese Rodrigo Lobo da Silva a Filippo IV. Si studiano le reazioni alla notizia in quanto avrebbe influito sulla fornitura di schiavi africani essenziali per la produzione di oro. Si sostiene inoltre che la perdita del Portogallo diede luogo a richieste di nuove campagne di conquista in province note per la loro ricchezza aurifera, ma che non erano state sottomesse agli spagnoli.

In caso di referenti animati, il genere grammaticale limitato alla dicotomia maschio/femmina non corrisponde con tutte le identità di genere. Ultimamente sono state create nel contesto dell’italiano (in contemporanea con numerosi altri idiomi) alcune strategie di neutralizzazione di genere mirate a offrire soluzioni linguistiche per chi non si identifichi con le categorie binarie di genere. Se le strategie in italiano standard sono state riprese dalle linee guida di varie istituzioni a livello europeo e nazionale, le strategie sub-standard, nate in grembo a comunità con schieramenti politici e sociali a favore delle tematiche legate alle comunità LGBTQIA+, sono mete di critiche da parte di personaggi pubblici, in primo luogo giornalisti/giornaliste, corpo docente universitario e personalità politiche, spesso con toni offensivi e derisori, se non del tutto irrispettosi. D’altro canto, il polo che promuove queste iniziative ribadisce che si tratta di esperimenti limitati a determinati contesti (soprattutto scritti, in riferimento a gruppi di persone indistinte per genere o quando si parla/si scrive di una persona non binaria o quando si fa riferimento a un individuo a prescindere dal genere). Questo studio propone una panoramica delle strategie e motivazioni che danno legittimità alla promozione del linguaggio rispettoso di genere.

A little over two weeks after the commencement of the First World War, the Catholic Church was left without its universal shepherd at a time of immense upheaval. Pope Pius X died on 20 August 1914 and immediately, the cardinals of the Catholic Church made their way to Rome to elect his successor. In the conclave, the choice fell on Giacomo della Chiesa, Cardinal Archbishop of Bologna, who took the name of Benedict XV. Della Chiesa had been a student of Cardinal Mariano Rampolla, the Secretary of State under Leo XIII. His essential training had been in diplomacy and this made him well qualified to cope with the war. Immediately upon his accession, Benedict adopted a policy of impartiality and advocated an immediate peace by negotiation. His various peace efforts were ignored, however, and many Catholics in various European countries gave only lukewarm support or made clear an outright rejection of the Pope’s pronouncements on diplomacy. This article concentrates on the reaction of British Catholics, in particular, to Benedict XV’s peace appeals during the war, including his Peace Note of 1917.

IntroduzioneLa progressiva attenzione della scienza politica per le tematiche organizzative sembra essere una tendenza incontrovertibile. Gli attori politici collettivi sono visti sempre meno come delle «scatole nere», dei semplici canali di trasmissione di domande e interessi, e si sottolinea, invece, sempre più come essi siano delleorganizzazioni complessela cui condotta è regolata da meccanismi ed imperativispecificiedautonomie come, di conseguenza, l'individuazione di queste dinamiche organizzative contribuisca in modo determinante alla comprensione del funzionamento del sistema politico nel suo complesso. La configurazione di una organizzazione politicanonè un fatto meramente «tecnico» o «ingegneristico», e men che meno «formale», ma determina l'autonomia e la discrezionalità di cui gode il gruppo dirigente nel ridefinire gli interessi dei gruppi sociali rappresentati e nel «guidare» lamembershipverso determinate mete collettive. Una delle acquisizioni più rilevanti che sono state fatte in questo campo di indagine è che per spiegare le caratteristiche strutturali di una organizzazione politica occorre risalire al modo in cui essa è nata, si è formata e si è consolidata. Il concetto distruttura, infatti, appartiene ad una classe di concetti utilizzati nelle scienze sociali — i cosiddettitime oriented concepts— che assumono significato solo in un orizzonte temporalediacronico(Rosenthal 1978). Ciò che si percepisce come «strutturale» al tempo T sono modelli di comportamento e interazioni sociali che sono perdurati e si sono stabilizzati al tempo T-1, T-2, T-3, … T-n, e che per questo motivo diventano elementicostitutividi quella relazione sociale. Quella che potremmo chiamare lafallacy of synchronic reductionismporta a «fotografare» una organizzazione in un dato momento e a considerare tutti i suoi caratteri strutturali in un orizzonteatemporale.Invece, le proprietà strutturali di una organizzazione sono il risultato di scelte organizzative e di processi di adattamento che si sono verificati inmomenti e fasi differentidella vita dell'organizzazione e i cui risultati si sono poi «congelati», «sedimentati», «stratificati» nel tempo. Una semplice analisi del contesto ambientale in cui opera un'organizzazione, come suggerisce l'approcciocontingency, non è sufficiente in quanto organizzazioni con «storie»differentipotranno daredifferentirisposte, in termini di proprietà organizzative, agliidenticiimperativi posti in un dato momento dallo stesso ambiente. Per spiegare le proprietà strutturali di una organizzazione politica occorre quindi integrare opportunamente l'analisistrutturale-morfologica, basata sull'ipotesi che le organizzazioni tendano ad adattarsi razionalmente alla struttura del loro ambiente, con l'analisistorico-genetica, in base alla quale la razionalità degli attori organizzativi è vincolata dalle loro esperienze passate, dallastoriadell'organizzazione e, in particolare, dal modo in cui l'organizzazione stessa è nata e si è formata. L'approccio genetico ha trovato ampie applicazioni nello studio di vari tipi di organizzazioni politiche: i partiti, i sindacati dei lavoratori, i gruppi di interesse, i movimenti collettivi, le organizzazioni terroristiche. Con questo articolo mi propongo di estendere l'utilizzazione, e di dimostrare l'utilità, di questo approccio anche per quanto riguarda l'analisi di un tipo particolare di organizzazioni politiche, che solo recentemente sono diventate oggetto di studio, cioè leassociazioni imprenditoriali.In particolare, mi occuperò dellepeak associations, cioè delle confederazioni nazionali intersettoriali, come la confindustria e le sue omologhe in altre nazioni. Nella prossima sezione traccerò una tipologia dellepeak associationssulla base del loro «modello originario», cioè del modo in cui sono nate, e del loro grado di istituzionalizzazione; nella seconda sezione verificherò la validità di questa tipologia attraverso l'analisi storico-comparata: illustrerò un «modello a dicotomie successive», costruito alla luce dell'evidenza empirica disponibile, per l'analisi dei processi di formazione delle associazioni imprenditoriali, mettendo in evidenza come a diversi processi di formazione siano corrisposti differenti «modelli originari». Nelle sezioni finali, infine, esaminerò i fattori esplicativi che hanno determinato il prevalere di uno o dell'altro dei vari processi di formazione.

ALIAmides are a family of fatty acid amides whose name comes from their mechanism of action, i.e., the Autacoid Local Injury Antagonism (ALIA). Actually, the ALIAmide parent molecule, palmitoylethanolamide (PEA), is locally produced on demand from a cell membrane precursor in order to control immune-inflammatory cell responses, avert chronic non-resolving inflammation, and limit the resulting clinical signs. ALIAmide sister compounds, such as Adelmidrol and palmitoylglucosamine, share mechanisms of action with PEA and may also increase endogenous levels of PEA. Provided that their respective bioavailability is properly addressed (e.g., through decreasing the particle size through micronization), exogenously administered ALIAmides thus mimic or sustain the prohomeostatic functions of endogenous PEA. The aim of the present paper is to review the main findings on the use of ALIAmides in small animals as a tribute to the man of vision who first believed in this “according-to-nature” approach, namely Francesco della Valle. After briefly presenting some key issues on the molecular targets, metabolism, and pharmacokinetics of PEA and related ALIAmides, here we will focus on the preclinical and clinical studies performed in dogs and cats. Although more data are still needed, ALIAmides may represent a novel and promising approach to small animal health.

Cultural places represent the tangible part of the identity and historical heritage of a civilization as well as an extraordinary driving force for the economic development of a country. Within its huge asset, Italy counts a wide number of archaeological sites and monuments which, despite their cultural value, are totally cut off from the most important cultural routes. This paper aims to demonstrate how specific actions of digitization can contribute to valorize (restoring a cultural value) ‘marginal’ landmarks, promoting their knowledge and inclusion. The case study described is represented by the Church of “Santa Maria delle Palate”, located inside the well-known Archaeological Park of Halaesa Arconidea (Tusa, ME). The church, built in 1551 and subject to several renovations throughout the centuries, has been investigated as part of an interdisciplinary training and skill transfer project carried out by a CNR-IPCF research team. During the activities, the group of trainees approached a multi-analytic method for the study of many Sicilian places using different techniques such as laser scanning, photogrammetry, thermography and spectroscopy and collecting a large amount of information and data. In 2019, the building in question was the object of a complete architectural survey in order to obtain an accurate digital replica; moreover, the wall painting representing St. Francis, preserved in the southern nave, was investigated through non-invasive investigations (IR-imaging, XRF and Raman spectrometry) with the intention of collecting information about its state of preservation and nature of pigments used and help the restoration work, which would have been carried out in the following months. The result of the work is a combined “digital archive” useful not only for the purposes of conservation, monitoring and dissemination, but as a container of information enjoyable at different levels of depth. In addition to the scientific outcomes achieved for the study of the painting, relevant from the historical and artistic point of view, we must underline the importance of the work for the implementation of a web-based platform where expert and inexpert users can virtually access the church virtual tour and search for specialized contents (e.g., measures, analyzes results). Media such as this are finally demonstrated to be able to promote the inclusion (e.g., for people unable to reach the place or with reducing mobility) and accessibility to cultural places during ordinary (maintenance, closure) or extraordinary events (pandemic).

The institution of slavery has served to perform different functions in different societies. The distinction between ‘closed’ and ‘open’ slavery can be a useful one: in some societies slavery is a mechanism for the permanent exclusion of certain individuals from political and economic privileges, while in others it has served precisely to facilitate the integration of outsiders into the community. ‘The African slave, brought by a foray to the tribe, enjoys, from the beginning, the privileges and name of a child, and looks upon his master and mistress in every respect as his new parents… by care and diligence, he may soon become a master himself, and even more rich and powerful than he who led him captive.’ The model of an ‘open’ slavery implies that service as a slave is not a state to which a person is permanently, let alone ‘naturally’, assigned, but more akin to an age-grade. A parallel might be domestic or agricultural service as it was practised in much of Europe until this century — a period spent serving in another household after childhood and prior to marriage.A Roman slave, on formal manumission, joined the community of citizens. To what extent ought we therefore to succumb to the temptation to see slavery at Rome — in contrast to the Greek world — in terms of the ideal type of a ‘process of integration’? In a noted article on ‘Die Freilassung von Sklaven und die Struktur der Sklaverei in der römischen Kaiserzeit’ (Rivista Storica dell' Antichitià 2 [1972], 97-129), G. Alföldi argued that in the Roman Empire slavery was an ‘Übergangszustand’ (p. 122), a transitional state which ultimately gave most slaves a recognised if not a fully equal place as members of the Roman citizen community.

RESUMOO povo Pankará da Serra do Arapuá, localizada no Sertão de Pernambuco, deflagra um movimento chamado “Retomada da Educação” no ano de 2004. Desde então, a escola é apropriada como uma importante estratégia pedagógica para a formação, politização, mobilização e organização do povo face a antagonistas históricos. O artigo tem como objetivo refletir como a categoria política “retomada” é apropriada pelos Pankará na luta pela educação escolar e quais sentidos atribuem a ela. O texto inicia com um breve histórico da formação social na Serra do Arapuá e da resistência dos Pankará. Em seguida traz a descrição etnográfica da Retomada da Educação como um projeto que articula Território e Poder. Por fim, o texto analisa o Projeto Político Pedagógico que nasce das experiências comunitárias dos indígenas com seus parentes do quilombo-indígena Tiririca dos Crioulos, evidenciando os modos de fazer, conteúdos e intencionalidades presentes neste projeto específico de escola. Escola Indígena. Retomada. Pankará. Tiririca dos Crioulos. Resumption of School education: A study on education, territory and power in the Pankará experience ABSTRACT The Pankará people of Serra do Arapuá, located in the Pernambuco backlands, set off a movement called “Retaking of Education” in 2004. Since then, the school has been appropriate as an important pedagogical strategy for the formation, politicization, mobilization and organization of the people against their historical antagonists. The article aims to reflect how the “retaking” political category is appropriated by the Pankará in the struggle for school education and what meanings they attribute to it. The text begins with a brief history of social formation in the Serra do Arapuá and the resistance of the Pankará, followed by the ethnographic description of the Resumption of Education as a project that articulates Territory and Power. Finally, the text analyzes the Pedagogical Political Project that is born from the community experiences of the indigenous with their relatives of the Quilombo-indigenous Tiririca dos Crioulos, highlighting the ways of doing, contents and intentionalities present in this specific school project. Indian School. Retaking. Pankará. Creole Tiririca. Ripresa dell'istruzione scolastica: uno studio sull'educazione, il territorio e il potere nell'esperienza di Pankará RIASSUNTO Il popolo Pankará di Serra do Arapuá, situato in Pernambuco, Brasile, nel 2004 ha avviato un movimento chiamato "Ripresa dell'educazione". Da allora, la scuola è stata appropriata come importante strategia pedagogica per la formazione, la politicizzazione, la mobilitazione e l'organizzazione di persone di fronte agli antagonisti storici. L'articolo ha lo scopo di riflettere su come la categoria politica "ripresa" viene appropriata dal popolo Pankará nella lotta per l'istruzione scolastica e quali significati attribuiscono ad essa. Il testo inizia con una breve storia della formazione sociale nella Serra do Arapuá e la resistenza del Pankará. Poi arriva la descrizione etnografica della Ripresa dell'educazione come progetto che articola Territorio e Potere. Infine, il testo analizza il Progetto politico pedagogico che nasce dalle esperienze della comunità degli indigeni con i loro parenti della Tiririca dos Crioulos Quilombo-indigena, evidenziando il modo di fare, i contenuti e le intenzioni presenti in questo specifico progetto scolastico. Scuola indiana. Ripresa. Pankará. Creole Tiririca. Reanudación de la Educación Escolar: un estudio sobre educación, territorio y poder en la experiencia Pankará RESUMEN El pueblo Pankará de Serra do Arapuá, ubicado en el sertão de Pernambuco, empieza un movimiento llamado "Retomada da Educação" en 2004. Desde entonces, la escuela ha sido apropiada como una estrategia pedagógica importante para la formación, politización, movilización y organización del pueblo frente a antagonistas históricos. El artículo tiene como objetivo reflejar cómo los Pankará se apropian de la categoría política "reanudación" en la lucha por la educación escolar y qué significados le atribuyen. El texto comienza con una breve historia de la formación social en la Serra do Arapuá y la resistencia de los Pankará. Luego viene la descripción etnográfica de la Reanudación de la Educación como un proyecto que articula Territorio y Poder. Finalmente, el texto analiza el Proyecto Político Pedagógico que nace de las experiencias comunitarias de los indígenas con sus familiares de lo quilombo-indígena Tiririca dos Crioulos, destacando las formas de hacer, los contenidos y las intenciones presentes en este proyecto escolar específico. Escuela Indígena. Reanudación. Pankará. Tiririca dos Crioulos.

