Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Nationalism – social aspects"
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Panofsky, Aaron y Joan Donovan. "Genetic ancestry testing among white nationalists: From identity repair to citizen science". Social Studies of Science 49, n.º 5 (2 de julio de 2019): 653–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719861434.
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White nationalists have a genetic essentialist understanding of racial identity, so what happens when using genetic ancestry tests (GATs) to explore personal identities, they receive upsetting results they consider evidence of non-white or non-European ancestry? Our answer draws on qualitative analysis of posts on the white nationalist website Stormfront, interpreted by synthesizing the literatures on white nationalism and GATs and identity. We show that Stormfront posters exert much more energy repairing individuals’ bad news than using it to exclude or attack them. Their repair strategies combine anti-scientific, counter-knowledge attacks on the legitimacy of GATs and quasi-scientific reinterpretations of GATs in terms of white nationalist histories. However, beyond individual identity repair they also reinterpret the racial boundaries and hierarchies of white nationalism in terms of the relationships GATs make visible. White nationalism is not simply an identity community or political movement but should be understood as bricoleurs with genetic knowledge displaying aspects of citizen science.
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Osipova, N. G. "Ideological impact on social behavior: theoretical and methodological aspects <i>(Ending)</i>". Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 29, n.º 2 (6 de mayo de 2023): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2023-29-2-7-30.
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This article examines an ambivalent ideology – nationalism, which, on the one hand, causes nationalist sentiments in society, provokes ethnic or racial intolerance, and on the other hand, promotes national unity and solidarity.The author examines three theoretical and methodological problems related to the consideration of nationalism as a full-fledged ideology, and also highlights the core ideas of this ideology, the most important of which are the nation, organic community, self-determination and identity politics.In Russian literature, depending on the interpretation of the concept of nation, two main forms of nationalism are distinguished: state and ethnic, and when the so-called “politicization of ethnicity” takes place – the process of significantly increasing the importance of the ethnic factor in politics, nationalism acquires a pronounced political character.Foreign researchers distinguish liberal, conservative, colonial, expansionist types of nationalism and emphasize that it is the latter that “can turn into an irrational and reactionary symbol serving political leaders to justify armed expansion and wars in the name of the nation”. Expansionist nationalism is correlated, and sometimes even identified with such ideologized constructions as racism and Nazism. In this regard, the article draws a distinction between the ideology of nationalism and racism, shows their points of contact, and also examines the legitimacy of attributing racism to a number of ideologies.The author also analyzes the problems associated with the historical culmination of the expansionist form of nationalism, which researchers unanimously consider National Socialism, which became widespread in Hitler’s Germany and represented a fusion of an extremely simplified form of the ideology of nationalism – Nazism, characterized by pronounced racial intolerance with separate, uniquely interpreted elements of socialist ideology.Through a detailed analysis, the author substantiates the conclusion that in its extremely reactionary, primitive, but radical form, being a breeding ground for racism and Nazism, nationalism certainly had a pernicious effect on society – it led to the destruction of social solidarity, the initiation and proliferation of social, political and, very often, military conflicts. This is convincingly proved by the modern geopolitical realities that have developed as a result of the massive and well-organized propaganda of ultranationalist sentiments in the post-Soviet space, the central arena for which was Ukraine, the birthplace of Ukrainian right-wing nationalism and the seat of modern neo-nationalism.At the same time, nationalism is also quite a progressive and liberating social force if it embodies the spirit of national unity or national independence. Currently, this circumstance is very relevant for the process of recreating Historical Russia – a unique ethnic, geopolitical, cultural, moral and political integrity, which was formed over the centuries as a result of the long residence of peoples and nationalities in the vast Eurasian space. Its cementing principle is a strong statehood, the consolidating thesis about the strengthening of which was permanently not only one of the cornerstones of the political conjuncture of politics, but also a new, reviving national idea, the contours of which are analyzed in the article on extensive historical and scientific material.
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Ni, Jingyi. "Discourse, Behavior, Identity: The Three Dimensions of Populist Agitation Nationalism". BCP Education & Psychology 10 (16 de agosto de 2023): 160–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v10i.5219.
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By inciting nationalism, populism has caused a huge impact on social economy, politics, culture and other aspects. On the one hand, populism extends the influence of discourse to the whole country and incites people's nationalist emotions through the transformation of discourse system; On the other hand, in terms of behavior, it incites nationalism by means of the transformed discourse system to carryout political movements such as marches, rallies and protests for populism, with the ultimate goal of building an ideal community that truly belongs to "the people". At the same time, behind these discourses and behaviors, there is a deeper identity of exclusion, which exposes the existing problems of Western liberal society. Their emergence is due to the imperfection of the legal and political system, which makes these identities unable to enjoy due legitimate rights and interests in the society. Therefore, these people hope to incite nationalism through discourse and behavior, so as to shake the national system based on nationalism. In a word, by exploring the discourse and behavior of populism as well as the identity behind it, this paper discusses a feasible way to fundamentally solve a series of social problems caused by populism inciting nationalism.
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Pratiwi, Fadhila Inas y Ahalla Tsauro. "COVID-19: Nationalism and global solidarities". Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, n.º 3 (22 de junio de 2021): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i32021.261-271.
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As the COVID-19 crisis emerged, many forms of nationalism have been rising, such as racism, state individualism, vaccine nationalism, and so forth. However, this kind of nationalism cannot solve the global pandemic that affects various aspects of human life that needs global solidarity in the framework of thinking. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between COVID-19, nationalism, and global solidarity. This article used the literature review method to compare and contrast the COVID-19, Nationalism, and Global Solidarity arguments by using reputable resources such as journals, research reports, and news articles. This article was divided into three sections: 1) the explanation about nationalism, its definition, and theoretical approach, 2) state and nationalism in crisis time, 3) cooperation and global solidarity. It concluded that the COVID-19 period showed us people tend to have greater individuality and higher attachment to their groups and state, as Social Identity Theory (SIT) suggests. It manifested in state nationalist view that state as the sole player in mitigating this pandemic shows selfish attitude. However, as the COVID-19 served as a global pandemic, it also needs global solidarity which has been proven in solving the spread of coronavirus and tackle its impact.
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Pandey, Manish Kr. "Dr. Ambedkar’s Thoughts on Nationalism". Journal of Ravishankar University (PART-A) 29, n.º 2 (14 de octubre de 2023): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52228/jrua.2023-29-2-3.
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The psychological concept of nationalism establishes a sense of fraternity in the society on cultural, ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic basis. One of the nation builders of modern India, Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar coined a narrative of Nationalism about freedom of India from social inequality and untouchability. He talked about freedom of India from social inequality and untouchability. This could be understood as a subaltern narrative about the upliftment of downtrodden, deprived and marginalised sections of the society; the section that did not have any participation in public life of colonial India. In this research paper, we will study the various aspects of Dr. Ambedkar's nationalism, in which he firmly stated that without emancipation of deprived people (Dalits), Indian freedom struggle was not deemed to be complete. He has presented the concept of practical nationalism in contrast to western and Indian extremist concepts, some aspects of which we will discuss in this article.
