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Libros sobre el tema "National revolutionary movement"

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Publicado: 18 de mayo de 2024

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1

Primitive rebels or revolutionary modernizers?: The Kurdish national movement in Turkey. London: Zed Books, 2000.

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2

Amílcar Cabral: Revolutionary leadersip and people's war. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2003.

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3

Malāḥim al-jihād al-waṭanī al-Lībī: Silsilat tārīkh mā aghfalahu al-taʼrīkh. Bayrūt: Muntadá al-Maʻārif, 2014.

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4

Institut national d'histoire de l'art. La circulation des oeuvres d'art = The circulation of works of art in the revolutionary era: 1789-1848. [Actes du colloque international redistributions, révolutions, politique, guerre et déplacement de l'art = revolution, politics, war and the movement of art, 1789-1848, qui s'est tenu à Paris, à l'institut national d'histoire de l'art du 9 au 11 décembre 2004]. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007.

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5

Barbara, Harlow. Resistance literature. New York: Methuen, 1987.

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6

Edwin, Thumboo, ed. Literature and liberation: Five essays from Southeast Asia. Manila, Philippines: Solidaridad Pub. House, 1988.

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7

Harlow, Barbara. Resistance literature. New York: Methuen, 1986.

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8

Kuznetsova, Alexandra y Sergey Sergeev. Revolutionary nationalism in contemporary Russia. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the main varieties and trends in the development of national revolutionary organisations in Russia from the 1990s until 2010s: national Bolsheviks, national anarchists, national socialists (supporters of the ‘white revolution’), and national democrats. It shows how the genesis of the various Russian national revolutionary organisations is closely connected with the social and economic crises that have struck post-Soviet Russia: the Russian ‘ressentiment’ of the 1990s gave rise to the national Bolsheviks; the economic growth of the 2000s, accompanied by an influx of migrants, inspired the Nazi skinheads/national socialists; and the growth of protest sentiments, which in 2011–2012 erupted in the mass movement ‘For Fair Elections’, led to the emergence of the national democrats. However, after the annexation of Crimea, the authorities managed to intercept the agenda of the nationalist movement, subsequently splitting and weakening it.
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9

From Popular Movements to Rebellion. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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10

Samaddar, Ranabir. From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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11

Rodríguez, Miles V. Movements After Revolution. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197558102.001.0001.

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Abstract Movements After Revolution is a history of how and why people’s movements organized and struggled in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-20. Focusing on the first decade after the Revolution in 1920-30, it explains the rise of an unprecedented variety of organizations among industrial workers and rural communities, and how they fought for a vast array of demands and diverse forms of justice. The most independent and strategic parts of the labor movement and the agrarian movement grew in relation to Communist organizers who sought to create a national revolutionary alliance against capitalism and the state, as part of an international revolutionary movement for socialism. In response to national crises and changes in global revolutionary strategy, these parts of the labor movement and the agrarian movement formed unique allied organizations and prepared for ultimately ruinous struggles with companies, landlords, and the state. By examining the roles of activists, their antagonists, divisive contexts, and complex consequences, this work offers original insights into the influences and limits of the Revolution on people’s movements in Mexico.
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12

Messer-Kruse, Timothy. The Black International. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037054.003.0004.

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This chapter recounts the origins of the anarchist version of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), commonly known as the “Black International.” It charts the arrival of Dr. Edward Nathan-Ganz, the first public advocate in America of a new revolutionary creed, and the 1881 “National Socialistic-Revolutionary Congress.” The chapter shows how, since Nathan-Ganz's arrival, a new movement of revolutionary anarchism had organized out of the ashes of the Socialist Labor Party. Unlike socialist or anarchist movements in America's past, however, leaders of this movement viewed neither the ballot box nor the trade union as having the capacity to redeem capitalism. Instead, all practical measures were directed at one end—sparking or aiding the mass insurrection of the working class.
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13

Fu, Liangyu y Emily Wilcox. Chinese Dance: National Movements in a Revolutionary Age. Michigan Publishing Services, 2020.