La mia collaborazione con Massimo Campanini si è sviluppata su comuni interessi per i classici del pensiero islamico ma con competenze assai diverse, essendo io più orientato a studiare gli effetti e gli sviluppi che essi produssero sul pensiero occidentale medievale e moderno attraverso una pratica di traduzioni spesso creative per imprecisione – l’inverso dell’operazione che essi stessi avevano fatto rispetto a Platone e Aristotele.Averroè-Ibn Rushd è già un bell’esempio di deformazione del nome, ma proprio la formazione della sua opera e i modi in cui è stata trasmessa al mondo ebraico e cristiano sono singolari testimonianze degli esiti ambigui del processo traduttivo. Cerchiamo infatti di mostrare come la lettura del De substantia orbis abbia stimolato sia nel Medioevo che nel Rinascimento non solo il rifiuto del creazionismo ma anche posizioni panteistiche, mentre la famosa tesi dell’intelletto materiale unico contenuta nel Commentarium Magnum al De anima aristotelico ha stimolato molteplici varianti del monopsichismo, da Spinoza a Marx e alla più recente letteratura post-strutturalista. My collaboration with Massimo Campanini developed around our common interests in the classics of Islamic thought, but with very different approaches, since I am more oriented towards studying the effects and developments they produced on medieval and modern Western thought through a practice of translation that was often creative in terms of inaccuracy – so the opposite of what had been done with respect to Plato and Aristotle.The same Averroes-Ibn Rushd is a fine example of name distortion, and the very formation of his work and the ways in which it was transmitted to the Jewish and Christian world are singular testimonies to the ambiguous outcomes of this translation process. I try to show how the reading of De substantia orbis in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance stimulated not only the rejection of creationism but also pantheistic beliefs, while the famous thesis on the material intellect exposed in the Commentarium Magnum to Aristotle’s De anima stimulated many variants of monopsychism, from Spinoza to Marx and the more recent post-structuralist literature.

The most important element of Damien Hirst's multimedia project "Treasures from the Wreck of Unbelivable" was the exhibition, presented from April 9 to December 3, 2017 in Venice, in the galleries of the Pinault Foundation in Punta della Dogana and Palazzo Grassi. It was completed by several book publications and a 90-minute film of the same title, made available globally on the Netflix online platform on January 1, 2018. The exhibition included over a hundred objects, mainly sculptures, made in various techniques and materials in a wide range of sizes. The film, stylized as a popular science documentary, presents the fictional story of their discovery and exploration at the bottom of the Indian Ocean, and their transport to Venice. It develops the main idea of the exhibition – a fictitious vision of the origin of these objects from an ancient wreck, filled with artistic collections, belonging to a fabulously rich ancient Roman freedman, with the significant name Cif Amotan II (anagram from “I am a fiction”). Realizing this fancy artistic vision, most of the works were made as if they had been damaged by the sea waves and overgrown with corals and other marine organisms. Hirst created a comprehensive and all-encompassing narrative using the principle of "voluntary suspension of unbelief," formulated by Samuel T. Coleridge. The artist sets himself and the viewer on a fantastic journey into the ancient past, taking up subjects central to his ouevre for decades: faith, relations of art and science, transience and death. He does this by means of numerous references to the artistic and mythological heritage of antiquity, not only Graeco-Roman, but also of other great cultures and civilizations. Although the formal and technical aspects of the project will also be discussed, the main goal of the author is to analyze how Hirst used the knowledge of antiquity (classics) to create both the exhibition itself and the mockumentary. The artist made archeology an element binding his narrative together, showing in the film not only how artefacts were obtained from the bottom of the ocean. He also presented a number of tasks that scientists deal with at various stages of the project – from the first discovery, through interpretation and conservation, to the presenting at the museum-like exhibition. Of course, his purpose was not to create a study in the methodology of underwater exploration, but to reflect on the cognitive power of science examining remains of ancient times. By juxtaposing two possible attitudes towards relics of the past, i.e. the strict discipline of the scholar and the imagination of the treasure hunter, he concludes that narratives arising from them will both have the character of a mythical tale. The ontic status of the artefacts themselves, as the things of the past, left in a fragmentary state by the passage of time, sets all the stories related to them within the discourse of faith.

As the former capital of Dalmatia, Zadar abounded in monuments produced during the 17th and 18th century, especially altars, statues, and paintings. Most of this cultural heritage had been lost by the late 18th and the first decades of the 19th century, when the former Venetian Dalmatia was taken over by Austrian administration, followed by the French and then again by the Austrian one. Many churches were closed down, their furnishings were sold away or lost, and the buildings were either repurposed or demolished. One of them had been home to two hitherto unpublished angels-putti located on the top of the inner side of the arch in the sanctuary of Zadar’s church of Our Lady of Health (Kaštel) at the end of Kalelarga (Fig. 1). Both marble statues were obviously adjusted and then placed next to the marble cartouche with a subsequently added inscription from 1938, which tells of a reconstruction of the church during the time it was administered by the Capuchins. The drapery of the right angel-putto bears the initials I. G., which should be interpreted as the signature of the Venetian sculptor Giuseppe Groppelli (Venice, 1675-1735). This master signed his full name as IOSEPH GROPPELLI on the base of a statue of St Chrysogonus, now preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art in Zadar (Fig. 2). Same as the signed statue of St Anastasia by master Antonio Corradini (Fig. 3), it used to form part of the main altar in Zadar’s monumental church of St Donatus, desacralized in 1798. Recently, two more angels have been discovered, inserted in the tympanum of the main altar in the church of Madonna of Loreto in Zadar’s district of Arbanasi, the one to the right likewise bearing the initials I. G. (Fig. 4). Undoubtedly, these two artworks were once part of a single composition: the abovementioned former altar in the church of St Donatus, transferred to the cathedral in 1822 and reconstructed to become the new altar in the chapel of St Anastasia. Giuseppe and his younger brother, Paolo Groppelli, led the family workshop from 1708, producing and signing sculptures together. Therefore, the newly discovered statues produced by Giuseppe are a significant contribution to his personal 174 Damir Tulić: Nepoznati anđeli Giuseppea Groppellija u Zadru... Ars Adriatica 6/2016. (155-174) oeuvre. It is difficult to distinguish between his statues and those by his brother, but it is generally believed that Paolo was a better artist. It is therefore important to compare the two sculptures, as they are believed to have been made independently. Paolo’s statue of Our Lady of the Rosary (1708) was originally located in the former Benedictine church of Santa Croce at Giudecca in Venice, and acquired early in the 19th century for the parish church of Veli Lošinj. If one compares the phisiognomy of the Christ Child by Paolo to that of Giuseppe’s signed sculpture of angel-putto in Zadar, one can observe considerable similarities (Figs. 5 and 6). However, Paolo’s sculptures are somewhat subtler and softer than Giuseppe’s. The workshop of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli has also been credited with two large marble angels on the main altar of the parish church in Concadirame near Treviso, as they show great similarity in style to the angels in Ljubljana’s cathedral, made around 1710 (Figs. 7, 8, 9, and 10). The oeuvre of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli can also be extended to two kneeling marble angels at the altar of the Holy Sacrament in the Venetian church of Santa Maria Formosa, with their marble surface somewhat damaged (Figs. 11 and 12). Coming back to the former main altar in Zadar’s church of St Donatus, it should be emphasized that it was erected following the last will of Archbishop Vettore Priuli (1688-1712), that contains a clearly expressed desire that the altar should be decorated as lavishly as possible. As the construction contract has been lost and the appearance of the altar remains unknown, it can only be supposed what it may have looked like (Fig. 13). It is known that the altar included an older, 13th-century icon of Madonna with the Child, which was later transferred to the Cathedral and is today preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art. Scholars have presumed that the altar may had the form of a triumphal arch, with pillars enclosing the pala portante with an older icon and statues placed lateraly. However, it can also be presumed that the executors of the archbishop’s last will, canons Giovanni Grisogono and Giovanni Battista Nicoli, found a model for the lavish altar in Venice, in the former altar of the demolished oratory of Madonna della Pace. That altar had been erected in 1685 and included an older Byzantine icon of Madonna with the Child. It was later relocated to Trieste and its original appearance remains unknown, but can be reconstructed on the basis of its depiction on the medal of Doge Alvise IV Mocenigo (1764), preserved in the parish church of Plomin (Fig. 14). This popular solution undoubtedly served as a model for the main altar in the church of Madonna delle Grazie at Este (Fig. 15), constructed between 1692 and 1697. Today’s appearance of the chapel of St Anastasia does not reveal much about its previous altars (Fig. 16). A recently discovered document at the State Archive of Zadar sheds a new light on the hypothesis that the old main altar was transferred from St Donatus in 1822 and became, with minor revisions, the new altar of St Anastasia, demolished in 1905. According to a contract from 1821, the saint’s altar was designed by Zadar’s engineer and architect Petar Pekota, and built by parish priest Giovanni Degano by using segments from older altars, including that of St Donatus. The painting ordered for the new altar, Martyrdom of St Anastasia by Giuseppe Rambelli from Forli (Fig. 17), is the only surviving part of the 19thcentury altar. The overall reconstruction of the chapel of St Anastasia took place between 1903 and 1906, according to a project of architect Ćiril Metod Iveković, which intended to have the chapel covered in mosaics ordered from Venice. However, during the reconstruction works, remnants of 13th-century frescos were discovered in the apse and the project had to be altered. The altar from 1822 was nevertheless demolished and a new marble mensa was built, with a new urn for the saint’s relics, made in the Viennese workshop of Nicholas Mund, as attested by receipts from 1906 (Fig. 18). A hundred years after the intervention, another one took place, in which the marble altar was disassembled and replaced by a new one, made of glass and steel, yet bearing the old marble urn of Bishop Donatus.

SOMMARIO: Premessa - 1. La Chiesa Ortodossa Macedone - 2. Problemi giuridici della costituzione della Chiesa Ortodossa (autocefala) di Ohrid - 3. Gli effetti dell’autocefalia e il consolidamento dello Stato della Macedonia del Nord - 4. L’ortodossia tra autocefalia e pluralismo confessionale - 5. L’ecumene ortodossa e la problematica gestione della diaspora - 6. Il ruolo dei Patriarcati della diaspora nel rinnovamento dell’Ortodossia. Orthodox autocephaly and confessional pluralism in Northern Macedonia ABSTRACT: The paper reconstructs the history of the Macedonian Orthodox Church and the path that led it, after many vicissitudes, to obtain autocephaly from the Serbian Orthodox Church, with the name of the Orthodox Church of Ohrid, using the mediation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The implications of the affair are analyzed with the schism that opposes the Ecumenical Patriarchate to the Russian Patriarchate and its repercussions on pan-Orthodox relations, also in relation to the Orthodox diaspora.

Adotta un sovversivo is the name of the initiative promoted by the State Archives of Bologna aimed at recovering and digitizing the over 300,000 documents preserved in the collection Dangerous People to State Security, produced by the Bologna Police Headquarters between 1872 and 1983. The initiative is part of the ArtBonus project promoted by the Ministry of Culture that allows institutes and private individuals to make donations to cultural institutions for the enhancement and restoration of their heritage. Adotta un sovversivo was presented on 25 September 2021 during the European Heritage Days.

The problem of a woman’s role in an Islamic world evokes today a lot of emotions in the context, on one hand, of bigger and bigger sensibility of the world on the equality of rights of sex, and on the other wider presence of Muslim communities in cultures which are traditionally strange or directly reluctant to Islam.The author stipulates that her article is not an attempt of judging a woman’s position in an Islamic world, but only a presentation how a woman’s role in shown by the Quran and Islamic traditions in the womb of Muslim communities which have different tints dictated by legal or mental interpretations. Contemporary legislation of Islamic states has a fundamental place in the article.A figure of a woman appears in the text of Quran very often, even more often than in the Bible. However, a woman in the Quran appears rather as an impersonal form, without any specific name, and rather as an area of certain rules used towards her. A special exception is Blessed virgin, the Mother of Jesus whose name is repeated in the Quran more often than in Gospels. Muhammad appreciated a woman’s value when he took her situation into consideration in times contemporary to him. He gave her what she did not have in that tribal culture of Arabic people e.g. equality in nature to a man, right to succeed, recognition of birth of a daughter as God’s blessing.However, taking into consideration appropriate texts of the Quran showing a woman as a creature having her own dignity, created like a man by God, as well as texts of different traditions, or contemporary sharias, one thing cannot be given to a woman – the equality of rights.It is visible in many facts presented in the article, for example: religious admissibility, legal polygamy and its actual existence, practically a woman cannot take the first step to divorce, a woman cannot marry a non-Muslim, factual “belonging” of children to a father, and not to a father and mother, different levels of impossibility of gaining education depending on local legislation or customs, inequality in inheritance with relation to a man, value of a woman not as an independent subject, but only in relations to a figure of a man whose a daughter, a wife, a sister she is. The author of the article indicates, that although a woman cannot in practice even dream of things which are naturally vested to a man, she has an actual influence on a family life, society or even all state organisms. A woman’s situation changes depending on a country, interpretation of Koranic texts coming from the Quran and many other influences which take place in contemporary Islamic states. However, folk traditions have an important influence on a woman’s situation, if not dominant, but also mentality, usually strong human’s convictions which do not always go in harmony with current legislation of a given Muslim country.Thereby, the article analyses a woman’s situation in individual countries and explains the main nature of the greatest problems which appear in non-Muslim countries in which a Muslim woman tries to live. It is connected with a loudly discussed issue of putting hijab on, circumcision of women and other problems.Finally, the problem of Islamic feminism appears together with famous figures of women as well as attempts of introducing something like women’s right in Islamic countries as for example in Morocco. The article tries in a scientifically honest way to show the figure of the woman in the Islamic world, and also debunk many stereotypes and for this reason the article appears to be precious for a non-Muslim reader.