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Wajdi, Firdaus, Dianada Puspita y Ahmad Hakam. "The Synergy of Sufism and Nationalism: The Role of Idrisiyya Sufi Order in Contemporary Indonesia". International Journal of Religion 5, n.º 11 (6 de julio de 2024): 3142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/735shd67.
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Sufism is often associated with Islamic mysticism and spirituality that focuses only on the purification of the soul and personal connection to God. Sufi leaders seem to no longer play an essential social role in the modern context. Islamic teachings essentially explain maintaining a balance between personal connection to God and social connection between Muslims and human beings. This study explores how personal and social connections institutionalize the Idrisiyya Sufi order. Regarding social connection, the Sufi order community has a great interest in the values of nationalism and implements it in society. This study was carried out in the community of Idrisiyya Sufi order in Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia. This study shows that Sufi leaders recognize the critical aspects of nationalism values from theological and sociological perspectives. This community also implements nationalism in educational, economic, social, and political aspects. This shows that Sufism still plays a substantial role in society in the modern context.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector y Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates". Journal of Language and Politics 2, n.º 1 (31 de diciembre de 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Yufriadi, Ferdi, Donna Ramadhan Fitri y Abdullah A. Afifi. "Pengaruh Nasionalisme Soekarno Terhadap Ketatanegaraan dan Politik Islam di Indonesia". Perwakilan: Journal of Good Governance, Diplomacy, Customary Institutionalization and Social Networks 1 (20 de noviembre de 2023): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.58764/j.prwkl.2023.1.39.
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This article analyses the influence of Soekarno's secular nationalism in forming the Indonesian state. Soekarno, as one of Indonesia's proclaimers of independence and its first president, had a key role in shaping the new country's national identity and political direction. This article describes how Soekarno's secular views influenced the struggle for independence and the formation of the Indonesian state and how this vision of secular nationalism was reflected in various policies and programs of his government. In his writings, Soekarno emphasized the importance of Pancasila as the basis of an inclusive state ideology and reflected the spirit of secular nationalism. Soekarno's vision of secular nationalism was also reflected in his efforts to advance social and economic equality among the Indonesians and promote national independence through industrialization and the nationalization of vital assets. However, this article also highlights the controversy and criticism that Soekarno faced regarding his approach, which tended to be authoritarian in dealing with political opposition and resistance from certain religious groups. At the end of his reign, Sukarno's secular nationalist views began to be challenged by various groups who emphasized religious identity in political discourse. Overall, this article presents a comprehensive picture of the influence of Soekarno's secular nationalism in forming the Indonesian state. Although some aspects of his political approach are controversial, the legacy of Soekarno's secular nationalism remains an important part of Indonesia's national identity. It is relevant in facing the nation's future challenges.
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Breidahl, Karen N., Nils Holtug y Kristian Kongshøj. "Do shared values promote social cohesion? If so, which? Evidence from Denmark". European Political Science Review 10, n.º 1 (27 de febrero de 2017): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773916000266.
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Social scientists and political theorists often claim that shared values are conducive to social cohesion, and trust and solidarity in particular. Furthermore, this idea is at the heart of what has been labeled the ‘national identity argument’, according to which religious and/or cultural diversity is a threat to the shared (national) values underpinning social cohesion and redistributive justice. However, there is no consensus among political theorists about what values we need to share to foster social cohesion and indeed, for example, nationalists, liberals, and multiculturalists provide different answers to this question. On the basis of a survey conducted in Denmark in 2014, this study empirically investigates the relation between, on the one hand, commitments to the community values of respectively conservative nationalism, liberal nationalism, liberal citizenship, and multiculturalism, and on the other, trust and solidarity. First, we investigate in what ways commitments to these four sets of values are correlated to trust and solidarity at the individual level and, then, whether the belief that others share one’s values is correlated to these aspects of social cohesion for individuals committed to these four sets of values. We find that conservative and liberal nationalism are negatively correlated to our different measures of trust and solidarity, whereas liberal citizenship and (in particular) multiculturalism are positively correlated. In broad terms, this picture remains when we control for a number of socio-economic factors and ideology (on a left-right scale). Finally, individuals who believe that others share their values do not, in general, have higher levels of trust and solidarity. Rather, this belief works in different ways when associated with different sets of community values.
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Bakic, Jovo. "Reception of the Karl Kraus’ work among Serbian intellectuals". Sociologija 63, n.º 4 (2021): 624–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2104624b.
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The paper explores relations of both Serbian nationalist and antinationalist intellectuals towards Karl Kraus? work. Analysis of the ?Last days of mankind? shows that Kraus wrote satires against ruling circles of the Habsburg Monarchy, demanded its reorganization, and even its destruction. He mostly ridiculed the top circles of the Habsburg Monarchy and German Reich, and unmasked their war plans against Serbia. He ridiculed warmongering Wiennese press, intellectuals, who betrayed their vocation by supporting German nationalism and Habsburg imperialism. Whereas some of the most distinctive Croatian Yugoslav-oriented intellectuals in the aftermath of WWI highly respected Karl Kraus, Serbian intellectuals have almost utterly neglected this talented nonconformist, who sympathised with Serbian and Yugoslav tendences despite their unpopularity in his own surroundings. Furthermore, interest for Kraus is much more visible in today?s Croatia than in Serbia. The paper?s goal is to offer an explanation of lack of interest for Kraus among Serbian intellectuals. In the twilight of socialism, majority of them showed nationalist parochialism, and a part of them expressed even unbridled warlike attitude, which contributed to thorough neglect of Kraus? voluminous, intellectually demanded and uncompromising pacifistic work. At the same time, anti-nationalist and pacifistic intellectuals were prepared to pay attention only for such aspects of the Kraus work, while they have neglected other aspects such as his criticism of pan-German imperialist tendences recognizable throughout the short 20th century.
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Liang, Suwarno y Roma Sebet Manurung. "Analisis Keefektifan Instagram Sebagai Media Kampanye Nasionalisme dan Feminisme di Kalangan Remaja". Journal on Education 5, n.º 3 (6 de febrero de 2023): 7391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31004/joe.v5i3.1528.
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Currently, Instagram is widely used as a media campaign for nationalism and feminism. There are several feminists and nationalist figures in Indonesia who also actively use Instagram social media, namely Retno Marsudi and Susi Pudjiastuti. The purpose of this research is to analyze the effectiveness of Instagram as a media campaign for nationalism and feminism among teenagers in Batam City. This research is an interpretative qualitative research with Roland Barthes's semiotic analysis. Primary data sources were obtained from Instagram posts in the form of image snippets and image elements, captions and netizens, and comments contained in these Instagram posts. While secondary data obtained was from books, journals (online), and articles (online). Data collection in this study was obtained by using documentation techniques. The collected data were then analyzed by interpreting the two stages of sign from Roland Barthes' semiotic theory. The results of the study show that feminism in Indonesia is considered very minimal when compared to nationalism. There is a gap between women and men. This is due to the strong culture and beliefs of the Indonesian people who think that women should not exceed men in various aspects.
