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Tesis sobre el tema "Nationalism and literature – United States"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 7 de febrero de 2022

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1

Butler, August M. "Liberty's Kids: Toys, Children's Literature, and the Promotion of Nationalism in the Early Nineteenth-Century United States". W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626766.

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2

Biswas, Paromita. "Colonial displacements nationalist longing and identity among early Indian intellectuals in the United States /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1680042161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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3

Lin, Yu-Fang. "The Cultural Construction of Taiwan in the Literatures of Taiwan, China, and the United States". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent149178259135258.

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4

Ellery, Margaret. "Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.

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This thesis explores the history of the New Age movement through a political analysis of influential New Age books. By drawing upon cultural, religious and American studies, and concepts from literary criticism and political science, a new understanding of the movement becomes possible. This thesis analyses the ideological representations and rhetorical strategies employed in both New Age literature and American presidential discourse. It is argued that their shared imagery and discursive features indicate that New Age writings derive their ideological underpinnings and textual devices from dominant beliefs of American nationalism. This historical examination begins with the Cold War in the late 1940s and ends with the 1990s. Each chapter traces parallels between a particular presidential discourse and New Age texts published in the same decade commencing with Dwight D. Eisenhower and The Doors of Perception and finishing with William J. Clinton and The Celestine Prophecy: An Adventure. It argues that the appropriation of particular spiritualities in New Age texts is closely related to contemporary American geo-political interests and understandings. Major New Age spiritual trends are derived from regions, most often in the third world, which are considered to be under threat from forces such as Communism. New Age writings construct an imaginary possession of these worlds, reconfiguring these sites into frontiers of American influence. In particular, this study examines the influence of the jeremiads and the ensuing Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny ideologies upon post-war national beliefs and the extent to which these understandings of nationalism inform New Age discourse. Representations of time and space, destiny and landscape, and self and other in these literary and political contexts are analysed. From this perspective, the eclecticism that marks the New Age can be historically understood as a shifting cultural expression of Cold War and post-Cold War political responses. Consequently, New Age literature is one of the means by which dominant American identity is reproduced and disseminated in what seems to be an alternative spiritual context.

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5

Ellery, Margaret. "Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature /". Connect to this title, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.

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6

Thapa, Anirudra. "The Indic Orient, nation, and transnationalism exploring the imperial outposts of nineteenth-century U.S. literary culture, 1840-1900 /". [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-12052008-162349/unrestricted/Thapa.pdf.

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7

Largent, Mark Aaron. "Black Nationalism Reinterpreted". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.

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Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.

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8

Geary, Brent M. "A foundation of sand : U.S. public diplomacy, Egypt, and Arab nationalism, 1953-1960 /". View abstract, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3289338.

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9

DeJonghe, Jennifer. "White Space| Racism, Nationalism and Wilderness in the United States". Thesis, Metropolitan State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1569559.

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In the United States, the history of racism and racial oppression is often unexamined within environmental and preservationist movements. Wilderness preservation and access to nature has been used as a method of reinforcing racial hierarchy and promoting and advancing White agendas. Environmental heroes like John Muir promoted racist viewpoints toward others through a vision of wilderness that was exclusive and inaccessible. National Parks and other wilderness areas displaced the original inhabitants of the land now are representative of nature as a place of exclusion. In order to have success with their environmental goals, White environmentalists need to recognize and account for the racism, imperialism, and nationalism, both intentional and unintentional, that has harmed their movement.

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10

Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II". PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.

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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.

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11

Takeyh, Raymond. "The United States and Egyptian Pan-Arabism : 1953-1957". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287449.

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12

Piscitelli, Stephen V. "The Relationship of United States' Nationalism and Textbook Coverage of Latin America". UNF Digital Commons, 1986. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/9.

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It was the purpose of this project to determine whether the interests of United States' nationalism had influenced the textbook coverage devoted to Latin America. The review of related literature supported the value of curriculum with a global orientation and the importance of an objective understanding of the Latin American-United States relationship.This study reviewed eight (8) world history textbooks. Seven (7) of the books were on the latest state adopted textbook list for Florida. One (1) text was currently in use in advanced World History classes in Duval County (Florida). The eight books were reviewed using a textbook evaluation form devised for this project. The findings indicated that the world history textbooks followed a traditional western civilization approach. The degree of coverage devoted to Latin America varied from a few pages to more than 100 pages.The shared events with the United States that were described in the texts, were generally non-controversial topics. Textbooks had an encyclopedic approach rather than a generalization orientation. This author concluded that Latin American coverage lacks negative stereotyping. The coverage also lacks topical coverage of current events. Specific recommendations included the inclusion of historical and current events to aid students in critically evaluating the topics while developing their own interpretations of the United States-Latin American relationship. While United States nationalism does not seem to be a factor in negative stereotyping, it may have lead to the avoidance of presenting controversial topics in the Latin American-United States relationship.