Riassunto. – L’intervento vuole documentare i casi di interferenza tra Gian Galeazzo Visconti e la Fabbrica del Duomo nel primo periodo di attività di quest’ultima, fino alla morte del duca, avvenuta nel 1402. Il rapporto è stato molto studiato, perché è cruciale per capire quanto il signore di Milano possa aver influenzato la costruzione della cattedrale e quindi il suo stile, ma la lettura dei documenti permette ancora di mettere a fuoco alcuni punti non del tutto noti e di trarre alcune considerazioni. Il primo caso di sovrapposizione riguarda la realizzazione in chiesa di un monumento funebre per Galeazzo II , padre di Gian Galeazzo: la disputa in particolare riguarda la collocazione e rivela che Gian Galeazzo avrebbe voluto una posizione centrale, nel retrocoro, che avrebbe però condizionato pesantemente l’architettura della chiesa, rendendola più simile a un mausoleo gentilizio che a una chiesa cattedrale. Un caso non troppo diverso è il secondo, che oppone il duca ai deputati della Fabbrica per la costruzione di una cappella dedicata a san Gallo, il suo patrono; anche in questo caso la richiesta del duca non è neutra, perché la scelta di realizzare cappelle gentilizie nelle navate laterali imponeva un modello costruttivo diverso da quello ampio, ad aula, scelto dai deputati per la propria cattedrale. Se nei primi due casi il rapporto tra Gian Galeazzo e la Fabbrica è conflittuale, la terza tipologia di rapporto mostra invece il duca come arbitro di conflitti che maturano all’interno del cantiere: si tratta di una serie di casi che riguardano particolarmente la presenza di architetti stranieri, che faticano a trovare un punto di incontro e contatto con i maggiorenti della Fabbrica e con gli altri ingegneri. Se in questo caso è la Fabbrica a chiedere al duca di intervenire, è vero però che egli approfitta di questa situazione ancora una volta per imporre un proprio punto di vista che è in primo luogo artistico, ma insieme anche politico. La morte del duca nel 1402 segna la fine del conflitto e l’evoluzione in senso locale, cioè prettamente lombardo, delle scelte artistiche.***Abstract. – The paper is about Gian Galeazzo’s interferences on the Milan cathedral in the first period of activities, till the duke’s death (1402). The relationship between Gian Galeazzo and the cathedral Fabrica has been already deeply studied: the pivotal subject is to understand how much the lord of Milan could influence the cathedral building and its style; inside the documents of the cathedral archive it is possible to find new informations. The first case of overlap is about the building of Galeazzo II’s, Gian Galeazzo’s father, funeral monument; Gian Galeazzo and the Fabrica discussed especially about the position of the monument: Gian Galeazzo wanted a central position, in the choir, behind the main altar, but this place would affect the architecture, letting it closer to a family memorial than to a cathedral. The second case relates to the opposition of the duke against the Fabrica deputies to build a chapel dedicated to saint Gallo, Gian Galeazzo’s patron: even in this case the duke’s request would change the building: family chapels in lateral naves were typical of an architectural model different from the waste one chosen by the deputies for their cathedral. The third type of relationship shows the duke as a judge in the cathedral conflicts between foreign architects and local engineers. In this case the Fabrica asks the duke to take part, and he uses his position to impose his own artistic and both political judgement. With the duke’s death the conflict ends and the artistic choices will be for local artists and architects.

Gli Autori intendono con questo lavoro proporre un contributo nell’analisi delle difficili problematiche etiche che derivano dagli allotrapianti di mano. Nell’articolo si descrive brevemente la storia del primo trapiantato e l’iter che ha condotto, nel settembre del 1998, a Lione, a questo tipo d’intervento. Ci si è soffermati altresì sulle complicazioni nate di seguito e che hanno alfine obbligato all’amputazione dell’arto trapiantato, imputandone le cause ad una superficiale valutazione psichiatrica del ricevente. Questo recente tipo d’intervento obbliga a riflettere, a causa della novità e della particolarità dell’organo da trapiantare, sull’opportunità di quei trapianti cosiddetti “non-salvavita” in base ai rischi conosciuti cui conduce una terapia imunosoppressiva a lungo termine. Ciò porta a riconsiderare anche il concetto di salute e i principi di libertà e autodeterminazione. Ci si è altresì interrogati sulle modalità di scelta dei riceventi e sull’approccio più opportuno da tenersi nei loro riguardi soprattutto a livello psicologico prima e dopo l’operazione. Tutte le recenti acquisizioni sono state valutate in rapporto a ciò che la legislazione italiana e la deontologia medica impongono. Si è detto anche dei vizi di un consenso per lo meno scarsamente informato, derivante dalla carenza di dati sperimentali. Nel prosieguo dell’articolo gli Autori hanno evidenziato come possano sollevarsi numerosi interrogativi e remore culturali e inconsce oltre che morali circa l’acquisizione da parte del ricevente di un organo che più di altri appare visibile e intimamente legato alla propria identità e personalità, la qual cosa rende possibile che venga ancor più percepito come estraneo e intollerabile da alcuni. In conclusione gli Autori ritengono che i candidati ideali dovrebbero essere giovani che hanno perduto di recente entrambe le mani, soprattutto se è stata compromessa anche la loro vista, mentre poco ragionevole appare il trapianto di mano in un amputato unilaterale. ---------- The bioethical issues arising from hand transplantation are discussed in this paper. We briefly recall the first case ever performed of hand transplant, in France in the year 1998. Unfortunately a superficial evaluation of the recipient caused the failure of the transplant with the consequent explant of the graft. The peculiarity of hand transplant poses serious doubts on the opportunity of the non life-saving transplant especially for the controversial costs–benefits relationship of such interventions and the lifelong immunodepressant therapy needed. Most important is therefore the clinical and psychological evaluation of the recipients and the correct communication before and after the intervention. We also underline the limits of the “informed” consent due to the lack of scientifical data on the outcome of such transplant, in respect to the Italian legal framework. In addiction we examine the possible psychological difficulties of the patients to adapt to an organ coming from a dead donor due to the high visibility and strong symbolic meaning of the hand. Our conclusion is for a selection of the recipients limited to strongly motivated, psychologically stable and refusing the protesis application patients such as to get a real improvement to their “health” according to WHO definition.

In questa prima parte del saggio ci soff ermeremo in modo particolare al periodo che intercorre tra la seconda metà del XV secolo e la prima metà del XVI secolo, in quanto è in questo lasso di tempo che si trovano serie e chiare testimonianze riguardanti la questione del duello. E questo sia nelle opere letterarie che in quelle riguardanti la precettistica. Per quanto riguarda quelle di precettistica, oltre al gran numero di trattati, è da tener presente anche il gran numero delle loro riedizioni, specialmente di quelli più famosi. Dove, oltre all'immancabile comunanza d’interessi fra poeti epici e trattatisti del duello, si noterà anche una sostanziale identità terminologica - per esempio sia i poeti sia i trattatisti ritengono che il duello sia una ‘prova’ di giudizio fi nale. Questo non comporta, nel contempo, una convergenza di convinzioni fi losofi che, in quanto, come si vedrà, il duello letterario diff erisce da quello reale proprio per la sua diversa comprensione fi losofi ca del combattere. Pertanto con la presente relazione si cercherà di dispiegare la problematica che questo istituto di per sé ha comportato nel periodo storico preso in considerazione. Il duello infatti si configurava come una questione sociale tutt'altro che irrilevante per la sua connotazione ambivalente di ordalia – quale forma particolare di rapporto fra uomo e sacro – e di inculpata tutela – quale forma particolare di ricorso alla violenza privata a tutela di un fondamentale diritto naturale. In tutti e due i casi si tratta di una forma di onore, sia individuale sia nobiliare, del quale il Patrizi ne discuterà la fondatezza interpretandolo specialmente in qualità di virtù. In questa defi nizione dell'onore – che il Patrizi aff ronta con un gusto platonico – si possono scorgere questioni di alta portata politica, che ponevano sotto varia forma la questione dei rapporti tra individuo e Stato. In tal modo il duello d’onore assumeva un aspetto decisivo per quanto riguardava le sue connotazioni sociali e politiche inserendosi nel più ampio dibattito comprendente il problema dell'uso della violenza e dei confi ni fra violenza privata e violenza pubblica, fra faida e bellum iustum.

The Church of Santa Maria Della Neve (Our Lady of the Snows) on Bratislava Calvary hill was built during the World War II on the site of a chapel from the 18th century and bears the hallmarks of interwar modernism (functionalism). Since 2018 the church underwent a complete renovation of the interior under the leadership of architects Tomáš Bujna and Matúš Gibala. The works included the reconstruction of the interior of the presbytery, the nave of the church, the entrance and service areas, as well as the design and implementation of new furniture. In the church, new plaster and paint were applied to the walls and ceiling. The newly painted white interior provides a sufficient amount of light and thus gives positive and balanced impression for the people present in the church. However, the minimalist style without the use of any sound-absorbing material causes a major problem with speech intelligibility during the ceremonies. Changes in the interior, such as painting the church and removing the sound-absorbing elements on the walls and furniture are responsible for doubling of the reverberation time compared to the original state. The presented article focuses on the search for ways to reduce the reverberation time to the original values by interior elements, which could be accepted in terms of architectural appearance. From the point of view of acoustics, maintaining the diffusion of space is a big challenge here, because by reckless application of additional elements and surfaces with high sound absorption, unpleasant echoes could arise in such a large space. These would probably not impair speech intelligibility dramatically but would for sure interfere with music production. Therefore, auralization was used to find the optimal solution.

L’articolo analizza come la rivista “Medicina e Morale” ha affrontato nella sua storia il tema dell’etica nella sperimentazione clinica, che rappresenta una parte molto ampia e complessa della bioetica ma anche della deontologia medica. Gli aspetti che questa tematica comprende sono ormai numerosissimi e la letteratura prodotta ingentissima. L’etica della sperimentazione ha ricevuto particolare vigore e attenzione in seguito a diverse sperimentazioni non etiche che hanno profondamente turbato l’opinione pubblica e reso necessario un forte ripensamento nell’ambito della ricerca clinica. In generale, dagli anni ’60 agli anni ’80 del XX secolo, ha prevalso nella letteratura un intenso impegno e interesse nella elaborazione dei principi di riferimento e nella riflessione teorica relativa a varie questioni (quali il consenso informato, il significato etico della ricerca clinica, la tutela dei soggetti vulnerabili, l’accettabilità del rischio). Dagli anni ’90 in poi si è invece intensificata – probabilmente per le esigenze nate in seno ai Comitati di etica che proprio in quel periodo hanno iniziato a diffondersi massicciamente – la elaborazione di codici, regolamenti, linee-guida che ha orientato lo sviluppo della disciplina più in senso procedurale e con un approccio etico-deontologico. In particolare, Medicina e Morale è stata sempre presente su queste tematiche, fin dagli inizi della sua storia, costituendo una voce originale nel dibattito, oltre che uno strumento di diffusione (in particolare nell’era pre-internet) di documenti nazionali e soprattutto internazionali. La Rivista ha rappresentato, soprattutto nell’ultimo trentennio, un vero punto di riferimento a livello nazionale ed in alcuni casi anche internazionale, proponendo a volte orientamenti originali, che sono stai poi accolti nell’ambito di linee-guida e di normative. ---------- The article deals with how the journal “Medicina e Morale” has faced ethics in clinical trials, which represents a very large and complex bioethical issue, but also deontological one. This area comprises many questions and the literature is huge. It has risen after unethical clinical trials that have shocked the public and have produced a big rethinking about it. In general, from the ’60s to the ’80s of the XXth century, an intense commitment and interest have prevailed on the elaboration of the reference principles and on theoretical reflection on various issues, such as informed consent, the ethical significance of clinical research, the protection of vulnerable people, the risk acceptability). Since the ’90s onwards the development of codes, regulations, guidelines – that have guided the development of the discipline in a procedural and also deontological sense – has increased, probably due to the large diffusion of ethics committees. Particularly, the journal “Medicine and Morale” has always been present on these issues, since the beginning of its history, creating an original voice in the debate, as well as a dissemination tool (especially in the pre-internet era) of national and especially international documentation. The journal has been, especially in the last thirty years, a real national, and sometimes international, benchmark, offering original suggestions which are then accepted in guidelines and regulations.