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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA y DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction". Modern Asian Studies 45, n.º 3 (28 de abril de 2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
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Khozin, Nur y A. Jauhar Fuad. "Nationalism Education at the Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School, Kediri". Jurnal Pendidikan Islam Indonesia 7, n.º 1 (7 de enero de 2023): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/jpii.v7i1.399.
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This paper answers about nationalism education at the Lirboyo Islamic boarding school. This paper uses an ethnomethodological method. The results of the research, namely: first, Nationalism Education does not only focus on education in the classroom, even outside the classroom. This can be seen from several aspects. Both from the social environment, culture, state symbols and also in every process of Pondok Pesantren activities. Second, the task of the teacher must be able to provide an example of nationalism and tenacity in educating the students. Therefore, a teacher must have standardization, terms and criteria in teaching nationalism education. Third, the Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School made a nationalism curriculum that was taught to students at the Ma'had Aly level which was contained in the National Fiqh book..
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Vogler, Carolyn. "Social Identity and Emotion: The Meeting of Psychoanalysis and Sociology". Sociological Review 48, n.º 1 (febrero de 2000): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00201.
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This paper attempts to develop a framework for understanding social identities by linking together ideas from two disciplines which are normally pursued separately from each other namely, sociology and psychoanalysis. Drawing on the work of Craib (1989, 1994, 1998a) Bion (1961) and Scheff (1994a) in psychoanalysis and Mann (1986, 1993a, 1995, 1997) in sociology, the main argument is that social identities such as national identity are not just the result of sociological factors such as social classification, boundaries and processes of identification, they also have an important emotional dimension which coexists with but cannot be reduced to the social. In order to understand the persistence and indeed strengthening of nationalism and national identities in the contemporary world, we need to take account not just of changes in the inter-relationships between economics, politics and culture at the global level, but also of the ways in which they may now be coming to inter-relate with the kind of unconscious psychological processes and strong emotions such as love, hate, shame and anger, which occur within groups. The paper begins with a critique of existing sociological approaches to identity followed by an attempt to develop an alternative approach based on the psychoanalytic concept of emotional inter-subjectivity. By means of a case study of British trade unions in the 1980's and 1990's, it then goes on to show how unconscious psychological processes and strong feelings may now be articulating with sociological processes to form a mutually reinforcing loop which is strengthening and reinforcing nationalism in a sociological context in which other aspects of society are globalising. Finally, it is suggested that the reason why sociologists need to take feelings seriously in the contemporary world is that they may now be combining with sociological changes to strengthen and reinforce nationalism and the principle of nationality in situations in which it might be more productive to question it.
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Noorman, Safrina y Nia Nafisah. "Contesting Indonesia in children’s films: An analysis of language use and mise-en-scène". Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 5, n.º 2 (30 de enero de 2016): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v5i2.1353.
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This research aims to investigate and interpret nationalism in Indonesian films for children with local settings. Four films for children –Garuda Di Dadaku (2009), Di Timur Matahari (2011), Serdadu Kumbang (2011), dan Tanah Surga…katanya (2012)- are analyzed with reference to the theoretical assumption of film as a form system covering its language use and mise-en-scène (Bordwell & Thomson, 2010). Employing a formal system analysis, aspects of nationalism were constructed and interpreted using Bhabha’s (2000) dissemination theory and a seminal theory of ideology in children and teenagers’ literary texts by Hollindale (1988). Results show that nationalism is presented: 1) through the films’ mise-en-scène which generates attachment to Indonesian nation; 2) in abstract notions through the films interconnection with aspects of humanity, social justice, and unity; 3) the use of children characters’ points of view. The presentation implied that, in the context of building nationalism, the constructed meanings from exposures on nationalism originated in local issues as well as socio-cultural issues have placed children in an instrumental role as the glue in the weaving of Indonesian nationalism. These findings generate three implications: (1) giving inputs about the kind of texts for children which focus on children’s point of view; (2) encouraging the exposure of localities to raise the sense of nationalism; and (3) preparing practical ways to empower film as part of national character building in teaching children.
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Richmond, Douglas W. "Nationalism and Class Conflict in Mexico, 1910-1920". Americas 43, n.º 3 (enero de 1987): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006765.
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During the Mexican Revolution, nationalism and class conflict became two of the most pervasive aspects of the social upheaval that swept Mexico. Class conflict became so intense that workers did not respond to the bourgeois leader Francisco Madero after he assumed power in 1911. Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa also failed to attract urban workers or unite the nation. Venustiano Carranza eventually articulated a version of nationalism that responded to class conflict by promising to alleviate the grim features of Mexican society that required reform. In Mexico as well as many other countries after the nineteenth century, nationalism prevailed over class conflict during periods of crisis.
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Condor, Susan. "Multiculturalism, liberal fundamentalism and banal nationalism: Dilemmatic aspects ofDissolving the Diaspora". Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 18, n.º 4 (julio de 2008): 369–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/casp.952.
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Ifdholul Maghfur y Moh. Mukhsinin Syu’aibi. "NASIONALISME EKONOMI DI INDONESIA (Prespektif Ekonomi Islam dalam Al-Qur’an dan Hadis)". MALIA (TERAKREDITASI) 11, n.º 2 (15 de junio de 2020): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35891/ml.v11i2.1728.
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Economic nationalism in the perspective of Islam for its adherents not only becomes religion and state in the sense of Western studies but it is also a system that encompasses all aspects of human life in the sphere of the state and nation. In his book, Marcel Boisard considers that the universality of Islam as a religion and social system can be proven in five aspects: the metaphysical aspect, the religious aspect, the sociological aspect, the economic aspect and the political aspect. Nationalism or belief in one's own product as a faith in the Essence of God as outlined in a very strong belief, Islam is a universal ideology that cannot be equated with any ideology and religion
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Belinskii, A. V. y M. V. Khorol’skaya. "‘Another brick in the wall’. On the origins of nationalism in the ‘new’ federal states of Germany". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, n.º 2 (28 de julio de 2021): 87–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-87-125.