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13

Baum, Chris W. "Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.

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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.

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14

Park, Benjamin Earl. "Localized nationalisms in postrevolutionary America". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708100.

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15

Tisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. "The United States and Iran, 1951-1953: The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.

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The years 1951 to 1953 are among the most important and controversial in Iranian history. The period is significant not only for the domestic dynamics of popular nationalism under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, but also for the role that United States policy played in an interaction with the conflict between a lingering British economic presence and the Iranian move to nationalize its oil industry. An examination of United States national security policy of that time reveals that policy toward Iran was consistent with the overall post-war policy of the United States, dominated as it was by the central theme of preventing the spread of communism. The task for the men who were charged with the application of U.S. policy in Iran during those years was to accommodate two factors which complicated the search for an order which would ensure post-war national security for the United States: Iranian nationalism as epitomized by Mossadegh; and the economic and diplomatic interests of Great Britain. The United States sought to resolve the conflict so that instability in Iran would not invite communist influence or takeover. United States policymakers were influenced by several factors which combined to eventually decide the outcome. The centrality of the perceived world communist expansion threat, McCarthyism in the United States, the role of several key figures with experience in U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, and the change from a Democratic to a Republican administration at the time Mossadegh was experiencing a deterioration of his own domestic political situation; all worked toward the still-controversial outcome of U.S. policy: the overthrow of Mossadegh. The primacy of containment of communism in United States policy did not preclude variations in its application, nor did this emphasis ignore the forces of Iranian nationalism and self-determination. Nonetheless, given the men involved in the policy decisions, the information available to them and the context of the post-World War II international order, the outcome was predictable and entirely consistent at the time with creating an international order conducive to the national security interests of the United States.

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16

Dossett, Kate Maria. "Bridging race divides : black nationalism, feminism and integration in the United States, 1896-1935". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616088.

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17

Hughes, Erin Elizabeth. "An American atra? : boundaries of diasporic nation-building amongst Assyrians and Chaldeans in the United States". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30987.

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Voluntary and forced migrations over the past century have given rise to the number of displaced peoples and nations who consider themselves diasporas. The resiliency of these extra-territorial nations after displacement is something of a paradox in nationalism studies. For diaspora, the nation is simultaneously local and transnational, divided and caged by the confines of state borders, often intermixed with other ethnic groups, nations, and cultures, and yet, undeniably, a singular community. Through a comparative examination of the Assyrian and Chaldean diaspora in the United States, this dissertation uses boundary theory to explore the role of diasporic elites in making and sustaining a diasporic nation, and the events, identities, and ideologies that shape diasporic action. It draws from twenty-nine interviews held with Assyrian and Chaldean leaders in Michigan, Illinois, and California, and with policy-makers, as well as research into congressional documents, policy papers, and press reports. The multi-ethnic fabric of American society is formative to boundary-creation, and yet challenges its retention, providing an open society for ethnic expression and civic and political engagement, whilst at the same time facilitating assimilation and loss of diasporic culture and identity. Diasporic elites pursue institutional completeness to sustain diasporic presence in local societies, and cultivate national ideologies that in turn engender activism on behalf of the greater diasporic nation. The Iraq War served as a catalyst to nation-building, providing the first political opening in decades for diasporic actors to mobilize on behalf of Assyrians and Chaldeans in the homeland, seeking constitutional recognition as equal members of the Iraq state. However, the impermeable, exclusionary Iraqi national boundary wrought in conflict instead posed an existential crisis, forcing Assyrians and Chaldeans from Iraq and forcing diasporic leaders to confront questions of what will become of their nation if the homeland is lost. Revealed in the resulting political demands are two distinct strains of nationalism: that for resettlement into diaspora and continued integration into Iraq; and that for territorial autonomy within Iraq’s Nineveh Plain. This dissertation argues diaspora is a continuous, evolving product of boundary-making, often the result of diasporic elite mobilization. Diaspora is a nation not simply born of displacement, but formed through social boundaries encountered and made upon resettlement outside the homeland. Nationalism is a significant component of diasporic nation-building, offering insight into political goals, ideologies, and the dedication of diasporic elites to sustaining an Assyrian and Chaldean homeland, an atra, in diaspora.

