Tesis: "National"

1

Eriksonas, Linas. "National heroes and national identities : a comparative framework for smaller nations". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU153211.

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This thesis is an attempt to grasp the phenomenon of the national hero behind the facade of national identity. Three smaller nations from the northern quarters of Europe - Scotland, Norway and Lithuania - are examined separately and within a comparative framework. Thus, the study is built on three different layers representing differences rather than common features among the three case studies. The key question underlying the thesis is this: what is the relation if any between the heroic traditions and national identity? Since the latter has been widely seen by scholars as an entity caught up in a perpetual cycle of human evolution, whether monitoring or constructing the world we live in, it was deemed appropriate to investigate the most permanent feature of national identity, that is heroic traditions - the prevailing popular trends in situating the national hero in history. The thesis argues that heroic traditions came about in connection with the emergence of the nation state in early modern history. The common ground for selecting the three otherwise different countries for this study was found in the fact that all had been exposed to unionism for a greater part of their national history, hence national heroes were formulated in the language of separatism and longing for statehood. Yet, as the thesis attempts to demonstrate, both the heroic and the modern state had been conceived with a Neostoic mindset which envisioned a close relationship between the ethical values and political interests of the citizen. The confluence of political theory and Realpolitik gave birth to three types of national identity, namely civitas popularis (democracy), regnum (kingship), and optimatium (aristocracy) as found in Scotland, Norway and Lithuania respectively. The study has shown the persistence of these key models of state-formation in the development of national identity from patriotism to territorial and ethnic nationalism. The abundance of the heroic in the Scottish case is explained as a vestige of the legacy of civic humanism, the traditional emphasis on the king-lines in the Norwegian case is a result of absolutism, while the lack of both in Lithuania is interpreted within an aristocratic model of national identity.

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2

Siekmann, Robert C. R. "National contingents in United Nations peace-keeping forces /". Dordrecht ; Boston ; London : M. Nijhoff, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37666949w.

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3

Preece, Jennifer Jackson. "National minorities and the European nation-states system /". Oxford (GB) : Clarendon press, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37320939s.

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4

Jeong, Jaehyeon. "Imagining National Cuisine: Food, Media, and the Nation". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/510291.

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Media & Communication
Ph.D.
By reading food television as a cultural text, through which the nation is narrated and envisioned, this dissertation examines the evolution of Korean food television and its articulation of Koreanness in contemporary globalization. Theoretically, I suggests understanding the nation as a discourse or a regime of truth from the Foucauldian perspective. In order to bring Foucault’s relativistic notion of truth into play, this dissertation employs Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach for critical discourse analysis (CDA). Through this multi-dimensional approach, I aimed to conduct a thick description of Korean food television’s discursive practice with regard to national cuisine and the Korean nation. My historical analysis of food television shows that an increased awareness of cultural others enhances a struggle for nation-ness. By unveiling the “Janus-faced” characteristic of the nation, which is constructed both against and through differences, this dissertation identifies the inextricable relationship between the nation and globalization, and the hierarchical integration processes inherent in cultural hybridization. Moreover, this research project reveals how the nation-state actively appropriates the banality of food and is involved in the production practices of the television industry in order to produce and disseminate hegemonic discourses on the nation, and to keep nationhood near the surface of everyday life. Through an investigation of the interplay between television texts and social conditions, my dissertation also explicates the socially-constructed and the socially-constitutive nature of media discourse, and enriches the discussion regarding the production cultures of the global television industries.
Temple University--Theses

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5

Couture, Christian. "Les nouveaux habits de la sécurité, le cas de l'Arctique dans la politique étrangère du Canada, 1987-1996". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ48917.pdf.

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6

Cramer, Jane Kellett 1964. "National security panics : overestimating threats to national security". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8312.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 415-427).
Three times in this century the US public has panicked with fear because of exaggerations of external threats to the nation. These panics peaked in 1950,1960, and 1980. Why did the U.S. markedly exaggerate the Soviet threat at these times? These periods of widespread public fear were "defining moments" when the US created confrontational and militarized containment policies. These panics ratcheted up the arms race tremendously between the US and the Soviet Union, and arguably these panics led to unnecessary confrontations and crises. In this study I test leading explanations of these cases--eight hypotheses drawn from three different perspectives. The Rational Perspective argues insufficient information and uncertainty about present and future capabilities and intentions causes overestimations. The Psychological Perspective argues cognitive errors could cause these overestimations (attribution theory and schema theory/analogical reasoning, tested here). The Domestic Politics Perspective argues oversell, logrolling, electoral politics and/or militarism causes public overestimations. Domestic Politics best explains the national misperceptions examined. In each case, the sources of the specific misperceptions examined were clearly rooted in domestic politics (1950: oversell and militarism; 1960 and 1980: electoral politics and militarism.) Uncertainty about the threat was found to be a significant contributing factor in 1950 (but not the source/elites did not unintentionally overestimate when the misperceptions first formed).
(cont.) Uncertainty was found to be a significant "permissive condition" for the misperceptions of 1960-but uncertainty was highest just after Sputnik in 1957, and sharply decreased by 1960, yet public fear increased and peaked in 1960. There was no significant uncertainty in the 1980 panic--uncertainty is not a necessary condition for panic. Psychological hypotheses were not detected playing a role in causing these panics. Leaders private deliberations were examined and did not exhibit the patterns of reasoning predicted by these theories (e.g. leaders were aware of provoking the threat). National misperceptions guide policy and shape many leaders' beliefs through "blowback" and psychological post hoc rationaliztion. These large, important misperceptions are rooted in domestic politics, while international relations scholars focus on psychological and rational reasons for misperceptions. The study of misperceptions in international relations needs to be re-oriented.
by Jane Kellett Cramer.
Ph.D.