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14

Revolutionary times, revolutionary lives: Personal accounts of the liberation struggle. London: Index Books, 1997.

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15

Mendy, Peter Michael Karibe. Amílcar Cabral: A Nationalist and Pan-Africanist Revolutionary. Ohio University Press, 2019.

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16

Sakr, R. 'Anticipating' the 2011 Arab Uprisings: Revolutionary Literatures and Political Geographies. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2013.

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17

Entwicklungländer heute: Revolutionäre Kräfte im Kampf für Frieden und sozialen Fortschritt. Berlin: Dietz, 1989.

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18

Rebel's Journey: Mustafa Sho'aiyan and Revolutionary Theory in Iran. Oneworld Publications, 2020.

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19

Kachun, Mitch. Crispus Attucks and the Black Freedom Struggle, 1950s–1970s. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199731619.003.0008.

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As the integrationist civil rights movement took shape, Attucks became one of the most prominent black figures to enter elementary and secondary school curricula and textbooks. In most mainstream texts he became merely a token black presence, yet some white commentators took issue with even this superficial elevation to the status of Revolutionary patriot, reviving the contention that Attucks was no more than a rabble-rousing ruffian. Meanwhile, black writers characterized him as everything from a peaceful integrationist to an Afrocentric rebel to a sellout Uncle Tom. Attucks was now more present than ever in the nation’s public schools and popular culture, but widespread disagreement remained regarding his status as a national hero to be honored by all, an embodiment of race pride, a symbol of violence and disorder, or an irrelevant nobody who should be forgotten.
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20

Hollywood in Havana: US Cinema and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba before 1959. University of Chicago Press, 2019.

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21

Procesos Revolucionarios en America Latina Revolutionary Process in Latin America. Ocean Press (WA), 2010.

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22

García-Bryce, Iñigo. Haya de la Torre and the Pursuit of Power in Twentieth-Century Peru and Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636573.001.0001.

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Like Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, Peruvian Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre (1895–1979) was one of Latin America’s key revolutionary leaders, well known across national boundaries. This political biography of Haya chronicles his dramatic odyssey as founder of the highly influential anti-imperialist American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), as a political theorist whose philosophy shifted gradually from Marxism to democracy, and as a seasoned opposition figure repeatedly jailed and exiled by his own government. A genius of political propaganda, he created a transnational party. Haya rejected foreign ideologies and identified the Mexican Revolution as a grassroots movement to be replicated throughout Latin America. While living in hiding, he organized what became Peru’s longest lasting political party. The book spotlights Haya’s devotion to forging populism as a political style applicable on both the left and the right, and to his vision of a pan-Latin American political movement. A great orator who addressed gatherings of thousands of Peruvians, Haya fired up the Aprismo movement, seeking to develop "Indo-America” by promoting the rights of the middle class, Indigenous peoples as well as laborers and women. Steering his party toward the center of the political spectrum through most of the Cold War, Haya was narrowly elected president in 1962—but he was blocked from assuming office by the military, which played on his rumored homosexuality. Even so, Haya’s forging of a uniquely Latin American political ideology makes him an enduring figure with a legacy across Latin America.
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23

Schotter, Jesse. The ‘Essence’ of Egypt. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424776.003.0005.

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The fourth chapter restores hieroglyphs to their historical and cultural context in post-Revolutionary Egypt, exploring how interpretations of the Pharaonic past and its hieroglyphs intervened in Egypt’s twentieth century struggles for cultural and national identity. The first novels by Naguib Mahfouz and Tawfiq al-Hakim, from the 1920s and 30s, draw on the ‘Pharaonicist’ movement of the period, co-opting the European Orientalist discourses with which Egypt was defined in order to forge their own definitions of the racial and cultural ‘essence’ of Egypt. Yet these national concerns remain linked with an interest in the ontology of media forms; the chapter concludes by focusing on Shadi Abd al-Salam’s film al-Mummia, from 1969, which looks back to early twentieth century Pharaonicism and connects its attempt to reclaim the past with film’s ability to record and preserve Egyptian hieroglyphs and artifacts.
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24

Nieman, Donald G. Promises to Keep. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071639.001.0001.