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18

Wong, Sin Kiong. "The genesis of popular movements in modern China a study of the anti-American boycott of 1905-1906 /". access full-text, 1995. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9540027.pdf.

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19

Blum-Smith, Laura. "The Language of Nation: Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Language Policy in the United States and Canada". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin154463011114732.

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20

Schoel, Gretchen Ferris. "(at)america.jp: Identity, nationalism, and power on the Internet, 1969-2000". W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623448.

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" america.jp" explores identity, nationalism, and power on the Internet between 1969 and 2000 through a cultural analysis of Internet code and the creative processes behind it. The dissertation opens with an examination of a real-time Internet Blues jam that linked Japanese and American musicians between Tokyo and Mississippi in 1999. The technological, cultural, and linguistic uncertainties that characterized the Internet jam, combined with the inventive reactions of the musicians who participated, help to introduce the fundamental conceptual question of the dissertation: is code a cultural product and if so can the Internet be considered a distinctly "American" technology?;A comparative study of the Internet's origins in the United States and Japan finds that code is indeed a cultural entity but that it is a product not of one nation, but of many. A cultural critique of the Internet's domain name conventions explores the heavily-gendered creation of code and the institutional power that supports it. An ethnography of the Internet's managing organization, The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), investigates conflicts and identity formation within and among nations at a time when new Internet technologies have blurred humans' understanding of geographic boundaries. In the year 2000, an effort to prevent United States domination of ICANN produced unintended consequences: disputes about the definition of geographic regions and an eruption of anxiety, especially in China, that the Asian seat on the ICANN board would be dominated by Japan. These incidents indicate that the Internet simultaneously destabilizes identity and ossifies it. In this paradoxical situation, cultures and the people in them are forced to reconfigure the boundaries that circumscribe who they think they are.

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21

Petrides, Sarah I. "The postregional turn in contemporary American literature". View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318350.

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22

Pierce, Linda M. "Displaced memory: Oscar Micheaux, Carlos Bulosan, and the process of United States decolonization". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280790.

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"Displaced Memory: Oscar Micheaux, Carlos Bulosan, and the Process of U.S. Decolonization," uses new applications for existing colonial and postcolonial theories in order to explain common incongruities in ethnic minority autobiographies in early twentieth-century America. Using Carlos Bulosan (1914-1956) and Oscar Micheaux's (1894-1951) "fictional autobiographies" as case studies, I argue that the seemingly contradictory coexistence of assimilationist and subversive narratives can be explained when understood as textual representations of the process of decolonization. Reading these narrators as postcolonial subjects, however, would require both a radical rethinking of colonial and postcolonial theory and careful revaluation of early American mythology. While recognizing the United States as a former (or neo-) colonial power poses no insuperable problem for scholars in Philippine American studies, analyzing other disenfranchised ethnic communities in terms of a U.S. colonial context is more problematic. My project addresses precisely this problem: part one begins with the Philippine context and asks why even this overt example of colonization remains unacknowledged within U.S. cultural memory. The answer to this question is grounded in the literary, political and ideological national foundations emergent during nascent U.S. development. In the second part of my project, I stress the necessity of comparing multi-ethnic experiences within parallel historical trajectories, addressing questions about how a U.S. postcolonial theory would become complicated when applied to slavery and its aftermath. I argue that the unique position of displaced colonials occupied by African slaves and the colonial memory instilled in their offspring suggest the applicability of postcolonial theory to the African American community. Questions of U.S. postcoloniality are invariably tethered to multiple perspectives from early literature, from captivity to emancipation and reconstruction. Thus, understanding the ways in which African Americans have been colonized is important not only for re-reading African American literature like that of Micheaux, but for revising American ideological holdovers from the seventeenth century to the present. Read together within the postcolonial context, Bulosan's and Micheaux's views on nation, race, masculinity and women take on new significance.