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7

Oakes, Ann S. (Ann Sutton). "Women in National Legislatures: A Cross-National Study". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332651/.

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Women's access to elective political office, an indicator of political inequality, was studied by surveying the percentage of women holding elective political positions in national legislatures of 74 countries. This study used a cross-sectional research design with multiple regression analysis.

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8

Lambert, Philippe. "Identité nationale et régionalisme : l'identité sud-vietnamienne dans l'espace national vietnamien". Paris, INALCO, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007INAL0005.

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9

Cook, Danielle N. "Public space and nation| Constructing national culture after independence". Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527908.

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In this thesis, I use the cities of Yamoussoukro, Cote d'Ivoire; Phnom Penh, Cambodia; and Montreal, Canada as case studies to analyze the connection between architecture, nationalism, and the influence of colonialism. Each of these cities was directly influenced by French urban development as these cities were reshaped in order to change the people, history, or culture of specific geographies. As these countries gained independence from France they used architecture as a way to express national identity to local populations in order to collectivize them, as well as a way to express this "unified" identity to the international community. This is rooted in the urban policies of the European colonizers which focused on teaching indigenous populations European morality, aesthetics, and rational use of space, but also in the creation of maps, drawings, and other material to express the colonial identity of these territories.

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10

Harris, Claire Elizabeth. "Conservative Party strategy, 1997-2001 : nation and national identity". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10282/.

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This research is a detailed analysis of the Conservative Party leadership's understanding of British nationhood and national identity and its use of those concepts as part of its strategy during the 1997-2001 parliament. The evolution of Hague's strategy will be examined and both the leadership's conception of British nationhood and national identity and its utilisation of those concepts as part of its strategy will be analysed. Why did Hague use those concepts and why did he believe an appeal to the electorate's sense of national identity was an important part of his overall strategy? Was the leadership united in its understanding of nationhood and national identity and in agreement as to the role that those concepts should play within the party's strategy? Did the strategic role played by those concepts change during the parliament? Why did those concepts fail to adapt the party to being in Opposition and enable it to maximise its electoral support? Amongst the most important findings is that when conceptualising national identity, the leadership can be split into two groups, modernisers and traditionalists and both believed they were appealing to the majority of British people. As the 2001 General Election approached, Hague abandoned a long-term modernising approach to party renewal and emphasised policies which he believed would shore up the party's core support base, whilst also broadening its support. The politics of nationhood were central to this traditionalist approach. The issues that Hague emphasised were not salient and succeeded only in deepening, not broadening, the party's support.

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11

Zhu, Lianbi. "National holidays and minority festivals in Canadian nation-building". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2598/.

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This study of Canadian national holidays examines their role as a complex and dynamic instrument of nation-building from 1867 to the early 2000s. It indentifies three phases of nation-building, labelled assimilation, transformation and multiculturalism. It takes the ideological change in Canada in 1971, namely the proclamation of Official Multiculturalism, as the momentous turning point which motivated the pioneering changes and creation of Canadian national holidays based on negotiations in the government and the interventions of varied ethnic groups, focusing on the relationship between the commemorative and recreational functions of these holidays. Specific holidays considered including Dominion Day (Canada Day), Labour Day, Victoria Day and Remembrance Day, as well as National Aboriginal Day, Canadian Multiculturalism Day and one minority festival – Chinese New Year. Counterparts in France and the United Kingdom are presented to contrast with Canadian practices, putting Canada in the global context of nation-building and decolonisation. It argues that debates surrounding national holidays are a good measure of underlying national ideology, which underwent a real change in Canada across the period studied.

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12

Ihara, Toshiro M. Arch Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "National parking". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/91384.

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Thesis: M. Arch., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, 2014.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (page 103).
The mobility afforded by the rise of the information era solicits a reexamination of possible modes of mobile living. Mobility has always been closely tied to American life. Westwaid expansion defined United States history until the frontier was declared closed in the 1880s. Frederick Jackson Turner argued that the frontier was more than just a geopolitical factor - it made Americans fundamentally different from Europeans. "No matter how rapidly cities on the Atlantic coast expanded, he argued, Americans could find a "perennial rebirth" on the frontier, "the meeting point between savagery and civilization." However, the close of the frontier produced an epochal shift in the American psyche. The National Park System was born, "setting aside by-passed land to remain wilderness in perpetuity, simulating the Frontier and thereby allowing Americans to renew themselves as they had before." The RV, a hybrid between vehicle and architecture, has evolved as an exceedingly popular apparatus for this American pursuit of renewal. Robert Sumrell and Kazys Varnelis argue that "if the frontier was a place of production, the perpetual wilderness of the national park is a place of consumption. Nothing can be produced there except the renewal of Americans through recreation." Can we re-frame the domestic potential of the RV to engage with an architecture that redefines sections of the American landscape not as amenities for solely recreation consumption but also as amenities of production?
by Toshiro Ihara.
M. Arch.

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13

Bergenwall, Peder. "Sydafrikansk film som national cinema : En jämförande analys av ett forskningsfält". Thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-14059.

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The purpose of this essay is to study the film culture in South Africa in a national cinema-context, focusing on the relationship between anti-apartheid film from 1974-1994 and the film in South Africa today. By pitching the South Africa-specific works of Lucia Saks and Jacqueline Maingard against the over-arching debate on national cinema as formulated by, amongst others, Stephen Crofts and Andrew Higson, this study aims to find whether or not a specific South African national cinema have existed, and exists today, or not. The study finds that an underground culture of documentaries and short films made by and for the black population has been in place since the apartheid, and the distribution method on video and television is still being used to reach the black population today. By re-examining the concepts of both the national, and of national cinema to also include film on video and television, the study shows that South Africa has indeed a film culture that can be called a national cinema.

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14

Muenchow, Jonathan C. "National principles of war : guiding national power to victory /". Norfolk, Va. : Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA451249.