Riassunto: Tra le correnti più antiche della storia del Sufismo, i Malāmatiyya sono in particolare coloro che seguono “La Via del Biasimo” e che nel loro comportamento agiscono in modo da non lasciare nessuna traccia della propria attitudine spirituale tra la gente che li circonda. Secondo Abū ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Al-Sulamī essi erano un gruppo di asceti che vivevano nella città di Nīšāpūr alla fine del IX secolo: molti autori dicono che uno dei più importanti appartenenti a questa scuola fosse stato Bayazīd al-Bisṭāmī (m. 874). Nel XIII secolo i Ḫwājaġān, una corrente diffusa ampiamente nell’Asia centrale durante l’epoca del dominio dei mongoli Chagatay, praticavano una ritualità molto simile a quella dei Malāmatiyya di Nīšāpūr, basata sulla “menzione del Nome di Dio in segreto” (ḏikr-i ḫafī) e sulla “solitudine tra la folla” (ḫalwat dar anjoman). Due di questi Ḫwājaġān furono i maestri di Ḫwāja Bahā’uddīn Naqšband (m. 1389). I temi e la pratica della “Via del Biasimo” riappaiono nella tradizione naqšbandī e acquistano profondità e solidità dottrinale nell’opera di Šayḫ Aḥmad Sirhindī (m. 1625) il “Rinnovatore del secondo millennio” dell’Islām (muǧaddid-i alf-i ṯānī). Abstract: Among the oldest currents in the history of Sufism, the Malāmatiyya are especially those who follow “The Path of Blame” and who in their behaviour act in such a way as to leave no trace of their spiritual attitude among the people around them. According to Abū ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Al-Sulamī, they were a group of ascetics who lived in the town of Nīšāpūr at the end of the 9th century: many authors say that one of the most important members of this school was Bayazīd al-Bisṭāmī (m. 874). In the 13th century the Ḫwājaġān, a current widespread in Central Asia during the era of the rule of the Chagatay Mongols, practiced a rituality very similar to that of the Malāmatiyya of Nīšāpūr, based on the “mention of the Name of God in secret” (ḏikr- i ḫafī) and on “solitude in the crowd” (ḫalwat dar anjoman). Two of these Ḫwājaġān were the masters of Ḫwāja Bahā’uddīn Naqšband (d. 1389). The themes and the practice of the “Way of Blame” reappear in the naqšbandī tradition and acquire doctrinal depth and solidity in the work of Šayḫ Aḥmad Sirhindī (d. 1625), the “Renewer of the Second Millennium” of Islam (muǧaddid-i alf-i ṯānī).

The present report highlights the current and future role of techniques and methodologies of the Mechanics of Machines, both in the design of devices and systems, and in the university training courses. The underlying theme of the presentation lays in the interpretation of the physical phenomenon which oversees the operation of the machines. This is the foundation allowing to define an input-output interaction between the physical quantities operating on the machine. The cause-effect relation offers the possibility to determine a set of analytical relations for the prediction of the operation of the machine and to simulate theoretical and / or numerical trends in time or frequency domain of the significant mechanical quantities. It is evident the magnitude of the physical phenomena that arise in the operation of a machine, resulting in a broad variety of related Mechanics of Machines topics: from the contact between bodies analysis to tribological aspects, from body geometry to kinematics, from the rigid to deformable body dynamics, from the interaction between mechanical bodies to manmachine interaction, from the kinematic and dynamic behavior of a mechanical system to its interface with the actuators, sensing and control, just to name some of them. It should also be considered that the interpretation of the physical phenomenon of organs of machines has to be supported by significant experimental campaigns, specifically reproduced in laboratory, or related to data from real applications in the different application domains. The evolution of Mechanics of Machines proved in the years to be able to respond to these two interacting and converging questions: on the one hand the need to identify analytical relations, possibly not based on sole mappings of data, but rather on representative analytical relations of physical quantities, and on the other hand, the need, even at the university level, to conduct appropriate laboratory test campaigns related to the real field operation of the machine. With reference to the first objective, the need to determine algorithms, typically non-linear, and the consequent simulations setups, has resulted in the passage of the Machine Mechanics from a theoretical subject, to a subject with strong computational valences creating tools for the prediction of the behavior of devices and systems, in relation to their diagnosis and health state. The second objective has required the achievement of competence also in the field of the test rigs, of sensing and measuring / data acquisition systems. The paper deals with the identification and the presentation of the different areas related to Machine Mechanics, exposing in a matrix the enabling technologies on the one hand and the application domains to which they apply in the other hand. The enabling technologies traditionally belong to the topics of kinematics, statics, dynamics (linear and nonlinear), to the interactions with the environment (force fields, interactions with fluids) and between surfaces (lubrication), control, automation and system identification, as well as to the study and identification of vibratory phenomena, vibro-acoustic and tribological ones, mechatronics, fluid-structure interactions, monitoring, diagnostics and prognostics of mechanical systems, fluid automation and robotics, fluidics and microfluidics, to the implementation of pneumatic, hydraulic, electric and non-conventional technologies, to environmentally friendly and renewable energy systems. The application domains relate to the mechanical systems, such as driving and operating machinery, mechanical devices, mechanisms, transmissions and drives, automatic and robotic, vehicles on road, rail, fixed wing and rotorcrafts, transportation and lifting systems, systems for the production of energy, the biomechanical systems. A summary of the ongoing activities in the different research groups of the Italian Universities is then presented, from which you can also highlight the methodology of the studies addressed, strongly aimed at a unifying approach through the use of fundamental methods of theoretical applied and experimental mechanics, with attention to environmental and energy sustainability, and significantly connected on one side with the state of international research, and on the other with the industrial and manufacturing reality of the country. At the end of the paper sectors of Machine Mechanics that in the opinion of the writer need to be investigated further are discussed. Some technological challenges, such as prognostic models applied to servo systems in primary flight controls for aircraft applications, are outlined. The state of the art in that domain highlights the contribution to the innovation of processes and products, challenge that need to go back to the inputoutput interactions at the base-mechanics layer. Without those aspects it is impossible to be able to predict the evolution of degradation in the actuation systems, and to determine the remaining life of a mechanical device.

Strumenti agricoli di età protobizantina. Le testimonianze dall’antica Eleuftherna. Da una casa parzialmente scavata nell’antica Eleuftherna nella Creta centrale proviene un piccolo gruppo di strumenti agricoli, databili con precisione in relazione al sisma del 365 d.C. Per inquadrare questi manufatti in un contesto geografico e cronologico più ampio si è cercato di raccogliere tutte le testimonianze di strumenti analoghi dalla Grecia e dall’Asia Minore, datate tra il IV e la metà del VII sec., enfatizzando il valore dei manufatti archeologici, finora non considerati in modo adeguato dalla ricerca, senza trascurare la capacità informativa, ma anche i limiti, degli altri tipi di documentazione (le fonti scritte e iconografiche, l’etnoarcheologia e l’archeologia sperimentale) per ricostruire la funzione, l’uso e la denominazione di questa classe di materiali. Seguendo questa impostazione, nello studio si è messa in evidenza l’importanza della forma, delle dimensioni e del peso dei manufatti, mostrando che gli strumenti dal contesto chiuso di Eleuftherna erano destinati alla coltivazione dei giardini. Nonostante ci si sia basati su un campione complessivamente limitato di manufati di età protobizantina, è stato possibile descrivere la diffusione di certi tipi di attrezzi e il numero finora esiguo degli strumenti specializzati, interrogandosi sul conservatorismo delle forme ed evidenziando anche alcuni miglioramenti tecnologici. Lo studio si conclude con una riflessione sulla produzione e la circolazione delle parti in ferro degli strumenti, mettendo in luce la rete di relazioni tra i fabbri e gli agricoltori. Agricultural tools of the Proto-byzantine era. The evidence from ancient Eleutherna. From a house partially excavated in ancient Eleutherna in central Crete comes a small group of agricultural tools, datable with precision in relation to the earthquake of 365 AD. In order to place these artifacts in a wider geographical and chronological context, an attempt was made to collect all the evidence of similar instruments from Greece and Asia Minor, dated between the 4th and the middle of the 7th century. Emphasis is placed on the value of the archaeological artifacts, hitherto not adequately studied, without neglecting the information provided by, but also the limits of the other types of evidence (written and iconographic sources, ethnoarcheology and experimental archeology), in order to reconstruct the function, use and the name of this class of materials. Following this approach, the study highlights the importance of the shape, size and weight of the artifacts, showing that the tools from Eleutherna's closed contexts were intended for the cultivation of gardens. Although the research is based on a limited overall sample of artifacts from the Proto-Byzantine age, it is possible to describe the diffusion of certain types of tools and the apparently small number of specialized tools, and to note the conservatism of the shapes while also highlighting some technological improvements. The study ends with a reflection on the production and circulation of the iron parts of the tools, centring on the network of relationships between blacksmiths and farmers. Editorial Note Volume 13-14 of Eulimene is devoted to the east sector (I) of the ancient Eleutherna, which was dug systematically by prof. Petros Themelis from 1985 until 2003. In three extensive articles, Petros Themelis, Yorgos Brokalakis and Martha W. Baldwin Bowsky, publish sculptures, tools and inscriptions respectively, unearthed during the excavations conducted during the above period and which date from the Hellenistic period (2nd century BC) to the early byzantine era (mid7th cent. AD). Many of these artifacts are now exhibited in the newly completed Museum of Ancient Eleutherna, which opened its gates to the public in June 2016. The publishing directors Nikos Litinas – Manolis I. Stefanakis Σημείωμα των εκδοτών Ο τόμος 13-14 της Ευλιμένης αποτελεί ένα αφιέρωμα στον ανατολικό τομέα Ι της αρχαίας Ελεύθερνας, που ανασκάφτηκε συστηματικά από τον καθηγητή Πέτρο Θέμελη από το 1985 έως το 2003. Στα τρία εκτενή άρθρα που δημοσιεύονται παρουσιάζονται από τον ίδιο τον ανασκαφέα, τον Γιώργο Μπροκαλάκη και την Martha W. Baldwin Bowsky, γλυπτά, εργαλεία και επιγραφές αντίστοιχα, που ήρθαν στο φως κατά τις ανασκαφές των παραπάνω ετών και χρονολογούνται από τους ελληνιστικούς χρόνους (2o αι. π.Χ.) μέχρι και την πρωτοβυζαντινή περίοδο (μέσα 7ου αι. μ.Χ.). Πολλά από αυτά τα αντικείμενα εκτίθενται πλέον στο Μουσείο Αρχαίας Ελεύθερνας, που ιδρύθηκε χάρη στο όραμα και τις προσπάθειες του καθηγητή Ν. Σταμπολίδη και το οποίο εγκαινιάστηκε από τον Πρόεδρο της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας στις 19 Ιουνίου 2016. Οι διευθυντές έκδοσης Νίκος Λίτινας – Μανόλης Ι. Στεφανάκης

Dve leti mineva od evropske migrantske krize. Jeseni 2015 je Evropo preplavil begunski val, kakršnega nismo pričakovali in si ga nismo znali predstavljati. Presenetil nas je v vseh pogledih. Sodobna tehnologija, ugledne ustanove in vodilni svetovni strokovnjaki z različnih področij niso predvideli tega, kar se je zgodilo. Evropski pravni red, človekove pravice, schengenski režim in ideje Zahoda, ki so se hitro razblinile, nam pa je ostala samo gola realnost. Kje so begunci zdaj, koliko jih je in kako se počutijo? Kako je begunska kriza vplivala na nacionalnovarnostni sistem, na skupno evropsko obrambno in varnostno politiko? Mediji o tem dve leti pozneje le redko poročajo. Veliko pa se govori o terorističnih napadih po evropskih mestih, o izhodu Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije, o ameriškem predsedniku Donaldu Trumpu in korejskih raketah, ki burkajo Japonsko morje. Samuel P. Huntington je pred leti napisal knjigo Spopad civilizacij. V Sloveniji je izšla leta 2005. Izhajal je iz predpostavke, da bosta glavna razloga za spopade narodov v prihodnosti njihova kulturna in religiozna identiteta. Napovedal je, da bo največjo grožnjo predstavljal ekstremni terorizem. Različne ideologije bodo zamenjali individualno usmerjeni posamezniki, ki jim ne bo več mar za skupno dobro, temveč bodo osredotočeni nase in svoje koristi. Odsotnost ideologij bo nadomestilo vračanje k starodavnim tradicijam. Odzivi na Huntingtonovo delo so bili zelo različni. Nekateri so bili navdušeni, drugi skeptični. Lahko pa ugotovimo, da se je njegova teorija, ki jo je prvič predstavil leta 1992, potrdila na primeru vojne, ki se je zgodila na Zahodnem Balkanu. Ko se je ideologija nekdanje Jugoslavije razblinila, so se narodi in narodnosti vrnili k svojim koreninam in zgodila se je vojna, ki je zahtevala veliko življenj. O dejstvu, da je Zahodni Balkan prelomnica različnih kultur, je pisal tudi Robert D. Kaplan v svojih delih. Najbolj znano med njimi je Balkanski duh, v katerem podrobno preučuje zgodovinsko in kulturno turbulenco v neposredni soseščini zibelke zahodne civilizacije, ki je bila zadnjih več kot dva tisoč let gonilo razvoja Zahoda. Zato nas v tokratni številki Sodobnih vojaških izzivov zanima, kaj je novega na stari celini, s poudarkom na varnostnem, obrambnem in vojaškem področju. V članku Geostrateški premiki v sodobni Evropi Uroš Tovornik preučuje geostrateški pomen odnosov med Francijo, Nemčijo in Veliko Britanijo kot držav, ki so v preteklosti krojile usodo Evrope. Z odločitvijo Velike Britanije o izstopu iz Evropske unije se prej klasični geostrateški trikotnik lahko spremeni v druge odločilne geostrateške povezave, ki staro celino lahko zelo spremenijo. József Kis Benedek piše o posledicah dogajanja v severni Afriki in na Bližnjem vzhodu. Nekateri avtorji so se v bližnji preteklosti spraševali, ali bo po arabski pomladi nastopila arabska zima, sledila pa sta evropska migrantska kriza ter povečanje terorističnih napadov v Evropi. V članku Izzivi iraške, sirske in libijske krize za Evropsko unijo se avtor posveča vprašanju udeležbe borcev na kriznih območjih, ki prihajajo na pomoč iz Evrope. Gospodarska obveščevalna dejavnost: neizogibna izbira je naslov članka, ki ga je napisal Laris Gaiser. V njem poudarja nujnost večje pozornosti, ki jo mora Slovenija nameniti temu področju, da bo zagotavljala večjo dobrobit svojim državljanom. Po letu 1991 je Slovenija dosegla veliko, toda sodobne varnostne smernice določajo, da je poleg klasičnih nalog na obveščevalno-varnostnem področju pomembna tudi gospodarska obveščevalna dejavnost. Kako je s tem v Sloveniji in kaj bi še morali storiti? Slovenska vojska že nekaj let sodeluje v mednarodni operaciji in na misiji v Bosni in Hercegovini. Tam ni edina, saj poleg nje za red in mir skrbijo še številne druge države članice Evropske unije. Kako dolgo bo še tako in kako uspešne so mednarodne varnostne sile na tem območju? Na to in nekatera druga vprašanja poskušajo odgovoriti avtorji Ivana Boštjančič Pulko, Johanna Suhonen in Kari Sainio v članku Ocenjevanje načrtovanja in izvajanja misij ter operacij EU: študija primera EUFOR Althea v Bosni in Hercegovini. Kibernetika, kibernetski prostor in kibernetski napadi so splošno znani pojmi, o katerih zadnje čase veliko slišimo in beremo. Ali te pojme res dobro poznamo? Kako je s pravnimi podlagami na nacionalni ravni in kako je to področje urejeno v mednarodnem okolju? To je izziv, na katerega je treba najti strateške in povsem konkretne odgovore. Enega izmed mogočih lahko najdemo v članku Zakonitost nizkointenzivnih kibernetskih operacij po mednarodnem pravu avtorice Pike Šarf. Vojaško letalstvo je sestavni del sodobnih oboroženih sil. Slovensko je razmeroma mlado in je v svoji kratki zgodovini doživelo več razvojnih faz tako na področju letalske stroke kot tudi v organizacijskem vojaškem smislu. Kakovostno sodelovanje slovenskih vojaških pilotov v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah ter mednarodnih vojaških vajah priča o tem, da smo na pravi poti. Toda kako naprej? Avtor Mitja Lipovšek se v članku Slovensko vojaško letalstvo danes in čez 20 let sklicuje na misel, da je zgodovina razprava preteklosti s sedanjostjo za prihodnost. Obilo zanimivega branja vam želimo in vas vabimo k sodelovanju tudi kot avtorje člankov.