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23

Springsteel, Ian. "Nationalism and GMOs: the influence of nationally based ideals of nature on the public acceptance of genetically modified organisms: a comparative case study of the United States and the United Kingdom". Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27781.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02

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24

Wender, Stephan. "Between the self and the public : the co-implication of American literary naturalism and modernism in the modern urban narrative /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162270.

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25

Rooney, Michael J. "An end to the troubles unionism, nationalism, and the path to peace". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FRooney.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 151-154). Also available in print.

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26

White, Nicholas. "Acceding to War: Nationalism, Popular Entertainment and the Battle of Gettysburg". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195149.

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I explore nationalism within popular United States' history and analyze the nationalistic rhetoric within a popular novel, film, television documentary, and computer game that use the Battle of Gettysburg as their subject. With these examples I argue that popular history and entertainment cultivate social conditions amenable to war. Rather than strictly focusing on overtly and officially sanctioned political arguments, I interrogate recurring defenses of United States' nationalism within popular history and entertainment using the concepts of sociological propaganda and collective memory to further my argument. By focusing on popular representations of a seminal event in United States' history, I contend that such an event has been used to affirm nationalistic hegemony in the present.

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27

Willihnganz, Jonah Gabriel. "Radio blues : literature, mass communication and the human voice in depression America /". View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3174694.

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28

Helldahl, Per. "The Challenge from Nationalism : Problems of Community in Democracy". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-188820.

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The dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and nationalism from a normative standpoint. A point of departure is the assumption that any democracy requires a referent community, or demos. Nationalism has, in practice, frequently provided democracies with this sense of community during the last two centuries. The author argues, firstly, that this connection has led to an entanglement of the concepts of democracy and nationalism, so that democrats tend to rely, often unknowingly, on the thought structures of nationalism as they seek to make explicit the identity of their respective communities. The mechanism by which this connection is upheld is demonstrated through two contextualized studies of discourse on common society-wide identity in, respectively, the contemporary United States of America and the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany. Secondly, it is argued (also on the basis of these contextualized studies) that the nationalist features which tend to ‘leak’ into the overarching, society-wide identities that are constructed in these debates contain an inherently exclusionary potential; however, this leakage is often glossed over by superficial anti-nationalism and phrases such as ‘civic nationalism’, which is contrasted with ‘ethnic nationalism’. Rather than hidden behind such rhetoric, the author argues, the nationalist thought structures that democrats tend to rely on should be brought into the light of day, so that the potentially destructive features of nationalism can be handled in the best way possible. Thirdly, it is claimed that deliberative models (such as that of Jürgen Habermas) are better suited than liberal nationalist models (such as that of David Miller) for this task.

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29

Lundblade, Eric James. ""The fruits of imperialism, be they bitter or sweet ..." "America's mission" and the rhetoric of the imperialism debates (1898-1900) /". Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3724.

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30

Bender, Justin. "The hunting motif in the literature of the United States : 1782-1992". Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295845.

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31

Mediratta, Sangeeta. "Bazaars, cannibals, and sepoys : sensationalism and empire in nineteenth century Britain and the United States /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3175284.

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32

Russell, Ona Claire. "Discourses of crossing : reconceptualizing representation in the nineteenth-century United States, 1840-1900 /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9835396.

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33

Weigold, Auriol y n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942". University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.

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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative. This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership. Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India. Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to retain control of its empire. Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate. The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's. The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could be presented as damaging to allied war aims. The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates. Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942 and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was Britain.

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34

Butts, Jonathan J. "Community and social justice in New Deal-era urban literature". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.

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35

Wu, Junfei. "Nationalism in Chinese foreign policy : the case of China's response to the United States in 1989-2000". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2362/.

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This thesis is concerned with nationalism in Chinese foreign policy. Adopting methods of comparative studies and formalised language analysis, through the case study of China's response to US engagement, this thesis explores the nationalist momentum in Chinese foreign policy during 1989-2000 and how the CCP loosely controls Chinese IR scholars' nationalist writings. The thesis argues that China is not a revisionist state despite the rise of the new nationalism. Chinese foreign policy since 1989 is best understood as largely being the product of an effectively yet loosely controlled, plural and reactive nationalism and that the CCP's domestic considerations keep Chinese foreign policy inward-looking. This thesis also argues that Chinese elites regard the US engagement policy as patronising and paternalistic and thus it fails to achieve its core objectives that centre on no unilateral use of offensive military force, peaceful resolution of territorial disputes and respect for international rules. It has been found that focal points of nationalism in Chinese foreign policy are legitimacy of the CCP's one-party rule, territorial control and modernization and that the new Chinese nationalism is a weak force. It has also been found that the US engagement policy toward China has generated nationalism in China and the CCP's response is mainly defensive arguments rather than hostile acts. I support my argument with a study of the CCP's official terms and Chinese IR scholars' writings. I examine how Chinese IR scholars try to follow the CCP's party line in foreign policy and how various groups of Chinese IR scholars interpret the party line in different ways. Focusing on the case of China's response to US engagement, I analyse Chinese elites' nationalistic views on the US approach to China in respect of security, political, cultural and economic issues. The implication of my research is that the growing concern about China threat has been in regional perceptions of Chinese goals rather than the CCP's diplomacy per se.