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This book examines the influence of race in the development of the US Constitution and argues that African Americans have had a powerful influence creating constitutional rights. It examines the debate over slavery in the Revolutionary era and at the Constitutional Convention and how antislavery advocates, black and white, created constitutional ideas that promoted equality, and their role in ending slavery, securing adoption of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, and establishing civil rights protections during Reconstruction. By 1900, southern whites had reversed most of these changes through disfranchisement, segregation, and sharecropping, but African Americans continued to resist. Through organizations like the National Association for the Advancement for Colored People, they challenged segregation, discriminatory criminal justice, lynching, and disfranchisement. After World War II, the civil rights movement triumphed through legal victories (e.g., Brown v. Board of Education), legislation (the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act), and mass protest. Civil rights advocates won victories in the 1970s and 1980s challenging institutionalized racism, even though conservative political strength grew. However, from the 1980s to the 2010s, a conservative Supreme Court invoked color-blind constitutional principles to weaken civil rights protections. Continued economic disparities between blacks and whites as well as the war of drugs and mass incarceration undermined gains made by the civil rights movement, although new social movements like Black Lives Matter continued the quest for equal justice.
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25

Smith, David James. Young Mandela: The Revolutionary Years. Back Bay Books, 2018.

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26

Polgar, Paul J. Standard-Bearers of Equality. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653938.001.0001.

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This book recovers the racially inclusive vision of America's first abolition movement. In showcasing the activities of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, the New York Manumission Society, and their African American allies during the post-Revolutionary and early national eras, he unearths this coalition's comprehensive agenda for black freedom and equality. By guarding and expanding the rights of people of African descent and demonstrating that black Americans could become virtuous citizens of the new Republic, these activists, whom Polgar names "first movement abolitionists," sought to end white prejudice and eliminate racial inequality. Beginning in the 1820s, however, colonization threatened to eclipse this racially inclusive movement. Colonizationists claimed that what they saw as permanent black inferiority and unconquerable white prejudice meant that slavery could end only if those freed were exiled from the United States. In pulling many reformers into their orbit, this radically different antislavery movement marginalized the activism of America's first abolitionists and obscured the racially progressive origins of American abolitionism that Polgar now recaptures. By reinterpreting the early history of American antislavery, Polgar illustrates that the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are as integral to histories of race, rights, and reform in the United States as the mid-nineteenth century.
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27

Feeney, Megan. Hollywood in Havana: US Cinema and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba Before 1959. University of Chicago Press, 2018.

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28

Feeney, Megan. Hollywood in Havana: US Cinema and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba Before 1959. University of Chicago Press, 2019.

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29

Balagoon, Kuwasi y Karl Kersplebedeb. A Soldier's Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist. PM Press, 2019.

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30

Meyer, Matt, Kuwasi Balagoon y Karl Kersplebedeb. Soldier's Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist. PM Press, 2019.

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31

Meyer, Matt, Kuwasi Balagoon y Karl Kersplebedeb. Soldier's Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist. PM Press, 2019.

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32

Balagoon, Kuwasi y Karl Kersplebedeb. Soldier's Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist. PM Press, 2019.

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33

Political Action in Late Colonial South Asia: Revolutionary Lives in Texts, Acts and Afterlives. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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34

Roy Wilkins: The quiet revolutionary and the NAACP. 2013.

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35

Dogliani, Patrizia. Propaganda and Youth. Editado por R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0011.

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Throughout its history, Italian fascism emphasized that it was a revolutionary and youthful phenomenon. During its rise from 1919 to 1922, the fascist movement, like its communist competitor, was novel in its appeal to youth. Fascism entailed the rejuvenation of the national political class of Liberal days and fostered a social and economic transformation whereby members of a middle class lacking an ancient inheritance of land and professional qualification could take up the reins of power. Most of the fascist leadership under the dictatorship were men born in the mid-1890s, framed by their experience of the First World War as twenty-year-olds. Fascism similarly could count on support from the next generation, a group who had only just been old enough to join in the last months of battle or who had missed the war altogether and felt frustrated at their loss.
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36

Morris, Pam. Emma: A Prospect of England. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474419130.003.0004.