In one of his final pieces of writing, Timothy Leary—one of the most singularly iconic and influential figures of the 1960s counterculture, known especially for his advocacy of a “molecular revolution” premised upon hallucinogenic self-medication—proposes that [c]ounterculture blooms wherever and whenever a few members of a society choose lifestyles, artistic expressions, and ways of thinking and being that wholeheartedly embrace the ancient axiom that the only true constant is change itself. The mark of counterculture is not a particular social form or structure, but rather the evanescence of forms and structures, the dazzling rapidity and flexibility with which they appear, mutate, and morph into one another and disappear. (ix) But it is not just radical activists and ancient philosophers who celebrate the constancy of change; on the contrary, it is a basic principle of post-industrial capitalism, a system which relies upon the constant extraction of surplus value—this being the very basis of the accumulation of capital—through an ever-accelerating creation of new markets and new desires fostered via a perpetual cycle of technical obsolescence and social destabilisation. Far from being unambiguously aligned with a mode of resistance then (as seemingly inferred by the quote above), the imperative for change would appear to be a basic constituent of that which the latter seeks to undermine. The very concept of “counterculture” as an ideal and a practice has been challenged and contested repeatedly over the past fifty or so years, both inside and outside of the academy. For the most part, the notion of counterculture is understood to have emerged out of the tumultuous cultural shifts of the 1960s, and yet, at the same time, as Theodore Roszak—who first coined the term—notes, the intellectual heritage of such a movement draws upon a “stormy Romantic sensibility, obsessed from first to last with paradox and madness, ecstasy and spiritual striving” (91) that dates back to nineteenth century Idealist philosophy and its critique of a rapidly industrialising civilisation. My purpose in this paper is not to address these numerous conceptualisations of counterculture but instead to analyse specifically the enigmatic definition given by Leary above, whereby he conflates counterculture with the demand for continual change or novelty, arguing that the former appears precisely at the point when “equilibrium and symmetry have given way to a complexity so intense as to appear to the eye as chaos” (ix). Concerned that this definition is internally inconsistent given Leary’s understanding of counterculture as a profoundly anti-capitalist force, I will cursorily illustrate the contradictions that proceed when the notion of counterculture as resistance to capitalist hegemony is combined with the identification of counterculture as an authentic and repeated irruption of the new, albeit one that is inevitably domesticated by and subsumed into the dominant culture against which it is posed, as occurs in Leary’s account. The claim that I make here is that this demand for change as an end in itself is inextricably capitalist in its orientation, and as such, cannot be meaningfully understood as a structural externality to the capitalist processes that it strives to interrupt. Capitalism and Growth The study of counterculture is typically, and probably inevitably premised upon an opposition between a dominant culture and those emergent forces that seek to undermine it. In the words of Roszak, the American counterculture of the 1960s arose in defiance of the “modernizing, up-dating, rationalizing, planning” tendencies of technocracy, “that social form in which an industrial society reaches the peak of its organizational integration” (5). Similarly, for Herbert Marcuse, the philosopher perhaps most closely associated with this counterculture, and whose writings formed the intellectual lynchpin of the student protest movement at that time, “intensified progress seems to be bound up with intensified unfreedom,” and as a consequence, we must strive for “a non-repressive civilization, based on a fundamentally different experience of being, a fundamentally different relation between man [sic] and nature, and fundamentally different existential relations” (Eros 4-5). In both cases, the dominant culture is associated with a particular form of repression, based upon the false sense of freedom imposed by the exigencies of the market. “Free choice among a wide variety of goods and services does not signify freedom,” argues Marcuse, “if these goods and services sustain social controls over a life of toil and fear” (One-Dimensional 10). Most importantly, Marcuse observes that this facile freedom of choice is propped up by processes of continual renewal, transformation, and rationalisation—“advertising, public relations, indoctrination, planned obsolescence”—operating on the basis of a “relentless utilization of advanced techniques and science,” such that “a rising standard of living is the almost unavoidable by-product of the politically manipulated industrial society” (One-Dimensional 52-53). Writing at a time when the Keynesian welfare state was still a foregone conclusion, Marcuse denounces the way in which an increase in the quality of life associated with the rise of consumerism and lifestyle culture “reduces the use-value of freedom”, for “there is no reason to insist on self-determination if the administered life is the comfortable and even the ‘good’ life” (One-Dimensional 53). The late industrial society, in other words, is presented as driven by a repressive desublimation which does not merely replace the objects of a so-called “high culture” with those of an inferior mass culture, but totally liquidates any such distinction, reducing all culture to a mere process of consumption, divorced from any higher goals or purposes. This desublimation is able to maintain growth through the constant production of novelty—providing new objects for the purposes of consumption. This society is not stagnant then; rather, “[i]ts productivity and efficiency, its capacity to increase and spread comforts, to turn waste into need, and destruction into construction” all represent the demand for a continual production of the new that undergirds its own stability (One-Dimensional 11). This necessary dynamism, and the creative destruction that goes along with it, is a result of the basic laws of competition: the need not only to generate profit, but to maintain this profitability means that new avenues for growth must constantly be laid down. This leads to both a geographical expansion in search of new markets, and a psychological manipulation in order to cultivate needs, desires, and fantasies in consumers that they never knew they had, combined with a dramatic shift in the search for both raw materials and labour power toward the developing economies of Asia. The result, notes David Harvey, is to “exacerbate insecurity and instability, as masses of capital and workers shift from one line of production to another, leaving whole sectors devastated, while the perpetual flux in consumer wants, tastes, and needs becomes a permanent locus of uncertainty and struggle” (106). What we are seeing then, as these processes of production and demands for consumption accelerate, is not so much the maintenance of the comfortable and carefree life that Marcuse sees as destructive to culture; conversely, this acceleration is engendering a sense of disorientation and even groundlessness that leaves us in a state of continual anxiety and disquietude. Although these processes have certainly accelerated in recent years—not least because of the rise of high-speed digital networking and telecommunications—they were prominent throughout the second-half of the twentieth century (in varying degrees), and indicate a general logic of rationalisation and technical efficiency that has been the focus of critique from the proto-countercultural romanticism of the nineteenth century onward. It is Marx who observes that “[t]he driving motive and determining purpose of capitalist production is the self-valorization of capital to the greatest possible extent,” and it is precisely this seemingly unstoppable impetus toward accumulation that finds its most acute manifestation in our age of digital, post-industrial capitalism (449). What needs to be kept in mind is that capitalism is not opposed to those exteriorities that resist its logic; on the contrary, it is through its ability to appropriate them in a double movement whereby it simultaneously claims to act as the condition of their production and claims the right to represent them on its terms (through the universal sign of money) that capitalism is able to maintain its continual growth. Put simply, capitalism as an economic system and an ideological constellation has proved itself time and time again to be remarkably resilient not only to intellectual critique, but also to the concrete production of new forms of living seemingly contrary to its principles, precisely because it is able to incorporate and thus nullify such threats. The production of the new does not harm capitalism; on the contrary, capitalism thrives on such production. The odd contradiction of the mass society, writes Walter Benjamin, coheres in the way that “the novelty of products—as a stimulus to demand—is accorded an unprecedented importance,” whilst at the same time, “‘the eternal return of the same’ is manifest in mass production” (331). This production of novelty is, in other words, restricted by the parameters of the commodity form—the necessity that it be exchangeable under the terms of capital (as money)—such that its potential heterogeneity is restrained by its identity as a commodity. Capitalism is perfectly capable of creating new modes of living, but it does so specifically according to its terms. This poses a difficulty then for the study and advocacy of counterculture in the terms for which Leary advocates above, because the progressivism of the latter—referring to its demand for continual change and innovation (a demand that admittedly runs counter to the nostalgic romanticism that has motivated a great deal of countercultural thought and praxis, and is certainly not a universally accepted definition of counterculture more broadly)—is not necessarily easily distinguishable from the dominant culture against which it is counterposed. Raymond Williams expresses this frustration well when he observes that “it is exceptionally difficult to distinguish between those which are really elements of some new phase of the dominant culture […] and those which are substantially alternative or oppositional to it” (123). In other words, given that capitalism as an economic system and hegemonic cultural formation is so effective in producing the novelty that we crave—creating objects, ideas, and practices often vastly different to those residual traditions that preceded them—there is no obvious metric for determining when we are looking at a genuine alternative to this hegemony, and when we are looking at yet another variegated product of it. Williams makes a distinction here, whereby the emergence (in the strict sense of coming-into-being or genesis) of a new culture is presumed to be qualitatively different to mere novelty. What is not adequately considered is the possibility that this distinction is entirely illusory—that holding out hope for a qualitatively different mode of existence that will mark a distinct break from capitalist hegemony is in fact the chimera by which this hegemony is sustained, and its cycle of production perpetuated. There is an anxiety here that is present within (and one might suggest even constitutive of) present-day debates over counterculture, particularly in regard to the question of resistance, and what form it might take under the conditions of late capitalism. From Williams’s perspective, it can be argued that “all or nearly all initiatives and contributions, even when they take on manifestly alternative or oppositional forms, are in practice tied to the hegemonic,” such that “the dominant culture, so to say, at once produces and limits its own forms of counter-culture” (114). To argue this though, he goes on to suggest, would: overlook the importance of works and ideas which, while clearly affected by hegemonic limits and pressures, are at least in part significant breaks beyond them, which may again in part be neutralized, reduced, or incorporated, but which in their most active elements nevertheless come through as independent and original. (114)Authentic breaks in specific social conditions are not just a fantasy, he correctly observes, but have occurred many times across history—and not merely in the guise of violent revolutionary activity. What is needed, therefore, is the development of “modes of analysis which instead of reducing works to finished products, and activities to fixed positions, are capable of discerning, in good faith, the finite but significant openness of many actual initiatives and contributions” (114). For Williams, this openness is located chiefly within the semiotic indeterminacy of the artwork, and the resultant potentiality contained within it for individuals to develop resistant readings contrary to any dominant interpretation. These divergent readings become the sites upon which we might imagine new worlds and new ways of living. There is a sense of resignation in his solution though: an appeal to the autonomy of an artwork, and a momentary sublime glimpse of another world, that will inevitably be domesticated by capital. The difficulty that comes with understanding counterculture as an uncompromising demand for the new, over and against the mundane repetitions of commodity culture and lifestyle consumerism, is that it must reckon with the seemingly inevitable appropriation of these new creations by the system against which they are opposed. In such cases, the typical result is a tragic and fundamentally romantic defeatism, in which the creative individual (or community, etc.) must continue to create anew, knowing full well that their output will immediately find itself domesticated and enervated by the forces of capital. This specific conception of counterculture as perpetual change knows that it is doomed to failure, but takes pleasure in the struggle that nonetheless ensues. The Subsumption of Counterculture “Marx and Freud, perhaps, do represent the dawn of our culture,” writes philosopher Gilles Deleuze, “but Nietzsche is something entirely different: the dawn of counterculture” (142). Friedrich Nietzsche seems like an unlikely candidate for the originator of counterculture—his writings certainly bear little overt resemblance to the premises of the various movements that emerged in the 1960s, even though, as Roszak remarks, these movements actually largely issued forth from “the work of Freud and of Nietzsche, the major psychologists of the Faustian soul” (91)—but what he does share with Leary is a belief, expressed most clearly in his posthumous text The Will to Power (1967), in the political and ethical power of becoming, and the need to celebrate and affirm, rather than resist, a world that appears to be in constant, ineluctable flux. Rather than seeking merely to improve the status quo, Nietzsche works toward total and perpetual upheaval—a transvaluation of all values. In Deleuze’s words, he “made thought into a machine of war—a battering ram—into a nomadic force” (149). At a time when resistance to capitalism seems futile; when the possibility of capitalism ending seems more and more distant (which is not to say that it is unlikely to end anytime soon, but merely that its plausible alternatives have been evacuated from the popular imagination), such a claim can seem rather appealing. But how might we distinguish this conception of perpetual revolution of values from the creative destruction of capitalism itself? Why do we presume that there is such a distinction to be made? Why should Leary’s call for rapidity and flexibility—and more broadly, a celebration of change over constancy—be seen as anything other than an acknowledgement and reinforcement of capitalism’s accelerating cycle of obsolescence? The uncomfortable reality we must consider is that the countercultural, as an apparent exteriority waiting to be appropriated, plays an essential role in the accumulation of capital that drives our economic system, and that accordingly, it cannot be plausibly understood as external to the structural conditions that it opposes. This is not to suggest that counterculture does not produce new possibilities, new opportunities, and new ways of living, but simply that its production is always already structured by capitalist relations—the precise anxiety acknowledged by Williams. Once again, this is not a dismissal of counterculture, just the opposite in fact. It is a rejection of the conflation that Leary makes between counterculture and novelty, the combination of which is supposed to provide a potent threat to capitalist hegemony. “The naive supposition of an unambiguous development towards increased production,” argues German philosopher Theodor Adorno, “is itself a piece of that bourgeois outlook which permits development because […] it is hostile to qualitative difference” (156). Capitalism produces many different types of commodities (within which we can include ideas, beliefs, means of communication, as well as physical goods in the traditional sense), but what unites them is their shared identity under the regime of exchange value (money). This exchange value masks their genuine heterogeneity. But what use is it simply reassuring us that if we continue to produce, we may eventually produce something so new, so different that it will evade capture by this logic? Does this not merely reinforce a complicity between the appeal of the countercultural as a force of change and the continuous accumulation of capital? I would contend that to define counterculture as the production of the new underwrites the inexhaustible productivism of the capitalist hegemony that it seeks to challenge. What if, then, this qualitative difference was created not through the production of the new, but the total rejection of this production as the means to resistance? This would not be to engender or encourage a state of total stasis (which is definitely not a preferable or plausible scenario), but rather, to detach the hope for a better world from the idea that we must achieve this by somehow adding to the world that we already have—to recognise, as Adorno would have it, that “the forces of production are not the deepest substratum of man [sic], but represent his historical form adapted to the production of commodities” (156). Leary’s peculiar conception of counterculture that we have been examining throughout this paper refuses to give countenance to any kind of stability or equilibrium, instead proffering an essentially Nietzschean mode of resistance in which incessant creativity becomes the means to the contrivance of a new world—this is part of what Roszak records as the rejection of Marx’s “compulsive hard-headedness” and the embrace of “[m]yth, religion, dreams, visions” which mark the fundamental romanticism of (post-)1960s counterculture, and its heritage in nineteenth century bourgeois sensibilities. For all the benefits that such a conception of counterculture has provided, it would seem misguided to ignore the ways in which Leary’s rhetoric is undermined by the simple fact that it presumes a hierarchy between a dominant culture (capitalism) and its resistant periphery that is already structured by and given through a capitalist mode of thought that presumes its own self-sufficiency (that is, it assumes the adequacy of the logic of exchange to homogenise all products under the commodity form). The postulate that grounds Leary’s understanding of counterculture is a covert identification of man/woman as a restless, alienated being who will never reach a state of stability or actualisation, and must instead continue to produce in the vain hope that this might finally and definitely change things for the better. Instead of embracing the constancy of change, an ideology that ends up justifying the excesses of a capitalist order that knows nothing other than production, perhaps it is possible to begin reconceptualising counterculture in terms that resist precisely this demand for novelty. As Alexander Galloway declares, “[i]t is time now to subtract from this world, not add to it,” for the “political does not arise from the domain of production” (138-139). We do not need more well-intentioned ideas regarding how the world could be a better place or what new possibilities are on offer—we know these things already, we hear about them every day. What we need, and what perhaps counterculture can offer, is to affirm the truth of that which does not need to be produced, which is always already given to us through the immanence of human thought. In the words of François Laruelle, this is an understanding of human individuals as ordinary, “stripped of qualities or attributes by a wholly positive sufficiency,” such that “they lack nothing, are not alienated,” whereby the identity of the individual “is defined by characteristics that are absolutely original, primitive, internal, and without equivalent in the World […] not ideal essences, but finite, inalienable (and consequently irrecusable) lived experiences” (48-49). The job of counterculture then becomes not so much creating that which did not exist prior, but of realising “what we already know to be true” (Galloway 139). References Adorno, Theodor. Minima Moralia: Reflections on a Damaged Life. London and New York: Verso, 1974. Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Ed. Rolf Tiedemann. Cambridge and London: The Belknapp Press, 1999. Deleuze, Gilles. “Nomad Thought.” The New Nietzsche: Contemporary Styles of Interpretation. Ed. David B. Allison. New York City: Dell Publishing, 1977: 142-149. Galloway, Alexander R. The Interface Effect. Cambridge and Malden: Polity, 2012. Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Cambridge and Oxford: Blackwell, 1989. Laruelle, François. From Decision to Heresy: Experiments in Non-Standard Thought. Ed. Robin Mackay. Falmouth: Urbanomic, 2012. Leary, Timothy. “Foreword.” Counterculture through the Ages: From Abraham to Acid House. Ken Goffman and Dan Joy. New York City: Villard Books, 2004: ix-xiv. Marcuse, Herbert. One Dimensional Man. London and New York: Routledge, 1991. ---. Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud. London: Routledge, 1998. Marx, Karl. Capital, Volume One. London: Penguin, 1976. Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Will to Power. Ed. Walter Kaufmann. New York: Vintage Books, 1967. Roszak, Theodore. The Makings of a Counter Culture. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1969. Williams, Raymond. Marxism and Literature. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.