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A relatively broad support enjoyed by the populist and nationalist parties and movements (AfD, National Democratic Party of Germany, PEGIDA), as well as a higher rate of hate crimes in the eastern part of the Federal Republic of Germany raise a question on the nature of nationalism in this region. The present paper examines the causes of widespread xenophobic and nationalist sentiments in the ‘new’ federal states. To this end, the authors address a wide range of social-political and psychological factors, focusing on the historical roots and causes of the recent rise of nationalism in East Germany. Particularly, the authors show that the right-wing parties took advantage of popular frustration caused by the collapse of the East German economy after the country’s reunification and massive unemployment by putting all the blame on migrants. Nevertheless, the causes of growing xenophobia in East Germany were far from being solely economic. For example, the authors underline the role of the politics of memory in the GDR and primarily the approaches of its leaders to the issues of the Nazi past and their attempts to draw on the country’s history to shape a new national identity. However, the failure of the state to provide an unbiased view on the national history, rigid official ideology and its alienation from the popular demands have led to the growing nationalism in the GDR. Besides, a number of other aspects is pointed out which have also fostered xenophobic sentiments in this part of the country. Unlike West Germany which started to accept labour migrants from Italy, Turkey and Yugoslavia back in 1950s, the GDR saw few foreigners and contacts between them and local population were limited. As a result, the paper not only helps to create a more detailed image of the East German nationalism but also to identify the underlying causes of the growing popularity of right-wing populist parties and movements in the FRG, most notably, the unfinished process of the country’s reunification and structural imbalances between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ federal states.
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Rogers, John D. "Post-Orientalism and the Interpretation of Premodern and Modern Political Identities: The Case of Sri Lanka". Journal of Asian Studies 53, n.º 1 (febrero de 1994): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059524.
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Interpretations of ethnic and cultural nationalism in South Asia have been marked by a tension between “primordialist” and “modernist” approaches. In keeping with the more influential general works on ethnicity and nationalism (Gellner 1983; Anderson 1983; Horowitz 1985; Tambiah 1989), modernist interpretations now generally prevail in scholarly accounts. These works usually trace the roots of ethnic and cultural nationalism to the social and religious reform movements of the nineteenth century, which are seen as indigenous responses to the impact of colonial rule. The emphasis given to particular aspects of colonialism varies, but includes cultural influences, such as Western education; economic factors, including changes in class structure; and political changes, such as the extension of representative government. These modernist interpretations, however, are not entirely unchallenged within scholarship, and primordialist views, which draw more direct links between ethnic nationalism and precolonial identities, remain strong in political, journalistic, and popular forums.
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TILLEY, JAMES, GEOFFREY EVANS y CLAIRE MITCHELL. "Consociationalism and the Evolution of Political Cleavages in Northern Ireland, 1989–2004". British Journal of Political Science 38, n.º 4 (14 de julio de 2008): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000343.
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Political cleavages are often understood as deriving from either deep-rooted social divisions or institutional incentives. Contemporary Northern Ireland provides a test of the mutability of apparently entrenched cleavages to institutional change. Research undertaken before the ceasefire in the 1990s found noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Within the unionist bloc, economic ‘left–right’ issues formed the main ideological division between the two major unionist parties. This contrasted with an ethno-national source of ideological division between the two nationalist parties. However, the emergence of a consociational form of government structure since then has demonstrated the ability of institutional incentives to reform some aspects of party competition swiftly. As evidence of this, we show that between 1989 and 2004 there was little change in the sources of support for Sinn Féin relative to the SDLP, but the influence of left–right ideology within the unionist bloc was negated as the influence of ethno-nationalism dramatically increased.
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M. Khamim. "Wawasan Kebangsaan Perspektif Islam: Konsepsi Nasionalisme Dalam Al-Qur’an". Journal of Islamic Education Studies 2, n.º 2 (24 de marzo de 2024): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.58569/jies.v2i2.991.
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Currently, the Indonesian people are quite friendly with conflicts and social problems. Poverty, corruption, weak cultural resilience as well as inter-ethnic conflicts and conflicts in the name of religion are rife as challenges that directly or indirectly affect the size of nationalism and love for the homeland among Indonesian people. As a country with a large Muslim population, Indonesia should be based on Islamic values in the order of life. Islam as a universal religion, has regulated various aspects of human life, including the values of nationalism and love for the homeland. This paper was written as an effort to explore the scientific treasures of the national argument in an Islamic perspective, namely to dig deeper into the relationship between Islam and the spirit of nationalism and love for the homeland. The approach used in this paper is library research. The results of the study indicate that the implicit arguments for nationalism and love for the homeland can be found in the Qur'an and the hadith of the Prophet. Nationalism which is affirmed in the Qur'an is nationalism in the broad sense or the spirit of nationalism. Meanwhile, in the perspective of the Prophet's history, the events leading up to the Prophet's migration and the Medina Charter are a concrete form of nationalism that has been exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad.
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Hidayatullah, Syarif, Bagus Haryono y Drajat Tri Kartono. "DHAHAR KEMBUL CONSTRUCTION: HISTORY TO DEVELOPMENT". International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, n.º 01 (2022): 220–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5119.
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The continuity of the Dhahar Kembul Culture since 1970 until it has developed, is supported by social construction so that it raises the implication of nationalism as an important aspect. This study aims to analyze in depth the social construction of the Dhahar Kembul Culture by focusing on the timing of cultural continuity, namely from the early history of Dhahar Kembul's formation to the significant development process from time to time. This research was examined through qualitative research methods with a case study approach, data collection using observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The informant selection technique selected was by using purposive sampling. To ensure the validity of the data in the study, source triangulation techniques were used, while the data analysis used used data analysis techniques with fixed comparison analysis methods. The results of the study conclude that the social construction of nationalism in Dhahar Kembul is a social process that takes place continuously, starting from the early history to the development process from time to time, covering aspects, namely the emergence of ideas, socialization, and coordination. On the other hand, Dhahar Kembul as an implication of nationalism is fundamentally constructed from various interrelated processes, with externalization, objectification, and internalization, as the basic paradigm in social construction.
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Baron, Beth y Sara Pursley. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD". International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2011): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001188.
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The first three articles in this issue, grouped under the subtitle “Insurgency, State Formation, Counterinsurgency,” all deal with historical aspects of nationalism and state-building in the 20th century and resonate with contemporary politics in the Arab world. Starting with Egypt, Omnia El Shakry looks at how student demonstrations in 1935 and 1936 helped usher in the “figure of youth as an insurgent subject of politics.” This discourse placed youth at the vanguard of nationalist struggle and social change in Egypt “but only insofar as they could enact a non-antagonistic conception of politics grounded in national unity.” It also foreshadowed the emergence of a discourse of adolescent psychology in the 1940s, in which adolescence was “reconfigured as a psychological stage of social adjustment, sexual repression, and existential anomie.” Given the emphasis on the role of youth in the 2011 uprisings in Arab states, the article has potential theoretical implications for analyses of current events and discourse.
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Copuroglu, Ozge. "Behind Hummus Wars: The Role of the Food in National Identity in the Middle East". Transnational Marketing Journal 6, n.º 2 (31 de octubre de 2018): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i2.593.
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Food is an essential part of our everyday lives and it is significantly important for international politics as for national identities. The future of food is widely discussed in political and social sciences in the contexts of food security, health, international marketing cultural identities, and migratory issues. Despite the growing importance of food studies, the enduring power of nationalism and the apparent relationship between food culture and national identity, writers on nationalism have made little reference to food in their research. This article aims to explore the connection between food and nationalism and I argue that food plays a central role in performing the nation's culture and expresses the idea of the nation through portraying spiritual, material and commercial aspects of the national identity. Here, the discussion will proceed through a well – known Middle Eastern food, Hummus.