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36

Photinos, Christie. "Villainous vagrants, hard-travelin' hoboes, and sisters of the road : the figure of the tramp in American literature, 1873-1939 /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9984303.

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37

Parille, Kenneth Miller. "Managing boys forming masculinity in nineteenth-century United States literature and culture /". Full text, Acrobat Reader required, 2002. http://viva.lib.virginia.edu/etd/diss/ArtsSci/English/2002/Parille/parille.pdf.

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38

Graham, Andrew Lindsay. "Federalism and fiction in the United States Constitution and Herman Melville's Moby-Dick". Thesis, Keele University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359159.

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39

Eveleth, Kyle W. "Outsiders to Whom? Reimagining the Creation of Young Adult Literature in the United States". UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/103.

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The study of young adult literature has become widespread within Children’s and Young Adult Literature specifically and literary studies as a whole. However, the term “young adult” which defines and focalizes both the literature itself and the ostensible readers for whom it is produced remains a poorly-examined area. The present study examines the creation of one branch of what we now call “young adult literature” from its roots in the United States in the early twentieth century to its emergence as a dominant literary form in the mid-to-late 1960s. In doing so, it seeks to reconcile emerging professional, psychological, sociological, pedagogical, cultural, and ideological discourses concerning adolescence and young adulthood with works of fiction prepared specifically for their consumption. It also seeks to position the changing role of adolescent subjects into the larger framework of American Studies by examining how these texts reflected, tested, and reinforced dominant paradigms of thought surrounding how adolescents would become actualized American subjects. At the same time, it broaches concerns within these dominant paradigms that have been overlooked in constructing historical approaches to the development of young adult literature, and it suggests a few methodologies by which to recover these undiscussed threads.

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40

Goodman, Brian Kruzick. "Cold War Bohemia: Literary Exchange between the United States and Czechoslovakia, 1947-1989". Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493571.

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After the onset of the Cold War, literature and culture continued to circulate across the so-called Iron Curtain between the United States and the countries of the Eastern bloc, often with surprising consequences. This dissertation presents a narrative history of literary exchange between the US and Czechoslovakia between 1947 and 1989. I provide an account of the material circulation of texts and discourses that is grounded in the biographical experiences of specific writers and intellectuals who served as key intermediaries between Cold War blocs. Individual chapters focus on F. O. Matthiessen, Josef Škvorecký, Allen Ginsberg, and Philip Roth, and I discuss the transmission of literary works by writers like Franz Kafka, Ernest Hemingway, Langston Hughes, Ludvík Vaculík, and Milan Kundera. I also discuss a range of institutions—from literary magazines and book series to universities and government censors—that mediated the circulation of literature between the US and Czechoslovakia. To reconstruct this history, I draw on a multilingual archive of sources that includes transnational correspondence, secret police files, travelogues, and samizdat texts. A central argument of “Cold War Bohemia” is that the transnational circulation of literature produced new lines of countercultural influence across the Iron Curtain. By the 1970s and 1980s, literary exchange also helped constitute a network of writers and intellectuals who promoted new discourses about the relationship between literature, dissent, and human rights. The literary counterculture that emerged between the US and Czechoslovakia took on many local and contingent forms, but in each case, the circulation of literature allowed a new transnational public to imagine an alternative world beyond Cold War boundaries.
American Studies

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41

Schrum, Ethan D. "James Marsh and the theological origins of academic English studies in the United States". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.