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Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006.
Vita. "26 May 2006." "National Defense Univ Norfolk VA"--DTIC cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-73). Also available via the Internet.

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15

Tritten, James John. "Reconstituting national defense the new U.S. national security strategy". Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24457.

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16

Williams, John Clifford. "A National Park Service Internship at Acadia National Park". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1368036911.

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17

Peristianis, Nicos. "Between nation and state : nation, nationalism, state, and national identity in Cyprus". Thesis, Middlesex University, 2008. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6485/.

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This thesis is a study of the emergence and diachronic development of Greek-Cypriot nationalism, and its relation to nation, state, and national identities. The broad perspective of historical sociology is used, and the more specific neo-Weberian analytic framework of cultural transformation and social closure, as developed by A. Wimmer, to demonstrate how nationalism, as the 'axial principle' along which modem societies structure inclusion and exclusion, did not lead to the development of a Cypriot nation state, but to a bi-ethnic national state instead; this was mainly because closure took place along ethnic and not national lines, for socio-historical reasons which the study examines. The study first explores the hotly debated issue 'when is the nation', of whether there was a Greek nation in antiquity, of which Greek-Cypriots were a part, or whether the nation's roots are traceable in Medieval times. Next, the development of national consciousness and nationalism is considered, under three different types of regime: During Ottoman rule, a religious community was gradually transformed into an ethnic community; toward the end of this period, Ottoman reforms did not manage to forge a common new (Ottomanist) identity, for social closure had already progressed along ethnic lines. In early British colonial years, ethnicity was politicized and ethnic consciousness gradually turned into a nationalist mass movement for enosis; despite the overall unity of the movement, two variants of nationalism developed, a more traditional ethnic version, characterizing the Right, and another version, imbued with territorial/civic elements (derived from the Internationalist outlook of the communist party), characterizing the Left The anti-colonial struggle for enosis was led by the Right, and excluded the Left and the Turkish-Cypriots. The fragile consociational regime established at independence collapsed after a brief period of cohabitation between the Greeks and Turks of the island in the bi-ethnic / bi-communal Republic of Cyprus - the study analyses the causes leading to the breakdown. Between 1964 and 67, the Greek-Cypriots turned to enosis again, but after realizing the difficulties and dangers involved in its pursuance, Makarios sought to strengthen independence instead, while limiting the powers of Turkish-Cypriots - in effect, aiming for a majoritarian regime with minority rights for the latter. The clash between pro-independence and pro-enosis versions of nationalism was to characterize this period, leading to the coup and invasion of 1974. With the death of enosis in 1974, Hellenocentric nationalism would give more emphasis to Greek culture and identity, whereas Cyprocentric nationalism would stress the priority of Cyprus, the state, and of rapprochement with the Turkish-Cypriots. The study utilizes data from two surveys coordinated by the author, to analyze in more depth the attitudes and discourses of Greek-Cypriots as regards their relations to the Greek nation and the Cypriot state. The gradual strengthening of Cypriot identity is seen to be connected with a new social compromise, which seems to have prevailed within the Greek-Cypriot community, stressing the importance of the Greek-Cypriot state, and which seems to be the primary explanation of why the Greek-Cypriots rejected the federal solution suggested by the UN sponsored Annan Plan, in 2004. In the same year, Cyprus became a member of the European Union, and the study considers some of the implications of this development for the future of nationalism in Cyprus.

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18

Fernandez, Nichole Marie. "Visualizing the nation : national identity, tourism advertising, and nation branding in Croatia". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25678.

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in many daily forms of media we see the nation being represented by or alongside images. These images of the nation inform the way we see both others and ourselves. This thesis attempts to understand the way the nation is visualized, a topic that has been largely overlooked by theorists of nationalism. The visualization of the nation is explored by researching two national tourism campaigns in Croatia. Croatia was chosen as a case study in which to examine the visualization of the nation due to its recent accession into the European Union alongside the country’s economic dependence on tourism and its current attempts at rebranding. In order to achieve the aims of this research I ask two main research questions: 1. How is the nation visualized in Croatia through tourism advertising and by whom?, 2. How is this visualization received by members of the nation? These questions were answered by combining three methodological steps which consisted of a visual analysis of the images of the campaigns, interviewing those involved in creating the campaigns and other members of the design or tourism community, and finally photo elicitation interviews with members of the Croatian public. This research found that Croatia is often peripheral within these tourism campaigns. The nation is represented passively with the main focus of the advertisements being the experience of tourism. Croatia is merely the backdrop that these tourism activities are being advertised through. This passive representation of Croatia is a consequence of an industry that is focused on increasing tourism numbers and that relies heavily on marketing data. The representation of Croatia is not the aim of these tourism campaigns. The passive image of the nation is additionally the consequence of Croatia’s uneasy relationship with presenting something as national. National pride is often equated with violent forms of nationalism and therefore visual representations of the nation are often eliminated from the positive marketing images of the tourism campaigns. Both members of the nation and the industry downplay the importance of tourism advertising arguing that these images are solely for the tourist and therefore they are largely insignificant. However, I use du Gay’s (1997) concept of the ‘circuit of culture’ to argue that tourism advertising is not just influenced by national identity but rather it is also influencing national identity. These tourism campaigns contribute to the construction of national identity. Therefore, this passive image of the nation is not just for tourists, it is part of a circuit of identity construction that reaches far beyond the target audience. Overall, these tourism images are simplistic and reductive imitations of the nation while national identity is complex, inconsistent, and often contradictory. Branding and design often aims to condense identity into easily recognizable and quickly communicated images making any attempt to brand the nation inherently lacking. While this reductive identity is useful when branding a company or product, when applied to the nation ethical questions emerge about who has the right to construct the nation’s image. I argue that this new phenomenon of commercialized branding that is now a responsibility of the nation is evidence of the changing role of the nation from a modern construction to a postmodern brander. This opens up questions about the democratic nature of these tourism images and consequences of nation branding efforts that continue to represent the nation in reductive and passive terms.