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Dahal, Bishnu Prasad. "Nepalese Nation, Nationalism and Identities in Patriotic Songs". International Journal of Learning and Development 10, n.º 4 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijld.v10i4.18135.
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The main purpose of this study is to investigate the different aspects of Nepalese patriotic songs. Here, lyrics of patriotic songs are reviewed and their contents are analyzed. This study is focused on how these patriotic songs assist to promote Nepalese nationalism, national beauties, national identities and national unity. It is the representative expression of all national songs and patriotic songs all over the country. Music in the form of the national songs and patriotic songs were and remain essential components of national identity and national unity. These songs are popular and accepted by Nepalese citizens as a part of their national identity and such affinities are supported by the songs’ repeated broadcast and consumption on Radio Nepal, various other Radios, Nepal Television, private television channels and social media platforms. It is found form the research that patriotic music provides a means for social cohesion, not via the propagation of dogmatic patriotic content, but through the personal and intimate associations that such songs solicit from individual citizens.
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Tiryakian, Edward A. "The Missing Religious Factor in Imagined Communities". American Behavioral Scientist 55, n.º 10 (13 de septiembre de 2011): 1395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211409563.
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Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities has redrawn understanding of the loci and agents of modern nationalism. Whereas standard interpretations had privileged the movements of modernity of Western nation-states, Anderson’s analysis gave priority to the role of peripheral elites in “imagining the nation” beyond the boundaries of the everyday world. What Anderson leaves out altogether in his seminal study is the bearing of the religious factor in various peripheral settings in such regions as sub-Sahara Africa and East Asia. This article, extending Max Weber’s notion of charismatic leadership, proposes that in concrete cases of “colonial situations” in Africa and in two East Asian countries of weak states, religio-political figures arose seeking a new social order that had mass appeal. Their successes and failures should be seen as integral comparative aspects of nationalism and modernity
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Gorelik, Gregory y Todd K. Shackelford. "Culture of deception". Behavioral and Brain Sciences 34, n.º 1 (febrero de 2011): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x10003122.
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AbstractWe examine the self-deceptive aspects of religion and nationalism. By embracing various religious or political ideals, regardless of their truth, our ancestors could have enhanced their confidence, solidified their social ties, and manipulated their reproductive rivals. This use of culture as one's extended phenotype may increase the spread of misinformation and create global webs of deception and self-deception.
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Adamentha Tarigan, Timothy, Fredrick Liui, Muhammad Hanif y Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin. "Challenges And Solutions In Maintaining Indonesian Generation Z Nationalism In The Digitalization Era". Jurnal Syntax Fusion 2, n.º 02 (19 de febrero de 2022): 350–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54543/fusion.v2i02.160.
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Nowadays, Indonesia is facing a pandemic that brought us to a rapid digital transformation, which brings us to the middle of the digitalization era. One of the generations who absorb the effect of this is Generation Z. Although Generation Z mastered technology better than other generations, Generation Z’s sense of nationalism can’t fade because nationalism is necessary for a nation. The literature study method is used in this paper, where the writer collected literature materials based on some keywords in Google Scholar. Generally, challenges that Generation Z’s facing is in the form of bad characteristics of Generation Z, technology abuse, unfiltered foreign culture, and bad influence of social media & virtual world. Pancasila as the nation’s fundamental holds the main role for this problem’s solution since it contains values of life and national identity. Character education is also necessary since it holds many important aspects to stir up the sense of nationalism. Other unique approaches are also quite important, such as ethnomathematics implementation & scout extracurricular. We are lacking in solutions to fix this issue. More innovative ways need to be discovered and implemented to maintain the sense of nationalism in Generation Z.
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Amouzadeh, Mohammad. "Language as social practice". Journal of Language and Politics 7, n.º 1 (26 de mayo de 2008): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.03amo.
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This paper aims to investigate the language used by newspapers in post-revolutionary Iran. More precisely, the paper sets out to analyze how such a language is deployed to represent relevant hegemonic ideologies. The approach adopted for this purpose draws inspiration mainly from critical linguistics, where it is hypothesized that, as far as the pertinent metadiscourse goes, media genres serve to activate and perpetuate social power relations. In keeping with this theoretical stance, the paper argues that socially constructed texts can be said to perform two complementary functions; on the one hand, they shed light on the realities experienced in social life; on the other, they reveal such aspects of those realities as are constructed through the use of language. It is thus in this context that the media language used in the post-revolutionary Iran lends itself to analytical investigation, where the available data reveal the co-existence of three competing discourse processes of ‘Islamization’, ‘Iranian Nationalism’ and ‘Western liberalism’, relating to the third stage development of post-revolutionary Iran.
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Marjanac, Dražen. "ECONIMIC ASPECTS OF BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA". ЗБОРНИК РАДОВА ЕКОНОМСКОГ ФАКУЛТЕТА У ИСТОЧНОМ САРАЈЕВУ 1, n.º 11 (4 de mayo de 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/zrefis1511083m.
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Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia represented a community of six republics with socio-cultural, social and economical differences that increased over the decades, leading to disintegration of the state. Factors that led to the collapse of the state are numerous, such as cultural and religious differences, nationalism, structure and function of the state system, internal and external factors of disintegration, change in the world politics, different levels of economic development of the republics.The economic system of Yugoslavia was based on self-managing model, a hybrid of both capitalism and socialism, which was considered to be the most effective use of capital goods, increasing workforce productivity, distributing the income and creating a product competitive for the domestic and foreign markets. However, this system had tremendous disadvantages which in addition to the changes in the world market led to the state of recession, very high inflation, decrease in workforce productivity and competitiveness of the final products in the markets, eventually resulting in the collapse of the entire system and disintegration of Yugoslavia.
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Sumarlam, Dwi Purnanto y Dany Ardhian. "Capturing Social Issues Through Signs: Linguistic Landscape in Great Malang Schools, Indonesia". International Journal of Sustainable Development and Planning 16, n.º 3 (22 de junio de 2021): 591–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.18280/ijsdp.160320.
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This study aims to analyze the signs associated with social issues in school spaces by using the Linguistic Landscape approach. Data were obtained from 10 public and private schools in Great Malang, Indonesia through photography. The study reports several findings, namely (1) Indonesian schools are monolingual, bilingual, and multilingual with the dominant use of Bahasa, English, Arabic and Javanese, (2) phrases and clauses dominate the appearance of data in linguistic aspects, compared to words. Therefore, they are very effective in mediating messages conveyed in signs, (3) it comprises of eight themes, namely environment, juvenile delinquency, health, discipline, motivation, attitude and behavior, religion, and nationalism, (4) there are 9 out of 18 values of character education, namely hard work, creative, discipline, national spirit, religious, honest, environmental care, reading hobby, and love for peace. In conclusion, Bahasa Indonesia is associated with the symbol of nationalism and language policy, where English, Arabic and Javanese symbolize modernization, Islam, and the local culture, respectively. Furthermore, the themes and values of character education that emerge represent the conditions of the problems faced by students. This finding suggest education through signs, evoke perceptions and attitudes which is used to strengthen character education in schools to solve social problems.