If thinking about home necessitates thinking about “place, space, scale, identity and power,” as Alison Blunt and Robyn Dowling (2) suggest, then thinking about home themes in popular music makes no less a conceptual demand. Song lyrics and titles most often invoke dominant readings such as intimacy, privacy, nurture, refuge, connectedness and shared belonging, all issues found within Blunt and Dowling’s analysis. The spatial imaginary to which these authors refer takes vivid shape through repertoires of songs dealing with houses and other specific sites, vast and distant homelands, communities or, less tangibly, geographical or cultural settings where particular relationships can be found, supporting Blunt and Dowling’s major claim that home is complex, multi-scalar and multi-layered. Shelley Mallett’s claim that the term home “functions as a repository for complex, inter-related and at times contradictory socio-cultural ideas about people’s relationships with one another…and with places, spaces and things” (84) is borne out heavily by popular music where, for almost every sentiment that the term home evokes, it seems an opposite sentiment is evoked elsewhere: familiarity versus alienation, acceptance versus rejection, love versus loneliness. Making use of conceptual groundwork by Blunt and Dowling and by Mallett and others, the following discussion canvasses a range of meanings that home has had for a variety of songwriters, singers and audiences over the years. Intended as merely partial and exploratory rather than exhaustive, it provides some insights into contrasts, ironies and relationships between home and gender, diaspora and loss. While it cannot cover all the themes, it gives prominence to the major recurring themes and a variety of important contexts that give rise to these home themes. Most prominent among those songs dealing with home has been a nostalgia and yearning, while issues of how women may have viewed the home within which they have often been restricted to a narrowly defined private sphere are almost entirely absent. This serves as a reminder that, while some themes can be conducive to the medium of popular music, others may be significantly less so. Songs may speak directly of experience but not necessarily of all experiences and certainly not of all experiences equally. B. Lee Cooper claims “most popular culture ventures rely upon formula-oriented settings and phrasings to attract interest, to spur mental or emotional involvement” (93). Notions of home have generally proved both formulaic and emotionally-charged. Commonly understood patterns of meaning and other hegemonic references generally operate more successfully than alternative reference points. Those notions with the strongest cultural currency can be conveyed succinctly and denote widely agreed upon meanings. Lyrics can seldom afford to be deeply analytical but generally must be concise and immediately evocative. Despite that, this discussion will point to diverse meanings carried by songs about home. Blunt and Dowling point out that “a house is not necessarily nor automatically a home” (3). The differences are strongly apparent in music, with only a few songs relating to houses compared with homes. When Malvina Reynolds wrote in 1962 of “little boxes, on the hillside, little boxes made of ticky-tacky,” she was certainly referring to houses, not homes, thus making it easier to bypass the relationships which might have vested the inhabitants with more warmth and individuality than their houses, in this song about conformity and homogeneity. The more complex though elusive concept of home, however, is more likely to feature in love songs and to emanate from diasporal songs. Certainly these two genres are not mutually exclusive. Irish songs are particularly noteworthy for adding to the array of music written by, or representational of, those who have been forced away from home by war, poverty, strife or other circumstances. They manifest identities of displacement rather than of placement, as studied by Bronwen Walter, looking back at rather than from within their spatial imaginary. Phil Eva claims that during the 19th Century Irish émigrés sang songs of exile in Manchester’s streets. Since many in England’s industrial towns had been uprooted from their homes, the songs found rapport with street audiences and entered popular culture. For example, the song Killarney, of hazy origins but thought to date back to as early as 1850, tells of Killarney’s lakes and fells, Emerald isles and winding bays; Mountain paths and woodland dells… ...her [nature’s] home is surely there. As well as anthropomorphising nature and giving it a home, the song suggests a specifically geographic sense of home. Galway Bay, written by A. Fahy, does likewise, as do many other Irish songs of exile which link geography with family, kin and sometimes culture to evoke a sense of home. The final verse of Cliffs of Doneen gives a sense of both people and place making up home: Fare thee well to Doneen, fare thee well for a while And to all the kind people I’m leaving behind To the streams and the meadows where late I have been And the high rocky slopes round the cliffs of Doneen. Earlier Irish songs intertwine home with political issues. For example, Tho’ the Last Glimpse of Erin vows to Erin that “In exile thy bosum shall still be my home.” Such exile resulted from a preference of fleeing Ireland rather than bowing to English oppression, which then included a prohibition on Irish having moustaches or certain hairstyles. Thomas Moore is said to have set the words of the song to the air Coulin which itself referred to an Irish woman’s preference for her “Coulin” (a long-haired Irish youth) to the English (Nelson-Burns). Diasporal songs have continued, as has their political edge, as evidenced by global recognition of songs such as Bayan Ko (My Country), written by José Corazon de Jesus in 1929, out of love and concern for the Philippines and sung among Filipinos worldwide. Robin Cohen outlines a set of criteria for diaspora that includes a shared belief in the possibility of return to home, evident in songs such as the 1943 Welsh song A Welcome in the Hillside, in which a Welsh word translating roughly as a yearning to return home, hiraeth, is used: We’ll kiss away each hour of hiraeth When you come home again to Wales. However, the immensely popular I’ll Take You Home Again, Kathleen, not of Irish origin but written by Thomas Westendorf of Illinois in 1875, suggests that such emotions can have a resonance beyond the diaspora. Anti-colonial sentiments about home can also be expressed by long-time inhabitants, as Harry Belafonte demonstrated in Island in the Sun: This is my island in the sun Where my people have toiled since time begun. Though I may sail on many a sea, Her shores will always be home to me. War brought a deluge of sentimental songs lamenting separation from home and loved ones, just as likely to be parents and siblings as sweethearts. Radios allowed wider audiences and greater popularity for these songs. If separation had brought a longing previously, the added horrors of war presented a stronger contrast between that which the young soldiers were missing and that which they were experiencing. Both the First and Second World Wars gave rise to songs long since sung which originated in such separations, but these also had a strong sense of home as defined by the nationalism that has for over a century given the contours of expectations of soldiers. Focusing on home, these songs seldom speak of the details of war. Rather they are specific about what the singers have left behind and what they hope to return to. Songs of home did not have to be written specifically for the war effort nor for overseas troops. Irving Berlin’s 1942 White Christmas, written for a film, became extremely popular with US troops during WWII, instilling a sense of home that related to familiarities and festivities. Expressing a sense of home could be specific and relate to regions or towns, as did I’m Goin’ Back Again to Yarrawonga, or it could refer to any home, anywhere where there were sons away fighting. Indeed the American Civil War song When Johnny Comes Marching Home, written by Patrick Sarsfield Gilmour, was sung by both Northerners and Southerners, so adaptable was it, with home remarkably unspecified and undescribed. The 1914 British song Keep the Home Fires Burning by Ivor Novello and Lena Ford was among those that evoked a connection between home and the military effort and helped establish a responsibility on those at home to remain optimistic: Keep the Homes fires burning While your hearts are yearning, Though your lads are far away They dream of home, There’s a silver lining Through the dark clouds shining, Turn the dark clouds inside out, Till the boys come Home. No space exists in this song for critique of the reasons for war, nor of a role for women other than that of homemaker and moral guardian. It was women’s duty to ensure men enlisted and home was rendered a private site for emotional enlistment for a presumed public good, though ironically also a point of personal hope where the light of love burned for the enlistees’ safe return. Later songs about home and war challenged these traditional notions. Two serve as examples. One is Pink Floyd’s brief musical piece of the 1970s, Bring the Boys Back Home, whose words of protest against the American war on Viet Nam present home, again, as a site of safety but within a less conservative context. Home becomes implicated in a challenge to the prevailing foreign policy and the interests that influence it, undermining the normal public sphere/private sphere distinction. The other more complex song is Judy Small’s Mothers, Daughters, Wives, from 1982, set against a backdrop of home. Small eloquently describes the dynamics of the domestic space and how women understood their roles in relation to the First and Second World Wars and the Viet Nam War. Reinforcing that “The materialities and imaginaries of home are closely connected” (Blunt and Dowling 188), Small sings of how the gold frames held the photographs that mothers kissed each night And the doorframe held the shocked and silent strangers from the fight. Small provides a rare musical insight into the disjuncture between the men who left the domestic space and those who return to it, and we sense that women may have borne much of the brunt of those awful changes. The idea of domestic bliss is also challenged, though from the returned soldier’s point of view, in Redgum’s 1983 song I Was Only Nineteen, written by group member John Schuman. It touches on the tragedy of young men thrust into war situations and the horrific after-affects for them, which cannot be shrugged off on return to home. The nurturing of home has limits but the privacy associated with the domestic sphere has often concealed the violence and mental anguish that happens away from public view. But by this time most of the songs referring to home were dominated once more by sentimental love, often borne of travel as mobility rose. Journeys help “establish the thresholds and boundaries of home” and can give rise to “an idealized, ideological and ethnocentric view of home” (Mallett 78). Where previously songsters had sung of leaving home in exile or for escape from poverty, lyrics from the 1960s onwards often suggested that work had removed people from loved ones. It could be work on a day-by-day basis, as in A Hard Day’s Night from the 1964 film of the same name, where the Beatles illuminate differences between the public sphere of work and the private sphere to which they return: When I’m home, everything seems to be alright, When I’m home feeling you holding me tight, tight, yeah and reiterated by Paul McCartney in Every Night: And every night that day is through But tonight I just want to stay in And be with you. Lyrics such as these and McCartney’s call to be taken “...home to the Mull of Kintyre,” singled him out for his home-and-hearth messages (Dempsey). But work might involve longer absences and thus more deepfelt loneliness. Simon and Garfunkel’s exemplary Homeward Bound starkly portrays a site of “away-ness”: I’m sittin’ in the railway station, got a ticket for my destination… Mundaneness, monotony and predictability contrast with the home to which the singer’s thoughts are constantly escaping. The routine is familiar but the faces are those of strangers. Home here is, again, not simply a domicile but the warmth of those we know and love. Written at a railway station, Homeward Bound echoes sentiments almost identical to those of (Leaving on a) Jet Plane, written by John Denver at an airport in 1967. Denver also co-wrote (Take Me Home) Country Roads, where, in another example of anthropomorphism as a tool of establishing a strong link, he asks to be taken home to the place I belong West Virginia, mountain momma, Take me home, Country Roads. The theme has recurred in numerous songs