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19

Farr, Matthew A. "Homeland Security lessons for the United States /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFarr.pdf.

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20

Mayo-Harp, Maria Isabel. "National anthems and identities, the role of national anthems in the formation process of national identities". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61588.pdf.

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21

Akpadji, Coovi Marius Rodrigue. "La question de la Nation autrichienne : naissance et développement d’un sentiment national autrichien". Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC0005.

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L’histoire de la Première République en Autriche révèle l’attachement de la plupart desAutrichiens à la Grande Allemagne jusqu’à l’avènement de l’Anschluss. En outre, il a souventété dit que les Autrichiens étaient des Allemands. Dans l’espace francophone, il semble peuclair qu’une volonté, d’abord politique, de détachement de l’Allemagne s’est dessinée àl’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, volonté qui s’est transformée en un processus de prisede conscience nationale indépendante.L’émergence et le développement d’une conscience nationale autrichienne aboutissent à unenation autrichienne libre et indépendante dans le contexte de la Deuxième République. Denombreux résultats de sondages, suivant une logique chronologique, retracent l’évolution decette conscience nationale, ce qui vient en complément d’analyses de l’histoire politique etsociale de l’Autriche d’après-guerre jusqu’à nos jours. Ce processus est observé aux niveauxdes acteurs politique, de la population et des régions. En analysant ce phénomène de prise deconscience et son développement à divers niveaux, on finit par conclure que certainespersonnalités emblématiques, à l’instar du chancelier Kreisky, ont largement contribué à laconsolidation de ce sentiment national au travers d’une politique intérieure et extérieurequ’elles ont su mettre en place. De plus, on constate que des facteurs non négligeables telsque la Sozialpartnerschaft (partenariat social) et la Proporzdemokratie (démocratie à laproportionnelle) ont également contribué à l’affermissement de ce sentiment. Par ailleurs, l’onobserve aussi que ce processus d’identification nationale fut soumis à rude épreuve par deséléments nationaux-allemands, sous la bannière d’autres figures politiques comme JörgHaider, aussi charismatique que controversé. Malgré tout, l’adhésion à la nation autrichienne,précédée d’une prise de conscience nationale autrichienne, fut totale. Le décalage estégalement perceptible entre les trois niveaux précités que sont la politique, la population et lesrégions. Par exemple, l’adhésion à la nation autrichienne a été de durée variable selon lesrégions. Le suivi de l’évolution de ce sentiment national au profit de l’émergence d’une nationautrichienne constitue l’élément capital de ce travail
The history of the Austrian First Republic brings to light the attachment of most Austrians tothe Greater Germany until the annexation in 1938. Moreover, it has often been said that theAustrians were Germans. In the French speaking world, it doesn’t seem so clear that a mainlypolitical will to separate from Germany showed off after the Second World War, and thenbecame an independent national awakening process.The emergence and development of an Austrian national consciousness lead to a free andindependent Austrian nation in the context of the Second Republic. Numerous poll resultsbased on a chronological analysis describe the evolution of this national consciousness. Theycomplement political and social history analysis from post war Austria to nowadays. Thisprocess can be observed in the fields of political players, of the population as well as on aregional scale. Studying the awakening of a national consciousness and its development onvarious levels leads to the conclusion that certain emblematic figures, such as ChancellorKreisky, have played a major role in the consolidation of this national feeling, through thenational and international politics they lead. Moreover, crucial factors such as theSozialpartnerschaft (social partnership) and the Proporzdemokratie (proportional democracy)have also contributed to strengthening this national feeling. Furthermore, it is also to benoticed that this national identification process was put to a severe test by pan-GermanicAutrians, under the banner of other political figures, such as Jörg Haider, who wascharismatic and controversial at the same time. Nonetheless, the adherence to the Austriannation, which followed the awakening of a national Austrian consciousness, was total. Thediscrepancies are also noticeable between the three fields mentioned above, which are thepolitics, population and regions. For instance, the adherence to the Austrian nation took moreor less time among regions

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22

Congdon, Venetia. "Nourishing the nation : manifestations of Catalan national identity through food". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c07c9a3-3351-46ef-aa02-833dddde375f.

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In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.

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23

Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.

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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.

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24

Nestingen, Andrew K. "Why nation? : globalization and national culture in Finland, 1980-2001 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6585.

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25

Cheney, Kristen E. "Pillars of the nation : child citizens and Ugandan national development /". Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.

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26

McGriff, Mary-Ann. "Germany as a normal country : national identity and national security /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA297927.

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27

Tallgren, Eva. "The Concept of'European Citizenship': National Experiences and Post-National Expectations?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2004.

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The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives.

Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework.

To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’.

The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field.

To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.

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28

Ricketts, Taylor. "From national monument to national park: changes in community capitals". Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/19090.

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Master of Regional and Community Planning
Department of Architecture
Huston Gibson
National monument to national park re-designation can be identified as a controversial issue that poses an array of implications for surrounding communities. These perceived implications have the ability to create or change policies, regulations, economic development, marketing, quality of life and other direct or indirect impacts to communities. In 2010, Grand Junction, Colorado proposed re-designation of the Colorado National Monument to a national park. The community expressed split views on the issue expressing concerns on issues such as the preservation, traffic, regulated uses, restrictions, government imposition, property values, infrastructure, costs, economic prosperity and other impacts that might occur from re-designation. A multiple case study was conducted in order to determine if there were any significant impacts to other communities that had gone through similar re-designation efforts. The Community Capital Framework was used in determining the assets investigated for the years of 2000 and 2010. The findings of this study suggest that there are no substantial apparent impacts within the locations of past re-designation. Grand Junction had somewhat parallel findings to the other sites, even without the presence of re-designation. Suggesting, the re-designation efforts should be focused less on the community impacts and more on the short-term vs long-term park/monument effects.