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Kendzior, Sarah. "Redefining Religion: Uzbek Atheist Propaganda in Gorbachev-Era Uzbekistan". Nationalities Papers 34, n.º 5 (noviembre de 2006): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600952954.
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Much has been made in the social sciences of the ambiguity of nationalism in Central Asia, where not only the boundaries between republics but between nations, languages, and peoples were drawn by the Soviet state. The similar ambiguity of Central Asian religiosity, however, has remained largely ignored. Perhaps religiosity, unlike the more recent idea of nationalism, is considered too fixed a construct for the modern and artificially created states of Central Asia. The division of religions into specific sects, each with its own explicit doctrine and precepts, would seem to preclude definitional necessity. Yet in the 1980s it was religiosity, malleable and stubborn, which proved as essential to the decline of the Soviet Union as did nationalism. As a vital component of identity, religion can exist without any clergy, place of worship, or understanding of sacred text, much as a nation can exist without a state or a government. The illusory aspects of religion, the comforts and mystery of rite and ritual, are as difficult for a state to control as national sentiment, and often prove the impetus behind the latter.
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da Silva Bezerra, Valdir. "Brazil’s viewpoints on international organizations: Political aspects". BRICS Journal of Economics 3, n.º 1 (16 de mayo de 2022): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/brics-econ.3.e81072.
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Recent (geo)political tensions, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the rise of nationalism worldwide have brought to the forefront processes of (de)globalization both in social, political, and economic terms. In this context, we place questions: How have Brazil’s views on international organizations changed over the years and why does it matter when it comes to understanding the country’s recent contribution to the processes of (de)globalization? To answer the aforementioned questions, this article discusses some of Brazil’s main points of view on international organizations (IOs) from a historical perspective. Therefore, we aim to analyze the criticism and political positions of Brazil regarding the most relevant IOs over time, from the League of Nations to the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions. Additionally, this paper addresses Jair Bolsonaro’s (de)globalization positions, especially in view of his peculiar foreign policy oriented towards the contestation of the system. As a concluding point, we provide sufficient evidence on Bolsonaro’s political inclination towards processes of (de)globalization based on his contempt for the so-called ‘globalism’, as well as his nationalistic rhetoric.
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Cherniavska, Catherine. "Concepts and idea of "nation" in the ukrainian social and political movement at the end of the XIX - early of the XX century". Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, n.º 2 (2019): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-53-58.
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The article discusses the key aspects of the concept of "nation" and "nationalism" that have emerged in Ukrainian socio-political thought of the modern era. The ideas of Ukrainian statehood were quite actively developed in the environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries and subsequently reflected in the programs of Ukrainian political parties in different directions. The political works of M. Mikhnovsky and S. Hrushevsky, as the founders of the Ukrainian political doctrine, are analyzed, their views on the establishment of statehood on the Ukrainian lands are compared and the main differences of their vision of the future destiny of the Ukrainian people are revealed. Along with the federalist vision of the future of the Ukrainian state, there is another direction - independent. In the early twentieth century. a new ideological doctrine - nationalism - is beginning to emerge. The experience of Ukrainian nationalism is in many respects unique, since this ideological doctrine will appear on the territory of our country quite late, in comparison with other European countries, actively combined with various forms of Marxism, and in the end, did not ensure the formation of a nation-state. The relevance of this topic is that the problem of the formation of state-building ideas in Ukrainian sociopolitical thought of the late XIX - early XX centuries. was important for outlining the national and political orientations of the Ukrainian people, which greatly influenced the course and results of the revolution and civil war of 1917 - 1921 in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to analyze and contrast two alternative models of Ukrainian statehood that belonged to the leading political figures - M. Hrushevsky and M. Mikhnovsky and to determine the role and meaning of the ideas of "nation" and "nationalism" in their concepts.
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SZCZUREK, Tadeusz. "CULTURAL ASPECTS OF ARMED CONFLICTS". National Security Studies 7, n.º 1 (12 de mayo de 2015): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/135289.
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This article presents the problems of military operations in the context of the local culture, which is of essential importance to the conducted military actions. Despite the globalisation process, which, as it seems, blurs cultural diperences, these diperences still exist, and in many cases they even get deeper. vis complex situation is also combined with conuicting interests of various state and non- -state entities and social groups. A part of this image of the reality is the phenomenon of war, present from the beginning of the human civilisation. It should be noted that cultural diperences are among the major causes of wars. Only for such a reason, the area of military operation becomes culturally alien at least for one of the parties to the conuict. We should also consider the operations conducted by international forces in diperent parts of the world, where oqen a multicultural military contingent operates in a culturally alien environment. vese are particularly complex issues, which cannot be entirely explained, hence the scientitc discussion presented below is merely an attempt to diagnose the most important problems without identifying specitc solutions. Attention was paid to cultural factors apecting the sources of conuict and their developments and the cultural shape of the environment of military operations. Among the global phenomena, which determine the course of the future armed conuicts, the cultural transformation of society and the related tensions, global culture of trade, migration, mass communication and information technologies as well as the revival of religion and nationalism are mentioned. We should also bear in mind the local conditions, which include social, political, governance, assessment and evaluation, communicational and organisational aspects as well as the aspects of acceptance of autonomy by the parties to the conuict.
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Eko Prayitno Joko, Ali Maksum, Ramli Dollah, Md. Saffie Abdul Rahim, Zaini Othman y Adi Jafar. "Influence of Indonesia in the Early Nationalist Movement in Sabah, Malaysia: A Case Study of Barisan Pemuda Organisation (BARIP) (1946-1948)". JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 10, n.º 2 (6 de diciembre de 2022): 170–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v10i2.7424.
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The development of nationalism in Malaysian society is one of the important aspects that is frequently explored by social and humanities scientists. However, the debate on this matter is more focused on Malaya and Sarawak, causing the documentation on the development of nationalism among the people of Sabah to still be far from what’s expected. This situation indirectly influenced the meaning of the writings of Western scholars who stated that Sabah is a “state without politics” before and after the early years of World War ll. Whereas, the development of nationalism among the people is also not much different from the national consciousness in both the regions centered on Indonesia. Even so, the effort to trace this linkage is not given enough attention that it is possible the influence of Indonesia in raising the nationalism spirit of the Sabah people is not known by the general public. Therefore, this writing aims to reveal the development of nationalism in Sabah which was also directly driven by Indonesian figures in Sabah based on the emergence of Barisan Pemuda (BARIP). This effort was highlighted by elevating the role of Indonesian figures in mobilising BARIP as one of the political organisations that fought for independence from the British since they had earlier been exposed to the disadvantages of imperialism and colonialism. The data collection of this article was conducted through interviews with several proto witnesses who were either directly involved or saw the BARIP radical movement. The authors also conducted library studies by collecting intelligence reports in the National Archives and Zakaria Gunn’s private collection in the form of personal letters. With that later, this writing is not only able to offer a new dimension in understanding the nationalism development of Sabah society but also puts the position of Indonesian figures at sensible places in the historiography of Sabah politics.