since, spawning examples such as Darin and Alquist’s When I Get Home, Chris Daughtry’s Home, Michael Bublé’s Home and Will Smith’s Ain’t No Place Like Home, where, in an opening reminiscent of Homeward Bound, the singer is Sitting in a hotel room A thousand miles away from nowhere Sloped over a chair as I stare… Furniture from home, on the other hand, can be used to evoke contentment and bliss, as demonstrated by George Weiss and Bob Thiele’s song The Home Fire, in which both kin and the objects of home become charged with meaning: All of the folks that I love are there I got a date with my favourite chair Of course, in regard to earlier songs especially, while the traveller associates home with love, security and tenderness, back at home the waiting one may have had feelings more of frustration and oppression. One is desperate to get back home, but for all we know the other may be desperate to get out of home or to develop a life more meaningful than that which was then offered to women. If the lot of homemakers was invisible to national economies (Waring), it seemed equally invisible to mainstream songwriters. This reflects the tradition that “Despite home being generally considered a feminine, nurturing space created by women themselves, they often lack both authority and a space of their own within this realm” (Mallett 75). Few songs have offered the perspective of the one at home awaiting the return of the traveller. One exception is the Seekers’ 1965 A World of Our Own but, written by Tom Springfield, the words trilled by Judith Durham may have been more of a projection of the traveller’s hopes and expectations than a true reflection of the full experiences of housebound women of the day. Certainly, the song reinforces connections between home and intimacy and privacy: Close the door, light the lights. We’re stayin’ home tonight, Far away from the bustle and the bright city lights. Let them all fade away, just leave us alone And we’ll live in a world of our own. This also strongly supports Gaston Bachelard’s claim that one’s house in the sense of a home is one’s “first universe, a real cosmos” (qtd. in Blunt and Dowling 12). But privacy can also be a loneliness when home is not inhabited by loved ones, as in the lyrics of Don Gibson’s 1958 Oh, Lonesome Me, where Everybody’s going out and having fun I’m a fool for staying home and having none. Similar sentiments emerge in Debbie Boone’s You Light up My Life: So many nights I’d sit by my window Waiting for someone to sing me his song. Home in these situations can be just as alienating as the “away” depicted as so unfriendly by Homeward Bound’s strangers’ faces and the “million people” who still leave Michael Bublé feeling alone. Yet there are other songs that depict “away” as a prison made of freedom, insinuating that the lack of a home and consequently of the stable love and commitment presumably found there is a sad situation indeed. This is suggested by the lilting tune, if not by the lyrics themselves, in songs such as Wandrin’ Star from the musical Paint Your Wagon and Ron Miller’s I’ve Never Been to Me, which has both a male and female version with different words, reinforcing gendered experiences. The somewhat conservative lyrics in the female version made it a perfect send-up song in the 1994 film Priscilla: Queen of the Desert. In some songs the absentee is not a traveller but has been in jail. In Tie a Yellow Ribbon round the Ole Oak Tree, an ex-inmate states “I’m comin’ home. I’ve done my time.” Home here is contingent upon the availability and forgivingness of his old girl friend. Another song juxtaposing home with prison is Tom Jones’ The Green, Green Grass of Home in which the singer dreams he is returning to his home, to his parents, girlfriend and, once again, an old oak tree. However, he awakes to find he was dreaming and is about to be executed. His body will be taken home and placed under the oak tree, suggesting some resigned sense of satisfaction that he will, after all, be going home, albeit in different circumstances. Death and home are thus sometimes linked, with home a euphemism for the former, as suggested in many spirituals, with heaven or an afterlife being considered “going home”. The reverse is the case in the haunting Bring Him Home of the musical Les Misérables. With Marius going off to the barricades and the danger involved, Jean Valjean prays for the young man’s safe return and that he might live. Home is connected here with life, safety and ongoing love. In a number of songs about home and absence there is a sense of home being a place where morality is gently enforced, presumably by women who keep men on the straight and narrow, in line with one of the women’s roles of colonial Australia, researched by Anne Summers. These songs imply that when men wander from home, their morals also go astray. Wild Rover bemoans Oh, I’ve been a wild rover for many a year, and I’ve spent all my money on whiskey and beer… There is the resolve in the chorus, however, that home will have a reforming influence. Gene Pitney’s Twenty-Four Hours from Tulsa poses the dangers of distance from a wife’s influence, while displaying opposition to the sentimental yearning of so many other songs: Dearest darlin’, I have to write to say that I won’t be home anymore ‘cause something happened to me while I was drivin’ home And I’m not the same anymore Class as well as gender can be a debated issue in meanings attached to home, as evident in several songs that take a more jaundiced view of home, seeing it as a place from which to escape. The Animals’ powerful We Gotta Get Outta This Place clearly suggests a life of drudgery in a home town or region. Protectively, the lyrics insist “Girl, there’s a better life for me and you” but it has to be elsewhere. This runs against the grain of other British songs addressing poverty or a working class existence as something that comes with its own blessings, all to do with an area identified as home. These traits may be loyalty, familiarity or a refusal to judge and involve identities of placement rather than of displacement in, for instance, Gerry and the Pacemakers’ Ferry Cross the Mersey: People around every corner, they seem to smile and say “We don’t care what your name is, boy. We’ll never send you away.” This bears out Blunt and Dowling’s claim that “people’s senses of themselves are related to and produced through lived and metaphorical experiences of home” (252). It also resonates with some of the region-based identity and solidarity issues explored a short time later by Paul Willis in his study of working class youth in Britain, which help to inform how a sense of home can operate to constrict consciousness, ideas and aspirations. Identity features strongly in other songs about home. Several years after Neil Young recorded his 1970 song Southern Man about racism in the south of the USA, the group Lynyrd Skynyrd, responded with Sweet Home Alabama. While the meaning of its lyrics are still debated, there is no debate about the way in which the song has been embraced, as I recently discovered first-hand in Tennessee. A banjo-and-fiddle band performing the song during a gig virtually brought down the house as the predominantly southern audience clapped, whopped and stamped its feet. The real meanings of home were found not in the lyrics but in the audience’s response. Wally Johnson and Bob Brown’s 1975 Home Among the Gum Trees is a more straightforward ode to home, with lyrics that prescribe a set of non-commodified values. It is about simplicity and the right to embrace a lifestyle that includes companionship, leisure and an enjoyment of and appreciation of nature, all threatened seriously in the three decades since the song’s writing. The second verse in which large shopping complexes – and implicitly the consumerism they encourage – are eschewed (“I’d trade it all tomorrow for a little bush retreat where the kookaburras call”), is a challenge to notions of progress and reflects social movements of the day, The Green Bans Movement, for instance, took a broader and more socially conscientious attitude towards home and community, putting forward alternative sets of values and insisting people should have a say in the social and aesthetic construction of their neighbourhoods as well as the impacts of their labour (Mundey). Ironically, the song has gone on to become the theme song for a TV show about home gardens. With a strong yet more vague notion of home, Peter Allen’s I Still Call Australia Home, was more prone to commodification and has been adopted as a promotional song for Qantas. Nominating only the desire to travel and the love of freedom as Australian values, both politically and socially innocuous within the song’s context, this catchy and uplifting song, when not being used as an advertisement, paradoxically works for a “diaspora” of Australians who are not in exile but have mostly travelled for reasons of pleasure or professional or financial gain. Another paradox arises from the song Home on the Range, dating back to the 19th century at a time when the frontier was still a strong concept in the USA and people were simultaneously leaving homes and reminiscing about home (Mechem). Although it was written in Kansas, the lyrics – again vague and adaptable – were changed by other travellers so that versions such as Colorado Home and My Arizona Home soon abounded. In 1947 Kansas made Home on the Range its state song, despite there being very few buffalo left there, thus highlighting a disjuncture between the modern Kansas and “a home where the buffalo roam” as described in the song. These themes, paradoxes and oppositional understandings of home only scratch the surface of the wide range of claims that are made on home throughout popular music. It has been shown that home is a flexible concept, referring to homelands, regions, communities and private houses. While predominantly used to evoke positive feelings, mostly with traditional views of the relationships that lie within homes, songs also raise challenges to notions of domesticity, the rights of those inhabiting the private sphere and the demarcation between the private and public spheres. Songs about home reflect contexts and challenges of their respective eras and remind us that vigorous discussion takes place about and within homes. The challenges are changing. Where many women once felt restrictively tied to the home – and no doubt many continue to do so – many women and men are now struggling to rediscover spatial boundaries, with production and consumption increasingly impinging upon relationships that have so frequently given the term home its meaning. With evidence that we are working longer hours and that home life, in whatever form, is frequently suffering (Beder, Hochschild), the discussion should continue. In the words of Sam Cooke, Bring it on home to me! References Bacheland, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1994. Beder, Sharon. Selling the Work Ethic: From Puritan Pulpit to Corporate PR. London: Zed Books, 2000. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London: Routledge, 2006. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: UCL Press, 1997. Cooper, B. Lee. “Good Timin’: Searching for Meaning in Clock Songs.” Popular Music and Society 30.1 (Feb. 2007): 93-106. Dempsey, J.M. “McCartney at 60: A Body of Work Celebrating Home and Hearth.” Popular Music and Society 27.1 (Feb. 2004): 27-40. Eva, Phil. “Home Sweet Home? The Culture of ‘Exile’ in Mid-Victorian Popular Song.” Popular Music 16.2 (May 1997): 131-150. Hochschild, Arlie. The Time Bind: When Work Becomes Home and Home Becomes Work. New York: Metropolitan/Holt, 1997. Mallett, Sonia. “Understanding Home: A Critical Review of the Literature.” The Sociological Review 52.1 (2004): 62-89. Mechem, Kirke, “The Story of ‘Home on the Range’.” Reprint from the Kansas Historical Quarterly (Nov. 1949). Topeka, Kansas: Kansas State Historical Society. 28 May 2007 http://www.emporia.edu/cgps/tales/nov2003.html>. Mundey, Jack. Green Bans and Beyond. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Nelson-Burns, Lesley. Folk Music of England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales and America. 29 May 2007 http://www.contemplator.com/ireland/thoerin.html>. Summers, Anne. Damned Whores and God’s Police: The Colonization of Women in Australia. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975. Walter, Bronwen. Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place and Irish Women. London: Routledge, 2001. Waring, Marilyn. Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women Are Worth. Wellington, NZ: Allen & Unwin, 1988. Willis, Paul. Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. New York: Columbia UP, 1977. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Varney, Wendy. "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>. APA Style Varney, W. (Aug. 2007) "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>.