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42

VonKamp, Rebecca Lee. "Contemporary art song of the United States: a graded handbook". Diss., University of Iowa, 2018. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6326.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to provide vocal teachers and singers with a reference handbook of twenty-first century art songs for solo voice and piano accompaniment, written in English by composers from the United States. This handbook presents songs composed between the years of 2000-2015 by level of difficulty, from songs appropriate for high school students through collegiate students, and including professional singers. This handbook will familiarize teachers with over two hundred solo songs of seventeen composers, furthering the study and performance of contemporary art songs.

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43

Alvarado-Salas, Eric L. SoRelle James M. "The mind of Malcolm". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5045.

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44

Simpson, Tyrone R. "Under psychic apartheid literary ghettoes and the making of race in the twentieth-century American metropolis (Anzia Yezierska, Michael Gold, Gloria Naylor, John Edgar Wideman) /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162261.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2004.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: A, page: 0181. Chair: Eva Cherniavsky. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 12, 2006).

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45

McTaggart, Ursula. "Radicalism in America's "industrial jungle" metaphors of the primitive and the industrial in activist texts /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3324531.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of English and American Studies, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on May 12, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 3153. Advisers: Purnima Bose; Margo N. Crawford.

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46

Walsh, Megan. "A Nation in Sight: Visual Technology and Literary Culture in the Early United States". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/90690.

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English
Ph.D.
A Nation in Sight asks how authors living in the immediate wake of national founding articulated, critiqued, and expanded the aspects of representative government by engaging with the contemporaneous discourses about visual representation. On the one hand, new visual technologies and emerging theories of sight allowed early Americans to collectively imagine an ideal version of the nation. On the other hand, the scientific and material realities of vision were problematic, giving rise to notions that any attempt at representation was deeply fraught from the outset. Even though optical devices allowed viewers to perceive the world in illuminating ways, they were always comprised of a host of elements that relied on distorting elements like lenses, mirrors, and other objects to trick the eye. I argue that crucial innovations in autobiography, poetry, and the novel that came to define American literature after the Revolution reflected attempts to reconcile the promises inscribed in republican political ideology with the frequently distorting and illusory qualities of real optical science with which writers were surrounded. I read a range of scientific texts about vision in order to offer new readings of The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, Phillis Wheatley's Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, and Charles Brockden Brown's Wieland, or the Transformation: An American Tale. A Nation in Sight provides an account of American literature in which authors employed the language of visual technology to uncover the civic and political inclusions and exclusions that inhered in the theories and practices of a newly formed representative government.
Temple University--Theses

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47

WARNER, DOUGLAS G. "CURRENT TRENDS IN ALTO TROMBONE PEDAGOGY IN THE UNITED STATES". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1122915794.

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48

Hallett, Adam Neil. "America seen : British and American nineteenth century travels in the United States". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3164.

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The thesis discusses the development of nineteenth century responses to the United States. It hinges upon the premise that travel writing is narrative and that the travelling itself must therefore be constructed (or reconstructed) as narrative in order to make it available for writing. By applying narratology to the work of literary travel writers from Frances Trollope to Henry James I show the influence of travelling point of view and writing point of view on the narrative. Where these two points of view are in conflict I suggest reasons for this and identify signs in the narrative which display the disparity. There are several influences on point of view which are discussed in the thesis. The first is mode of travel: the development of steamboats and later locomotives increasingly divested travellers from the landscape through which they were travelling. I concentrate on Frances Trollope, Charles Dickens and Mark Twain travelling by boat, and Robert Louis Stevenson and Henry James travelling by rail to examine how mode of travel alters travelling point of view and influences the form of travel writing. The second is the frontier: writing from a liminal space creates a certain point of view and makes travel not only a passage but a rite of passage. I examine travel texts which discuss the Western frontier as well as the transatlantic frontier. As the opportunity for these frontier experiences diminished through the spread of American culture and developments in travel technology, so the point of view of the traveller changes. A third point of view is provided by European ideas of nature and beauty in nature. The failure of these when put against American landscapes such as the Mississippi, prairies, and Niagara forms a significant part of the thesis, the fourth chapter of which examines writing on Niagara Falls in guidebooks and the travel texts of Frances Trollope, Dickens, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Anthony Trollope, Twain and James. Other points of view include seeing the United States through earlier travel texts and adopting a more autobiographical interest in travelogues. In the final chapter the thesis contains a discussion of the nature of truth in travel writing and the tendency towards fictionalisation. The thesis concludes by considering the implications for truth of having various travelling and writing points of view impact upon constructing narrative out of travel.