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Menezes, Flo. "La voie du syncrétisme : sur la musique électroacoustique au Brésil". Circuit 17, n.º 2 (10 de diciembre de 2007): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016839ar.
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This text deals with certain aspects of the birth of electroacoustic music in Brazil, by making links between Brazilian contemporary music and economic, political and social circumstances of the country’s history. After describing the emergence of a cannibalistic movement in Brazilian culture, i.e., of musical nationalism, the author seeks to situate the first attempts in the genre and to shed light on the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the first centre of research and production of electroacoustic music in Brazil: Studio panaroma in São Paulo.
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Hutin, Anatoly F. y Marina V. Bryantseva. "Nazism, fascism, nationalism: analytical approach to conceptual historical categories in the study of humanitarian discipline". Problems of Modern Education (Problemy Sovremennogo Obrazovaniya), n.º 2, 2020 (2020): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2218-8711-2020-2-66-76.
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The article discusses some theoretical aspects of the social policy of the state, conceptual categories from the perspective of teaching humanitarian historical disciplines at the university, shows the negativity of Nazism, fascism and nationalism as unacceptable socio-political phenomena for the development of a civilized society, social structure, which is relevant not only in a cognitive sense, from the point of view of the analytics of the problem, which is extremely important, but necessary in order to form a historical and genetic memory of the people, a correct assessment of the events of the historical past and present, analysis and forecasting of the near future in terms of preventing social and political conflicts in society, as well as with the aim of increasing the general level of training of highly qualified personnel in the direction “Pedagogical Education”.
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Duc, Tran Minh. "A Number of Complicated Aspects of Religious Life in Vietnam Today and Suggested Regulation Policies". Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 12, n.º 5 (15 de mayo de 2024): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjahss.2013/vol12n5918.
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Religion, at any time, is a sensitive issue that attracts the attention of domestic and international public opinion. Taking advantage of this reality, hostile foreign forces have sabotaged Vietnam in recent years by publishing false reports about religious freedom in Vietnam through a one-sided, unilateral, and inconsiderate approach to information. The article makes contribution in analyzing the actual situation of some tricks that have been and are being exploited by hostile forces and extremist elements in religious issues to sabotage the Party and State of Vietnam such as: taking advantage of religious evangelism among ethnic minorities to form separatist ideology and extreme nationalism; distorting religious policy to interfere in internal politics and bargaining in Vietnam's foreign relations; religiousization of political, economic, and social issues; taking advantage of limitations in implementing ethnic and religious policies of the Party and State of Vietnam; taking advantage of land issues related to religious facilities; taking advantage of social networks and international forums; taking advantage of social charity activities, etc. The article further mentions several possible policy solutions to make adjustment to the above religious complications in the coming time.
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Krištof, Pavol. "Ethical aspects of the non-romantic thinking of Jonáš Záborský and Štefan Launer". Ethics & Bioethics 10, n.º 3-4 (1 de diciembre de 2020): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ebce-2020-0020.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on the thinking of Jonáš Záborský (1812–1876) and Štěpán Launer (1821–1851), which were marginalized in Slovak national-forming thinking. Emphasis is placed on the comparison between non-romantic nationalism and Štúr’s ethnic enthusiasm. Attention is paid to the value of their thinking, which can be analyzed in the context of reflections in the role of cultural identity in Štúr’s conception of culture and its place in relation to European cultural and civilizational affiliation. At the same time, the critique of romantic thinking draws attention to the issue of the responsibility of nation-forming elites for the concept of civic development, which holistically approaches social change. Launer’s and, partly Záborský’s thinking draws attention to the dangers associated with the romantic search for ethnocultural specifics, which may result in the questioning the importance of civil liberties and Western cultural and civilizational affiliation.
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Pašeta, Senia. "FEMINIST POLITICAL THOUGHT AND ACTIVISM IN REVOLUTIONARY IRELAND, c. 1880–1918". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (1 de noviembre de 2017): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000093.
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ABSTRACTFeminist thought and activism was a feature of Irish political life in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Because the women's suffrage campaign coincided with and was at times influenced by wider debates on the national question, it has often been understood almost entirely in relation to Irish nationalism and unionism, and usually in the specific context of acute political crisis such as the third Home Rule. The Irish suffrage movement should instead be understood both in terms of wider political developments and in particular Irish contexts. This paper surveys aspects of feminist political culture with a particular emphasis on the way that nationalist Irish women articulated and negotiated their involvement in the women's suffrage movement. It argues that the relationship between the two was both more nuanced and dynamic than has been allowed, and that opposition to women's activism should be understood in structural and cultural terms as well as in broadly political ones. The relationship should also be understood in longer historical terms than is usual as it also evolved in the context of broader political and social shifts and campaigns, some of which predated the third Home Rule crisis.
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Permana, Indra Martian, Rulian Haryadi Putra y Asep Nur Imam Munandar. "Political Struggle for the Renewal of the Ottoman Empire". HISTORIA: Jurnal Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah 12, n.º 1 (6 de enero de 2024): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v12i1.9080.
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The aim of this research is to analyze the relationship between nationalism and historical awareness. The method used in this study employs a literature review with specific steps. The findings of this research indicate that the downfall of the Ottoman Empire is the result of complex dynamics, involving the roles of intellectuals, government policies, the paradox of reforms, poor political language, and the influence of the Young Turks movement. From the era of Mahmud II to the collapse of the absolute rule of the Sultan, the shift in the foundational values of the state from Islam to nationalist identity reflects the challenges of a transformation that was not always successful. The incompatibility between reformists and the majority of the Muslim population, particularly in the political communication of the Sultan, becomes a key factor complicating the achievement of consensus. This research provides profound insights into the complexity of the history of the Ottoman Empire, emphasizing the importance of comprehensively understanding social, cultural, and political aspects in analyzing the decline of an empire. Consequently, a more comprehensive understanding of these events can offer valuable lessons in detailing and comprehending the dynamics that shape historical changes.
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Huerta De Soto, J. "In Defense of the Euro: Austrian School Approach (Critics of ECB Errors and Brussel’s Interventionism)". Voprosy Ekonomiki, n.º 11 (20 de noviembre de 2012): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-11-78-100.
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The mechanism of euro functioning is analyzed in the article from the standpoint of limiting the autonomy of monetary authorities of the European monetary union members, which precludes them from manipulating national currency for the short sighted political interests and postponing painful structural reforms under crises aimed at liberalizing the economy. In some aspects euro excels the classical gold standard, which fell under monetary nationalism attack in the 1930s. Motives and arguments of critics and adversaries are analyzed and the reasons for euro defense are exposed. Real economic and social problems of Europe and ECB errors are described.