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29

Yang, Youngeun. "The Korean National Ballet (KNB) : moving and making national identity". Thesis, University of Surrey, 2015. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/807829/.

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The Korean National Ballet (KNB), founded in 1962, is a pivotal, government-funded ballet company which acts as a national representative both domestically and internationally. This thesis investigates how the KNB has contributed to the formation of ‘Korean ballet’, a complex phenomenon interpreted through Homi Bhabha’s concept of post-colonial hybridity as a ‘doubling’ of the Western ballet form which simultaneously resists it through indigenisation. It examines the company’s artistic trajectory and repertoire, and analyses how it translates the codified ballet vocabulary to develop its own distinct movement style. The central concern is to show how such hybridisation enables the KNB to fulfil its role as a national organisation charged with representing Korean identity. While the introduction of ballet into Korea is a classic example of cultural imperialism in Edward Said’s sense, the nineteenth-century Russian ballet tradition, particularly Yuri Grigorovich’s interpretations, has exerted more direct authority, foisting colonial sentiments and demands onto the KNB via its set criteria and conventions. Thus a coloniser/colonised division separates the Russian and Korean ballet fields, as colonialism refers not to a past political system but to present sentiments and strategies inscribed in the process of continuing imperialism. The thesis evaluates how the KNB subverts these colonial demands to appropriate ballet as a legitimate means of articulating Korean identity. In the process, it negotiates various forms of state-led nationalism, supporting and shaping cultural policy by absorbing and transforming indigenous elements to bolster and reshape the national image propagated by the state. Paul Gilroy’s work on camp-thinking provides the theoretical foundation for understanding the political reshaping of national identity, while his reflections on the black diaspora confirm the hybrid cultural space as a new site of identity-formation. Thus the thesis nominates the KNB as a crucial insitution in the development and reshaping of national identity in Korea.

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30

McGinley, Susan. "The USA National Phenology Network: National Coordinating Office in Tucson". College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/622099.

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31

Onwere, Chioma. "National Youth Service Corps programme and national integration in Nigeria". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018668/.

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The study examined the effectiveness of the National Youth Service Corps programme in Nigeria in relation to its major objective which is to help bring about national integration. Specifically, it has attempted to find out the attitudes of a sample of graduate youths from the Hausa and Yoruba ethnic groups towards the Igbos and the country, and to assess whether participation in the National Youth Service Corps programme produces a change in their attitudes. The major hypothesis for the study - those who have served in the National Youth Service Corps programme will have a more positive attitude towards national integration as measured by the National Identity Scale, than those who have not served in the scheme - is supported. The favourable change in attitude however is moderate (P <.01). The results indicate that the respondents' job satisfaction, as typified by the significance of the jobs assigned to them, rather than participation per se is a better predictor of national integration in the present study. Quasi-experimental design was adopted. Evidence of the corps members' attitudes towards the Igbos and the country before their participation in the one year national programme serves as a baseline for measuring change. Four major scales are used. The National Identity Scale in the form of Likert-type attitude scale; Marriage Choice Scale - a modified Bogardus' Social Distance Scale. Socio-metric-type questions form the Friendship Choice Scale. Osgood's semanticdifferential scales of 'a typical Igbo' make up the fourth attitude scale. 460 randomly selected respondents form the sample. 260 are the experimental group, while 200 are the control group. Questionnaire and interview methods are used to collect data from the experimental group before and after their service in Imo state. Only the questionnaire is used to collect data from the control group. For data analysis, Factor analysis, t-test, (and One-way Analysis of Variance, where appropriate) and Step-wise Multiple Regression analysis are employed. The mean difference between the experimental and control group is examined in terms of participation and non-participation in the NYSC programme. Comparisons are also made between the entire sample as categorised by such biological/demographic factors as sex, ethnic origin and religion of respondents. For the experimental group only, the possible effect of such factors as frequency of contact with their host community - the Igbos, job satisfaction in their place of assignment, language acquisition (Igbo) and location of their assignments in terms of urban/rural environment are also examined at the end of their service year. This is done in order to determine the most effective factor/s within the context of the National Youth Service Corps programme that help reduce prejudice, and therefore increase national integration.

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32

Andersson, Sara y Linda Johansson. "National Tests- Teachers' Perceptions of the National Test in English". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-34835.

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Syftet med detta examensarbete är att undersöka lärares uppfattningar om det nationella provet i engelska, samt hur dessa lärare arbetar med provet för att kunna hjälpa eleverna att nå sina kursmål. Undersökningsmetoden är kvalitativ då vi intervjuat fyra lärare i engelska på en högstadieskola. Intervjufrågorna har innefattat allt från hur lärare arbetar med det nationella provet och hur de ser på provet, till hur målen med det nationella provet uppfylls. Resultatet av undersökningen är att det nationella provet underlättar lärarnas arbete. Lärarna anser även att provet fungerar som ett bra stöd då de ska betygsätta eleverna. Dock visar denna undersökning att förberedelserna till det nationella provet främst gagnar svagare elever.
The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate how teachers perceive and work with the national tests in order to help students meet the goals of the course. Furthermore, due to our future careers as teachers, we want to gain more insight into the role national tests play in English. This is a qualitative study based on formal in-depth interviews that can provide a good understanding of the subject and of the informants’ views. As the teachers at secondary school work with national tests yearly they were best suited as interviewees in this investigation. Four interviews were carried out with teachers and they lasted approximately 40 minutes each.The interviews touched on a variety of questions ranging from how the teachers work with the national test and how they look upon the test, to how the purposes stipulated by Skolverket regarding the national test are fulfilled. The outcome of the interviews is that the national test in general facilitates more than complicates teachers’ work. The test serves as a good support when assessing and grading the students since it can confirm the teachers’ assessment of the students’ capability. However, this study also shows that the preparation methods used before the national test benefit weaker learners more than stronger ones.