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49

Haga, Kai Yin Allison. "An overlooked dimension of the Korean War: The role of Christianity and American missionaries in the rise of Korean nationalism, anti -colonialism, and eventual civil war, 1884-1953". W&M ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623326.

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This dissertation reveals how religious factors affected the development of the Korean War. Much prior research has analyzed the causes and nature of the Korean War, in part because of the war's impact upon later events, from the Cold War to the present day geopolitical standoff. Though the war has been much-studied, religious factors have rarely been included in these analyses. This de-emphasis of religion may be a justifiable simplification in general war historiographies, but not in the specific case of Korea. This current study uncovers the unique role of religion in Korean-American relations and in Korean culture and politics, prior-to-and-during the time of the Korean War.;The Korean War ushered in a time of intimate collaboration between state and non-state actors, unparalleled in American diplomatic and military history. Because American missionaries had been working among Koreans for many years, they possessed the language skills, human connections, and geographical knowledge that the US military lacked. From the early days within the Pusan Perimeter through the late period at P'anmunjo˘m, American missionaries were highly visible on the frontline, at the negotiation table, and in the POW camps. They were also important to the battle of propaganda. their letters and reports aroused sympathy in America for the Korea people.;In addition to the contributions of American Missionaries, the effect of Korean Christians was an equally important factor to the shaping of the conflict. Churches were rather influential within Korean society; clergymen were active in Korean politics; and many of the top politicians were Christians. Christianity was a major obstacle to Communist control of the North and subversive activities in the South. With the assistance of foreign funding, churches were transformed by the ravages of war into an important source of charitable assistance for millions of impoverished refugees. Although this study looks at religious factors in general, the discussion focuses primarily on Protestant churches and Protestant missionaries. These Protestant churches, of all religious institutions in Korea; exerted an influence far disproportionate to their per capita membership. Similarly, these Protestant missionaries, of all religious actors, had significant influence upon the American military and upon the American public. In particular, the majority of missionaries who stayed behind and worked effectively with the Korean government and US military were from the American Presbyterian missions. They took the initiative on relief efforts and set the standard for others to follow.;This dissertation makes an important contribution to religious history as well. In the process of assessing the impact of Christianity upon the Korean War, this dissertation begins by examining Christianity's development within Korea, primarily from the arrival of American missionaries in the late Choso˘n period. Christianity is found to have had a strong impact upon Korea's social development, internal politics, and foreign-relations. The Christian community was an important part of the independence movement against Japanese control. When one considers that South Korea has emerged today as one of the most Christianized of nations, that every elected Korean president has been a Christian, and that Korea now sends out more missionaries than any nation besides America, then the historical value of such a study of into Christianity's origins becomes clear.

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50

Hill, Jordan. "Realms of Remembered Violence: The Emergence of Mass Murder Memorials in the United States, 1986-2012". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79662.

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This research explores the new tradition of creating mass murder memorials in the United States at the turn of the twenty-first century. Using written and oral history sources in combination with memorial designs, I explore the planning processes undertaken by five different communities: Virginia Tech, Columbine, University of Texas, Oklahoma City and Edmond, OK. I analyze what these case studies reveal about how changing cultural expectations and political needs transformed commemorative practices concerning violence in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. By exposing how the timely interventions of national figures increasingly shaped local commemorative aspirations, my research illuminates how the brief period of national unity in the immediate aftermath has been discursively and materially foregrounded as the heart of national public memory narratives of mass murder. I argue that at the turn of the twenty-first century the memory of victims of mass murders"assuming something akin to the role that fallen soldiers have played for the bulk of American history"are now viewed by a range of political, religious and cultural actors as a highly effective means of bolstering perceptions of local, organizational and national unity. This project contributes to the interdisciplinary literature on commemoration in three ways. First, I challenge the literature on memorials built in the immediate aftermath of violence and tragedy by illustrating how these memory sites are increasingly but the first stage of the material culture of public memory. Second, my theory of a ritualized assemblage develops the existing literature by forwarding a concept well suited to analyze the relationship of between seemingly disparate memory sites. Lastly, the rhetoric of what I call the Myth of the Slaughtered Citizen contributes to the literature on nationalism and commemoration by explaining how the victims of mass murder were culturally substituted into the commemorative role traditionally held by fallen soldiers to promote a sense of local and national unity.
Ph. D.

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