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Haskara, Ismail. "Shaped by the pantheistic ideology of the founders, Türkiye has used its national education curriculum as an instrument of social engineering". Journal of the Contemporary Study of Islam 4, n.º 1 (2024): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37264/jcsi.v4i1.06.
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Despite centuries of conservative ideology inspired by Islam, the rapid economic development and consecutive millitary victories of the West had caused within the ranks of the Ottoman elite an inferiority complex generating a wave of admiration resulting in the emulation of European values. Emerging with reinforced positivist doctrines after being deeply influenced by the French revolution, this admiration turned into an irreligious political ideology creating a decentralizing effect on the ruling sultanate of the Ottoman state. After the Republic was founded in 1923, the Kemalist state ideology was imposed onto Turkish society in the form of an aggregation of materialism, social Darwinism, positivism, secularism, and Turkish nationalism. To socially engineer a modern, secular, temporal and materially prosperous nation, this ideology would in most ways carry manifestations of the very character and lifestyles of the Republic’s founders. To maintain this ideology, assertive secularism was adopted as a security measure to prevent both the re-emergence of Islamic conservatism and any other nationalist or political ideology. While the visual aspects of Islamic society were transformed into a uniform Western society through mandatory reforms, the intellectual shift from East to West was realised by means of social engineering and religious inculturation through the education curriculum. This article will portray how the founders’ belligerent belief towards Eastern-Islamic tradition motivated them towards a new Western looking secular order and how these ideas have been imposed through school textbooks.
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Bashford, Alison. "Nation, Empire, Globe: The Spaces of Population Debate in the Interwar Years". Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, n.º 1 (15 de diciembre de 2006): 170–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000448.
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There are several analytical strands through which historians and demographers understand the evolution of twentieth-century population politics and expertise. One is the history of the declining birthrate, nationalism, pro-natalism, and modern degeneration anxieties, including histories of eugenics. A second strand is the story of global overpopulation, its mobilization as a mid-twentieth-century issue in Cold War politics, the dominance of the idea of demographic transitions and political economy, and subsequent links between aid, development, family planning, and various international agencies. A third is the history of reproductive and bodily rights, feminism, and birth control, which has been analyzed with respect to the history of technology, the history of colonialism and neo-colonialism, the history of nationalism, and to some extent the history of internationalism. The political economy aspects of the population question tend chronologically to bookend the feminist narrative, with Malthus at the late eighteenth-century end and Cold War political economy of third world development at the twentieth-century end. A fourth strand is a burgeoning intellectual history of demography, social science, and economic theory.
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Wahab, Wisyly. "MUHAMMAD NATSIR’S THOUGHT ON CORRELATION OF RELIGION AND STATE". JURNAL AL-AQIDAH 14, n.º 2 (18 de diciembre de 2022): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/ja.v14i2.4944.
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The wish of Muhammad Natsir is just how to realize Indonesia as independent, peaceful, prosperous, and just state. So, its logic if he given a nickname as leader of freedom who integrates with the other, Soekarno, in exterminating colonizer – Dutch colonization. Although they are in difference of opinion, but still in building communication each other openly.Muhammad Natsir rejects secularism against state as implemented by movement of Kamal Attaturk in Turkish. He said that Islam is not only merely a religion but also a philosophy of life which covers political aspects, economy, social and culture. Islam doesn’t separate between religion and state, but its primary one. ( D.P. Sati Alimin, 1957: h. IX ) Lesson of the story can become evidence of reflection and understood that in political field the different opinon doesn’t bring enmity, but its mercy and as development of democracy dynamics. Muhammad Natsir consistently refuses all thoughts that weaken existence of Islam in state such as he opposes Soekarno’s nationalism ideas. This reality is indicated that Muhammad Natsir is a prominent leader of Islam nationalist since the age of Dutch colonization. He is also one of speakers and mediators of his group in verious cases that relate Islam and mankind, namely the correlation between religion and state. Beside that, Natsir’s ability integrates His view with his nationalism paradigm, and how then it becomes important one to be studied and thought of its struggle values for next Moslem generation. Actually, the above matter still becomes roof nowdays. It can be proven and indicated by appearing Moslem thinkers and secular thinkers whom they raise voice to fight for their each idea. Even though, deliberation about the correlation of religion and state still can’t be solved untill now. For that reason, this writing is expected as necessary one to be committed.
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Czingon, Claudia, Aletta Diefenbach y Victor Kempf. "Moral Universalism at a Time of Political Regression: A Conversation with Jürgen Habermas about the Present and His Life’s Work". Theory, Culture & Society 37, n.º 7-8 (27 de noviembre de 2020): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420961146.
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In the present interview, Jürgen Habermas answers questions about his wide-ranging work in philosophy and social theory, as well as concerning current social and political developments to whose understanding he has made important theoretical contributions. Among the aspects of his work addressed are his conception of communicative rationality as a countervailing force to the colonization of the lifeworld by capitalism and his understanding of philosophy after Hegel as postmetaphysical thinking, for which he has recently provided a comprehensive historical grounding. The scope and relevance of his ideas can be seen from his reflections on current issues, ranging from the prospects of translational democracy at a time of resurgent nationalism and populism, to political developments in Germany since reunification, to the role of religion in the public sphere and the impact of the new social media on democratic discourse.
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MOHAMMED ABOU ADEL, MOHAMMAD ISSA ALHOURANI y GEORGIOS KORMPAS. "THE MUSLIM DIASPORA’S NATIONALISM AND IDENTITY IN KAMILA SHAMSIE’S HOME FIRE". Hamdard Islamicus 47, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2024): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.57144/hi.v47i2.802.
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The paper deals with Kamila Shamsie’s novel Home Fire to explore the profound social and psychological aspects and identity conflicts Muslim immigrants face in the West, especially in Britain. The importance of this paper is to express the conflict that the Muslim expatriate experiences in his relationship with the West and explore the reasons that affect their tolerance and coexistence. The paper’s problem manifests in exploring significant facets of human interactions, including tolerance, the increasing migrations from Islamic nations to non-Muslim countries, and the challenges arising from identity, religion, and race, which expose migrants to significant perils. The Method uses a social theoretical framework that intersects with the psychological approach. It investigates how both the original and new environments affect character development and individuals' psychological, developmental, and cognitive dimensions in the Muslim Diaspora. It aims to understand the reasons behind involvement in terrorist organizations and also examines the citizenship rights of Muslim Diaspora members. Finally, the paper concludes by presenting the most prominent results, which collectively illustrate that the aggressive style of fiction has influenced the presence of paranoia in literary criticism, leading to an exaggeration of the crimes of others and justification of the self. This is not conducive to objective and neutral analysis, so adopting a more moderate and neutral approach is recommended to allow for open discussion and acceptance of differing viewpoints. This approach should address questions of identity and national belonging.
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Schuklenk, Udo. "Vaccine nationalism – at this point in the COVID‐19 pandemic: Unjustifiable". Developing World Bioethics 21, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2021): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dewb.12332.
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