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33

Sandnes, Are Haugen. "National Authentication Systems". Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for telematikk, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-18349.

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Information security has to adapt to an ever-changing environment. Recently there has been a significant increase in the use of smartphones and other mobile devices to access services on the Internet that originally is designed for desktop computers.This thesis examines authentication systems on the Internet aimed at large user groups in light of the evolving threats due to increased use of mobile devices. It examines these authentication systems from the perspective of the end user and investigates problems arising with increased use of mobile devices.This work shows that much can be done in all stages to improve the security of web authentication. Users can protect their devices better and use stronger passwords, service providers can do simple steps to configure their web servers better, and developers of operating systems on mobile devices can reduce the amount of data an application can access on the device. In particular this thesis highlights how the way people are using their smartphones, and how authentication systems work, makes it easy for attackers to exploit the users.

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34

Nguyên, Thiên-Lôc 1978. "National identification systems". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/87367.

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35

MOREAU, GILBERT. "Le national trust". Paris 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA030031.

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Le national trust a ete cree a la fin du dix-neuvieme siecle. Son ambition etait de sauvegarder le patrimoine (espaces naturels et cotiers, archeologie industrielle, proprietes baties vernaculaires et de prestige). Le souci de permanence de la beaute allait de pair avec celui concernant la sauvegarde de la flore et de la faune. Le trust, qui beneficie de fonds publics, meme s'ils ne constituent qu'une part mineure de son budget, presente des traits d'association et d'organisation reconnue. La culture et l'histoire nationales sont incluses dans les biens recus en heritage du passe et transmis aux generations montantes pour preservation sans limitation de duree. L'evolution de la structure economique du pays, responsable d'agressions envers le patrimoine rural et urbain, a attire de nombreux adherents. Ce succes a permis l'acquisition de nombreuses proprietes par pret, achat, offre, du vivant des donateurs ou par testament. La legislation nationale a pour ambition de concilier mise a la disposition des biens au benefice du public et preservation. La transmission des biens et leur entretien requiert souplesse dans la negociation et la cooperation avec les proprietaires prives, les instances gouvernementales et les autres associations. Le trust se fecilite des bons rapports qu'il entretient avec l'un ou l'autre des grands partis au pouvoir. Decentralisation et devolution des responsabilites ont ete mises en place; pourtant, les organismes de decision voient cohabiter delegues elus et nommes. Les limites de la procedure demogratique sont source de debats internes. La redefinition constante mais limitee de la politique suivie, de nouveaux defis, s'ils ne doivent pas compromettre le futur du trust, ne l'autorisent a faire preuve d'une auto-satisfaction excessive
The national trust was created at the end of the nineteenth century by liberal-minded and progressive philanthropists and intellectuals. Its purpose was to preserve the national heritage (open spaces, the coast, industrial archeology and built property, either vernacular or prestigious). The aim was the permanence of the flora and fauna and the beauty of the land. The culture and the history of the nation achieve permanence through property of value inherited and transferred to the future generations in-perpetuity. The evolution of the economic structure of the country, repsonsible for the transformation undergone by the rural and urban landscape, has enabled the trust to mobilize a significant membership. Public concern has made it possible for the trust to acquire many properties by loan, purchase, gifts by donors at death or in their lifetime. Legislation has tried to reconcile greater access for the many with long-term protection. Both the transferring of property and its maintenance have required strenuous efforts in the negotiations with private owners, the government and its agencies and other voluntary organisations. The trust boasts a satisfactory relationship with whichever party is in power. Decentralisation and the devolution of responsibilities have been implemented; however, the degree of democratic procedure to enforce remains a source of debate. Constant revisions of policy and new challenges, if they are not felt to compromise the future, convince the trust that there is no room for complacency

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36

Gatling, Book Juli. "Utopian Dreams, National Realities: Intellectual Cooperation and the League of Nations". UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/36.

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Utopian Dreams, National Realities: Intellectual Cooperation and the League of Nations chronicles the work of the League of Nations’ International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (CICI). This dissertation demonstrates how the CICI’s utopian vision of international peace was actively challenged by national tensions and agendas in the interwar period. It examines the idealistic goals of the movement by focusing on the narratives and motivations of key committee members as they worked toward their own ideas of peace. The challenge of nationalism is illustrated through an analysis of major disagreements between CICI members as well as through biographical case studies of lesser-known members. The pursuit of “moral disarmament,” or the process of changing mentalities towards war, was a central component of the CICI’s work. Both education and film were envisioned as ways to influence the public and engender anti-war sentiment. This work argues that the League of Nations’ conception of internationalism was Eurocentric and moral disarmament was formulated within an Anglo-American context. Both of these limitations narrowed the influence of the CICI’s peace work to certain geographical areas of influence and effectively marginalized less powerful nations and individuals within it.

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37

Hessels, Jolanda. "International entrepreneurship : value creation across national borders = Internationaal ondernemerschap : waardereatie over nationale grenzen /". Rotterdam : Erasmus Research Institute of Management, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9789058921819.

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38

Vertova, Giovanna. "Historical evolution of national systems of innovation and national technological specialisation". Thesis, University of Reading, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263064.

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39

Williams, Calista. "The National Library of Wales and national identity, c.1840-1916". Thesis, Open University, 2017. http://oro.open.ac.uk/50818/.