I miss the ferry to San Pietro, so after a long bus trip winding through the southern Sardinian rocky terrain past gum trees, shrubs, caper plants, and sheep, I take refuge from the rain in a bar at the port. While I order a beer and panini, the owner, a man in his early sixties, begins to chat asking me why I’m heading to the island. For the tuna, I say, to research cultural practices and changes surrounding the ancient tuna trap la tonnara, and for the Girotonno international tuna festival, which coincides with the migration of the Northern Bluefin Tuna and the harvest season. This year the slogan of the festival reads Dal Sulcis a Sushi ("From Sulcis to Sushi"), a sign of the diverse tastes to come. Tuna here is the best in the world, he exclaims, a sentiment I hear many times over whilst doing fieldwork in southern Italy. He excitedly gestures for me to follow. We walk into the kitchen and on a long steel bench sits a basin covered with cloth. He uncovers it, and proudly poised, waits for my reaction. A large pinkish-brown loin of cooked tuna sits in brine. I have never tasted tuna in this way, so to share in his enthusiasm I conjure my interest in the rich tuna gastronomy found in this area of Sardinia called Sulcis. I’m more familiar with the clean taste of sashimi or lightly seared tuna. As I later experience, traditional tuna preparations in San Pietro are far from this. The most notable characteristic is that the tuna is thoroughly cooked or the flesh or organs are preserved with salt by brining or drying. A tuna steak cooked in the oven is robust and more like meat from the land than the sea in its flavours, colour, and texture. This article is about taste: the taste of, and tastes for, tuna in a traditional fishing community. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork and is part of a wider inquiry into the place of tradition and culture in seafood sustainability discourses and practices. In this article I use the notion of a taste network to explore the relationship between macro forces—international markets, stock decline and marine regulations—and transformations within local cultures of tuna production and consumption. Taste networks frame the connections between taste in a gustatory sense, tastes as an aesthetic preference and tasting as a way of learning about and attuning to modes and meanings surrounding tuna. As Antoine Hennion asserts, taste is more than a connoisseurship of an object, taste represents a cultural activity that concerns a wide range of practices, exchanges and attachments. Elspeth Probyn suggests that taste “acts as a connector between history, place, things, and people” (65) and “can also come to form communities: local places that are entangled in the global” (62). Within this framework, taste moves away from Bourdieu’s notion of taste as a social distinction towards an understanding of taste as created through a network of entities—social, biological, technological, and so forth. It turns attention to the mundane activities and objects of tuna production and consumption, the components of a taste network, and the everyday spaces where tradition and transformation are negotiated. For taste to change requires a transformation of the network (or components of that network) that bring such tastes into existence. These networks and their elements form the very meaning, matter, and moments of tradition and culture. As Hennion reminds us through his idea of “reservoir(s) of difference” (100), there are a range of diverse tastes that can materialise from the interactions of humans with objects, in this case tuna. Yet, taste networks can also be rendered obsolete. When a highly valued and endangered species like Bluefin is at the centre of such networks, there are material, ethical, and even political limitations to some tastes. In a study that follows three scientists as they attempt to address scallop decline in Brest and St Brieuc Bay, Michael Callon advocates for “the abandonment of all prior distinction between the natural and the social” (1). He draws attention to networks of actors and significant moments, rather than pre-existing categories, to figure the contours of power. This approach is particularly useful for social research that involves science, technology and the “natural” world. In my own research in San Pietro, the list of human and non-human actors is long and spans the local to the global: Bluefin (in its various meanings and as an entity with its own agency), tonnara owners, fishermen, technologies, fish shops and restaurants, scientific observers, policy (local, regional, national, European and international), university researchers, the sea, weather, community members, Japanese and Spanish buyers, and markets. Local discourses surrounding tuna and taste articulate human and non-human entanglements in quite particular ways. In San Pietro, as with much of Italy, notions of place, environment, identity, quality, and authenticity are central to the culture of tuna production and consumption. Food products are connected to place through ecological, cultural and technological dimensions. In Morgan, Marsden, and Murdoch’s terms this frames food and tastes in relation to a spatial dimension (its place of origin), a social dimension (its methods of production and distribution), and a cultural dimension (its perceived qualities and reputation). The place name labelling of canned tuna from San Pietro is an example of a product that represents the notion of provenance. The practice of protecting traditional products is well established in Italy through appellation programs, much like the practice of protecting terroir products in France. It is no wonder that the eco-gastronomic movement Slow Food developed in Italy as a movement to protect traditional foods, production methods, and biodiversity. Such discourses and movements like Slow Food create local/global frameworks and develop in relation to the phenomenon and ideas like globalisation, industrialization, and homogenisation. This study is based on ethnographic fieldwork in San Pietro over the 2013 tuna season. This included interviews with some thirty participants (fishers, shop keepers, locals, restaurateurs, and tonnara owners), secondary research into international markets, marine regulations, and environmental movements, and—of course—a gustatory experience of tuna. Walking down the main street the traditions of the tonnara and tuna are palpable. On a first impression there’s something about the streets and piazzas that is akin to Zukin’s notion of “vernacular spaces”, “sources of identity and belonging, affective qualities that the idea of intangible culture expresses, refines and sustains” (282). At the centre is the tonnara, which refers to the trap (a labyrinth of underwater nets) as well as the technique of tuna fishing and land based processing activities. For centuries, tuna and the tonnara have been at the centre of community life, providing employment, food security, and trade opportunities, and generating a wealth of ecological knowledge, a rich gastronomy based on preserved tuna, and cultural traditions like the famous harvest ritual la mattanza (the massacre). Just about every organ is preserved by salting and drying. The most common is the female ovary sac, which becomes bottarga. Grated onto pasta it has a strong metallic offal flavour combined with the salty tang of the sea. There is also the male equivalent lusciami, a softer consistency and flavour, as well as dried heart and lungs. There is canned tuna, a continuation of the tradition of brining and barrelling, but these are no ordinary cans. Each part of the tuna is divided into parts corresponding loosely to anatomy but more closely to quality based on textures, colour, and taste. There is the ventresca from the belly, the most prized cut because of its high fat content. Canned in olive oil or brine, a single can of this cut sells for around 30 Euros. Both the canned variety or freshly grilled ventresca is a sumptuous experience, soft and rich. Change is not new to San Pietro. In the long history of the tonnara there have been numerous transformations resulting from trade, occupation, and dominant economic systems. As Stefano Longo describes, with the development of capitalism and industrialization, the socio-economic structure of the tonnara changed and there was a dramatic decline in tonnare (plural) throughout the 1800s. The tonnare also went through different phases of ownership. In 1587 King Philip II formally established the Sardinian tonnare (Emery). Phillip IV then sold a tonnara to a Genovese man in 1654 and, from the late 18th century until today, the tonnara has remained in the Greco family from Genova. There were also changes to fishing and preservation technologies, such as the replacement of barrels after the invention of the can in the early 1800s, and innovations to recipes, as for example in the addition of olive oil. Yet, compared to recent changes, the process of harvesting, breaking down and sorting flesh and organs, and preserving tuna, has remained relatively stable. The locus of change in recent years concerns the harvest, the mattanza. For locals this process seems to be framed with concepts of before, and after, the Japanese arrived on the island. Owner Giuliano Greco, a man in his early fifties who took over the management of the tonnara from his father when it reopened in the late 1990s, describes these changes: We have two ages—before the Japanese and after. Before the Japanese, yes, the tuna was damaged. It was very violent in the mattanza. In the age before the pollution, there was a crew of 120 people divided in a little team named the stellati. The more expert and more important at the centre of the boat, the others at the side because at the centre there was more tuna. When there was mattanza it was like a race, a game, because if they caught more tuna they had more entrails, which was good money for them, because before, part of the wage was in nature, part of the tuna, and for this game the tuna was damaged because they opened it with a knife, the heart, the eggs etc. And for this method it was very violent because they wanted to get the tuna entrails first. The tuna remained on the boat without ice, with blood everywhere. The tonnara operated within clear social hierarchies made up of tonnarotti (tuna fishermen) under the guidance of the Rais (captain of tonnara) whose skills, charisma and knowledge set him apart. The Rais liaised with the tonnarotti, the owners, and the local community, recruiting men and women to augment the workforce in the mattanza period. Goliardo Rivano, a tonnarotto (singular) since 1999 recalls “all the town would be called on for the mattanza. Not only men but women too would work in the cannery, cutting, cleaning, and canning the tuna.” The mattanza was the starting point of supply and consumption networks. From the mattanza the tuna was broken down, the flesh boiled and brined for local and foreign markets, and the organs salted and dried for the (mainly) local market. Part of the land-based activities of tonnarotti involved cleaning, salting, pressing and drying the organs, which supplemented their wage. As Giuliano described, the mattanza was a bloody affair because of the practice of retrieving the organs; but since the tuna was boiled and then preserved in brine, it was not important whether the flesh was damaged. At the end of the 1970s the tonnara closed. According to locals and reportage, pollution from a nearby factory had caused a drastic drop in tuna. It remained closed until the mid 1990s when Japanese buyers came to inquire about tuna from the trap. Global tastes for tuna had changed during the time the tonnara was closed. An increase in western appetites for sushi had been growing since the early 1970s (Bestore). As Theadore Bestore describes in detail, this coincided with a significant transformation of the Japanese fishing industry’s international role. In the 1980s, the Japanese government began to restructure its fleets in response to restricted access to overseas fishing grounds, which the declaration of Excusive Economic Zones enforced (Barclay and Koh). At this time, Japan turned to foreign suppliers for tuna (Bestore). Kate Barclay and Sun-Hui Koh describe how quantity was no longer a national food security issue like it had been in post war Japan and “consumers started to demand high-quality high-value products” (145). In the late 1990s, the Greco family reopened the tonnara and the majority of the tuna went to Japan leaving a smaller portion for the business of canning. The way mattanza was practiced underwent profound changes and particular notions of quality emerged. This was also the beginning of new relationships and a widening of the taste network to include international stakeholders: Japanese buyers and markets became part of the network. Giuliano refers to the period as the “Japanese Age”. A temporal framing that is iterated by restaurant and fish shop owners who talk about a time when Japanese began to come to the island and have the first pick of the tuna. Giuliano recalls “there was still blood but there was not the system of opening tuna, in total, like before. Now the tuna is opened on the land. The only operation we do on the boat is blooding and chilling.” Here he references the Japanese technique of ikejime. Over several years the technicians taught Giuliano and some of the crew about killing the tuna faster and bleeding it to maintain colour and freshness. New notions of quality and taste for raw or lightly cooked tuna entered San Pietro. According to Rais Luigi “the tuna is of higher quality, because we treat it in a particular way, with ice.” Giuliano describes the importance of quality. “Before they used the stellati and it took five people, each one with a harpoon to haul the tuna. Now they only use one hook, in the mouth and use a chain, by hand. On board there is bleeding, and there is blood, but now we must keep the quality of the meat at its best.” In addition to the influence of Japanese tastes, the international Girotonno tuna festival had its inauguration in 2003, and, along with growing tourism, brought cosmopolitan and international tastes to San Pietro. The impact of a global taste for tuna has had devastating effects on their biomass. The international response to the sharp decline was the expansion of the role of inter-governmental monitoring bodies like International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT), the introduction of quotas, and an increase in the presence of marine authorities on fleets, scientific research and environmental campaigns. In San Pietro, international relationships further widened and so did the configuration of taste networks, this time to include marine regulators, a quota on Bluefin, a Spanish company, and tuna ranches in Malta. The mattanza again was at the centre of change and became a point of contention within the community. This time because as a practice it is endangered, occurring only once or twice a year, “for the sake of tradition, culture” as Giuliano stated. The harvest now takes place in ranches in Malta because for the last three years the Greco family have supplied the tonnara’s entire quota (excluding tuna from mattanza or those that die in the net) to a major Spanish seafood company Riccardo Fuentes e Hijos, which transports them live to Malta where they are fattened and slaughtered, predominantly for a Japanese market. The majority of tuna now leave the island whole, which has profoundly transformed the distribution networks and local taste culture, and mainly the production and trade in tuna organs and canned tuna. In 2012, ICCAT and the European Union further tightened the quotas, which along with competition with industrial fisheries for both quota and markets, has placed enormous pressure on the tonnara. In 2013, it was allocated a quota that was well under what is financially sustainable. Add to the mix the additional expense of financing the obligatory scientific observers, and the tonnara has had to modify its operations. In the last few years there has been a growing antagonism between marine regulations, global markets, and traditional practices. This is exemplified in the limitations to the tuna organ tradition. It is now more common to find dried tuna organs in vacuum packs from Sicily rather than local products. As the restaurateur Secondo Borghero of Tonno della Corsa says “the tonnara made a choice to sell the live tuna to the Spanish. It’s a big problem. The tuna is not just the flesh but also the interior—the stomach, the heart, the eggs—and now we don’t have the quantity of these and the quality around is also not great.” In addition, even though preserved organs are available for consumption, local preserving activities have almost ceased along with supplementary income. The social structures and the types of actors that are a part of the tonnara have also changed. New kinds of relationships, bodies, and knowledge are situated side by side because of the mandate that there be scientific observers present at certain moments in the season. In addition, there are coast guards and, at various stages of the season, university staff contracted by ICCAT take samples and tag the tuna to generate data. The changes have also introduced new types of knowledge, activities, and institutional affiliations based on scientific ideas and discourses of marine biology, conservation, and sustainability. These are applied through marine management activities and regimes like quotas and administered through state and global institutions. This is not to say that the knowledge informing the Rais’s decisions has been done away with but as Gisli Palsson has previously argued, there is a new knowledge hierarchy, which places a significant focus on the notion of expert knowledge. This has the potential to create unequal power dynamics between the marine scientists and the fishers. Today in San Pietro tuna tastes are diverse. Tuna is delicate, smooth, and rich ventresca, raw tartare clean on the palate, novel at the Girotono, hearty tuna al forno, and salty dry bottarga. Tasting tuna in San Pietro offers a material and affective starting point to follow the socio-cultural, political, and ecological contours and contentions that are part of tuna traditions and their transformations. By thinking of gustatory and aesthetic tastes as part of wider taste networks, which involve human and non-human entities, we can begin to unpack and detail better what these changes encompass and figure forms and moments of power and agency. At the centre of tastes and transformation in San Pietro are the tonnara and the mattanza. Although in its long existence the tonnara has endured many changes, those in the past 15 years are unprecedented. Several major global events have provided conditions for change and widened the network from its once mainly local setting to its current global span. First, Japanese and global tastes set a demand for tuna and introduced different tuna production and preparation techniques and new styles of serving tuna raw or lightly cooked tuna. Later, the decline of Bluefin stocks and the increasing involvement of European and international monitoring bodies introduced catch limitations along with new processes and types of knowledge and authorities. Coinciding with this was the development of relationships with middle companies, which again introduced new techniques and technologies, namely the gabbie (cage) and ranches, to the taste network. In the cultural setting of Italy where the conservation of tradition is of particular importance, as I have explained earlier through the notion of provenance, the management of a highly regulated endangered marine species is a complex project that causes much conflict. Because of the dire state of the stocks and continual rise in global demand, solutions are complex. Yet it would seem useful to recognise that tuna tastes are situated within a network of knowledge, know-how, technology, and practices that are not simple modes of production and consumption but also ways of stewarding the sea and its species. Ethics Approval Original names have been used when participants gave consent on the official consent form to being identified in publications relating to the study. This is in accordance with ethics approval granted through the University of Sydney on 21 March 2013. Project number 2012/2825. References Barclay, Kate, and Koh Sun-Hui “Neo-liberal Reforms in Japan’s Tuna Fisheries? A History of Government-business Relations in a Food-producing Sector.” Japan Forum 20.2 (2008): 139–170. Bestor, Theadore “Tsukiji: The Fish Market at the Center of the World.” Foreign Policy 121 (2000): 54–63. Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Harvard UP, 1984. Callon, Michael “Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation: Domestication of the Scallops and the Fishermen of St Brieuc Bay” Power, Action, Belief: a New Sociology of Knowledge? Ed. John Law. London: Routledge, 1986. 196–223. Emery, Katherine “Tonnare in Italy: Science, History and Culture of Sardinian Tuna Fishing.” Californian Italian Studies 1 (2010): 1–40. Hennion, Antoine “Those Things That Hold Us Together: Taste and Sociology” Cultural Sociology 1 (2007): 97–114. Longo, Stefano “Global Sushi: A Socio-Ecological Analysis of The Sicilian Bluefin Tuna Fishery.” Dissertation. Oregon: University of Oregon, 2009. Morgan, Kevin, Marsden, Terry, and Johathan Murdoch. Worlds of Food: Place, Power, and provenance in the Food Chain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2006. Palsson, Gisli. Coastal Economies, Cultural Accounts: Human Ecology and Icelandic Discourse. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1991. Probyn, Elspeth “In the Interests of Taste & Place: Economies of Attachment.” The Global Intimate. Eds. G. Pratt and V. Rosner. New York: Columbia UP (2012). Zukin, Sharon “The Social Production of Urban Cultural Heritage: Identity and Ecosystem on an Amsterdam Shopping Street.” City, Culture and Society 3 (2012): 281–291.