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This thesis evaluates the National Library of Wales (NLW) from conception to realisation. It adds to the limited existing work on the library by positioning it within the political and cultural environment from which it emerged, posing new questions about its relationship with Welsh national identity. Although there is some work which looks at national identity in relation to national library projects, nothing of this type and depth has been done before, and not in relation to Wales. The first section investigates the early calls for a NLW and explores why the campaign made significant progress from the 1890s. The focus then shifts to an interrogation of the British government’s decision to locate the library in Aberystwyth, challenging the important role previously assigned to the campaign group’s application. Chapter three analyses the library building fund’s subscription drive and argues that the campaign was not the result of a mass movement, but orchestrated by a group of elites. It evaluates the decision made by the library campaign committee to evoke momentary patriotic sympathies among potential subscribers, rather than extolling the virtues of the library as a long-term educational resource. Chapter four is an analysis of the library’s buying policy and argues that an overrepresentation from key academic disciplines on the committees may have created a bias towards certain subjects. The final chapter compares this vision with how the library’s services were utilised by three user groups: reading room users, tutorial class attendees and Ruhleben camp internees. Reading room usage generally concurred with the founders’ overall vision for the library. In contrast, remote users attending tutorial classes were given the opportunity to curate their own reading which resulted in a more wide-ranging collection. The thesis concludes with an assessment of the library’s development and role as a key element of Welsh nation-building at the beginning of the twentieth century.

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40

Davey, Elaine. "A national architect? : the Percy Thomas practice and Welsh national identity". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/58802/.

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The Percy Thomas practice was responsible for designing a large number of structures in Wales throughout the twentieth century, for a range of functions that are part of the essential infrastructure of modern urban nations. The aim of this thesis is to show that the practice has made one of the most significant contributions to the built environment of modern, twentieth century Wales and that some of this work contributed to nation building, through the scale and scope of its projects, especially given the number of these that contributed to the fashioning of key institutions of the state or civic life. These buildings have contributed to the developing awareness of Wales emerging as a separate nation, through their particular function or even form. The practices role within that nation building and modernising agenda has yet to be evaluated, prior to this research project. The contextual framework for the research has been an understanding of nationalism. National identity is socially constructed and nationality has been, for the last two centuries, part of the political agenda of nation- states. Welsh nationalism and nation building are part of a wider European movement, as will be demonstrated, through the exploration of the development of nationalism in Wales and its manifestations. How the built environment relates to socio-political and cultural ideas of nation building and identity formation and then whether and how the built environment can contribute to the process of nation building and identity formation, given that it is often the product of complex power infused social relations, will be demonstrated, once it is established that buildings are able to communicate meanings. The role of the built environment and iconic buildings, in particular, are an important part of the process of drawing attention to often contested conceptions of national identity, this role is often overlooked and its importance under-estimated, this is particularly the case in Wales. The work of the practice is explored through a historical narrative account that sits within the critical realist research tradition for examining and explaining socially constructed phenomena,such as nation building activities. It will be shown that the practice was on some occasions, self consciously undertaking work of this sort and displayed a degree of freedom regarding design.

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41

Ruddick, Andrea. "National sentiment and national identity in England, c.1272-c.1377". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272121.

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42

Herr, Jeanne Hopkins. "The East Mojave National Scenic Area: Multiple use or national park?" CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/271.

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43

Reilly, Ellen J. "The National Guard State Partnership Program : a comparative analysis between the California National Guard and the Missouri National Guard". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FReilly.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Paul Stockton. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-94). Also available online.

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44

Bernal, Heredia Sandra Vanessa. "The Third Nation: A Project of National Identity Formation in Bolivia". Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/221.

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Over the past decade, well-organized mobilizations have brought groups of Bolivian miners, urban workers, farmers, and especially indigenous peoples together in identification with and response to the rhetoric of indigenous self-recognition. These events culminated in the election of Evo Morales in 2005 as the country's first indigenous president. The contemporary resurgence of indigeneity has been perceived by many as either revolutionary or apocalyptic. My thesis examines why a country with an indigenous population of some 80%, has now decided to politically voice their indigeneity after years of silence. My paper begins with an analysis of the history of indigenous peoples in Latin America and shows that since colonization, Bolivia, like other countries in the region, has struggled with the question of how to "incorporate" indigeneity into the project of national identity formation. I argue that there is no one concept to identify clearly or unequivocally what being "indigenous" means. Indigeneity is therefore not something set; its meaning changes according to personal identification, the perceptions of others, and the social, cultural, political, and economic circumstances at hand. This conceptual problem makes it difficult to determine who is authentically indigenous, or what the demands of indigenous people really are. Within this complex scenario, Evo Morales has laid out a political strategy and agenda organized around the concepts of ethnicity and identity. To analyze Morales' platform and examine its relative success among indigenous Bolivians, I compare and contrast his work with that of another indigenous leader, Felipe Quispe. Quispe, who is a well-known figure across Bolivia, became involved with the indigenous cause in 1978, when he joined Indianist Movimiento Indio Tupak Katari. Quispe is not only an activist but also a prolific scholar who has written several works on issues related to indigenous oppression. Since beginning his career as an activist, Quispe has put forth a well-defined ideological project to form a separate indigenous nation and identity. However, the comparatively radical understanding of indigenous identity and the exclusiveness of his project (which only included self-identifying indigenous peoples and aimed to "indianize" non-Indians) limited his support among the general Bolivian electorate. In contrast, Morales' agenda as President of Bolivia has drawn on a diverse and pluri-cultural national identity in which "Indian element" can be incorporated and represented alongside whites, mestizos, blacks, and other historically marginalized groups. Morales' model breaks with previous understandings of Bolivian and indigenous identities as mutually exclusive and recognizes that these identities can be inclusive and in fact complementary. I argue that the project proposed and developed by Morales is compatible with the project of building a democratic society in Bolivia and consider the viability of that project in light of the many social, political, and economic challenges now being faced by his administration.

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45

Portnoy, Elliott I. "States in the nation : West Virginia in national politics, 1952-1988". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296092.

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46

Davies, P. J. "Threats to the nation : the theoretical framework of Front National discourse". Thesis, Swansea University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636420.

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This thesis explains and analyses the theoretical structure of the Front National's political discourse - a discourse that revolves around the concept of the nation. The major features and the internal framework of the FN's nationalism will be examined. The study begins with a historical survey of French nationalist thought and moves on to consider the FN's conceptualisation of the nation and national identity. The component elements of the FN's nationalism are then analysed, in particular the party's attachment to the regions and to "une Europe des patries". The use of symbols is an important part of FN discourse on the nation, and the way in which the party exploits the images of "le peuple", "la terre" and "Jeanne d'Arc" is explained in Chapter III. The following chapter considers the ongoing conflict between nationalism and cosmopolitanism in France - a battle of ideas between the FN and the PS. More specifically, the FN's hostility to what it perceives as "anti-French racism" and lax nationality legislation is discussed. Throughout Chapters V-VIII it is the dangers to the nation, as perceived by the FN, that are considered. In Chapter V the FN's discourse on "dénatalité" is examined. The FN argues that population stagnation is a huge threat to France and condemns what it views as the unhealthy social trends that produce it: family breakdown, divorce, cohabitation, abortion, contraception, homosexuality and AIDS. The FN's theory of exclusion is detailed in Chapter VI - a theory that determines the party's attitude to all foreign or non-French elements within the French nation. The final two chapters of the study explain and analyse the FN's discourse on immigration, a major concern and an area in which the party's exclusionist philosophy is most clearly evident. Here the FN's hostility to Islam and the socio-political implications of a large Third World immigrant population emerge as crucial elements of FN doctrine.

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47

Yong, Benjamin. "Becoming national : contextualising the construction of the New Zealand nation-state". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2185/.

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Much legal literature on constitutional change in New Zealand presumes that the NZ state has been transformed from a dependent British colony into an independent, liberal nation-state. However, this nationalist narrative is a recent development, and is only one of three narratives of constitutional change, the other two being a 'Britannic' (or pan-British) narrative and a Maori narrative. All three suggest and justify a particular form of the NZ state. All three give an incomplete picture of NZ's constitutional history, separating 'law' from its various contexts. This thesis focuses mostly on the nationalist narrative, how it emerged and how the liberal nation-state became the only acceptable form for the NZ state to take. It attempts to provide a more nuanced approach to constitutional history. This is done by a broad examination of a number of subject areas: constitutional historiography, the economy, citizenship, NZ's relationship with the Privy Council, the Crown, and various constitutional developments (in particular, proposals for bills of rights) in the periods 1950-1970 and 1970-2005, and placing legal signposts in economic, historical and political context. Greater contextualisation suggests that asserting that the NZ nation-state is inevitable is a response to the fragility of NZ's present, brought on by the collapse of empire, the emergence of a community of nation-states, and domestic change. The emergence of the liberal constitutional nation-state in NZ is better seen as the contingent product of both various structures (international, British and domestic) and choices made by New Zealanders themselves. To treat this transformation as inevitable ignores that there were other alternatives possible. Moreover, it is wrong to see changes in NZ's constitutional arrangements as a shift from dependency to liberty: rather, there has been a reconfiguration of constraints and enablements.

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48

Mişcoiu, Sergiu. "Métamorphoses de l'"État-nation" : une étude actuelle du paradigme national". Université de Marne-la-Vallée, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006MARN0272.

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49

Reed, Donald J. "An Examination of Tribal Nation Integration in Homeland Security National Preparedness". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/598.

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Research has established that national homeland security policy requires a whole community or all-of-nation approach to national security preparedness. What is less clear is whether all stakeholders are integrated into or benefit from this collective effort. This narrative policy analysis examined the relationship between a federally-recognized group of Native American tribal nations and homeland security national preparedness to explore whether tribal nations are effectively integrated with the collective effort for national preparedness. The theoretical framework stemmed from a convergence of social contract theory and conflict theory. Interviews (n = 21) were conducted with preparedness authorities from government agencies, and from tribal nations and nongovernmental organizations that advocate on behalf of tribal nations. Data were analyzed using Roe's narrative policy analysis technique. Results revealed areas of convergence of the government and tribal narratives on the historical disenfranchisement of tribal nations; findings also showed areas of divergence on how to better integrate tribal nations in homeland security national preparedness. The study concludes with a number of recommendations highlighting the manner in which national interests and tribal nation preparedness interests are intertwined. This study suggests that the nation's homeland security may be better served by greater inclusion of tribal nations in national preparedness efforts. The results of this study contribute to positive social change by giving voice to a heretofore disenfranchised social group, Native Americans, and by allowing them to strengthen the metanarrative of homeland security national preparedness.

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50

Holliday, Brian. "For the term of its national life : the Australian (imagi)nation". Thesis, Curtin University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1484.

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This thesis is divided into two sections; a theoretical section which looks at the analytic construction of collective identities, and a section which applies the theory to two Australian novels. The first four chapters use the theories of Roy Wagner, Benedict Anderson, Jacques Lacan and Homi Bhabha to look at the often unconscious construction of culture and national, and at the process of hybridity to which those constructions are continually subject.The next three chapters examine Glenda Adamss Games of the Strong and Nicholas Haslucks The Bellarmine Jug showing how an unconscious development of Australian themes runs through the novels, regardless of a lack of Australian characters and setting. The novels show the complex, unique and frequently misunderstood position Australia holds between the cultures, nations and civilisations of the East and the West.The conclusion draws together the principal arguments of the thesis and highlights some concerns which they imply for Australian and its national imagination.

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Tesis sobre el tema "National"

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