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In Emma, as in Sense and Sensibility, the plot tracks the movement of the young woman protagonist from a hierarchical, time-resisting place to a more socially heterogeneous space of horizontal relationships. In so doing, the novel engages with a dissensus in public opinion in post-revolutionary England as to who should count as perceptible within the national community. The text extends the terrain of what can be said and by whom to those traditionally deemed beneath notice, entering dialogically into public debates as to who legitimately constitute ‘the people’. The complex social energies propelling change and inter-class rivalry and emulation are ‘gathered’ within the most significant thing to feature in the story: a piano. The ironic treatment of the heroine’s self-willed subjective blindness continues Austen’s critique of idealism to which the text opposes a continuous emphasis upon bodily concern with food, shelter, and weather.
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37

Nobbs-Thiessen, Ben. Landscape of Migration. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656106.001.0001.

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In the wake of a 1952 revolution, leaders of Bolivia's National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) embarked on a program of internal colonization known as the "March to the East." In an impoverished country dependent on highland mining, the MNR sought to convert the nation’s vast "undeveloped" Amazonian frontier into farmland, hoping to achieve food security, territorial integrity, and demographic balance. To do so, they encouraged hundreds of thousands of Indigenous Bolivians to relocate from the "overcrowded" Andes to the tropical lowlands, but also welcomed surprising transnational migrant streams, including horse-and-buggy Mennonites from Mexico and displaced Okinawans from across the Pacific. Ben Nobbs-Thiessen details the multifaceted results of these migrations on the environment of the South American interior. As he reveals, one of the "migrants" with the greatest impact was the soybean, which Bolivia embraced as a profitable cash crop while eschewing earlier goals of food security, creating a new model for extractive export agriculture. Half a century of colonization would transform the small regional capital of Santa Cruz de la Sierra into Bolivia's largest city, and the diverging stories of Andean, Mennonite, and Okinawan migrants complicate our understandings of tradition, modernity, foreignness, and belonging in the heart of a rising agro-industrial empire.
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38

Lobban, Richard A. y Chris H. Dalton. African Insurgencies. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400608124.

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“Presenting a continent-wide comparative analysis of ethnic, political, and colonially based insurgencies, this text examines the causes, tactics, outcomes, and key individuals of African insurgent events and assesses a range of foreseeable outcomes in Africa’s multiple regions of continuing political instability. Insurgencies continue to erupt in many nations of Africa. The techniques and intended purposes of today’s insurgencies are evolutions of historical versions of insurgencies, long-standing strife among ethnic and political groups, and modern-era movements reflective of the ever-shrinking planet, leading to revolutions in the region. This book spans the African continent to address a diverse classification of insurgencies and revolutions, weaving them together thematically and enabling readers to make connections between their purposes, tactics, outcome, and impact. Providing researchers in African and security studies with a comprehensive body of work for further studies, this eminently readable work examines the many past and current insurgencies that have occurred in Africa, identifying their causes and predominantly common bases and rationales. Coauthored by an acclaimed scholar of African studies and a U.S. Marine Corps Lieutenant Colonel with a master’s degree in national security and strategic studies, this single-volume book provides an in-depth examination into the drivers, actors, tactics, weapons, intended outcomes, and sweeping consequences of the many events in Africa that have overturned existing rule or implemented rule where none existed–and in a few cases, resulted in stabilization of a nation. Readers will better understand the causal, contextual, tactical, ideological, and philosophical factors that launch insurgencies through coverage of pre-colonial insurgencies; anti-colonial resistance and national liberation movements; separatist and irredentist movements; reformist, revolutionary, and Islamist insurgencies; and genocide, warlord, and proxy insurgencies. The book’s last chapter discusses how insurgent movements might be prevented through better governance, or contained or defeated with diplomatic and/or military means.”
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39

Wolfson, Todd, ed. The EZLN and Indymedia. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038846.003.0002.

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In 1994, as the political and economic elite of the United States, Canada, and Mexico inaugurated the North American Free Trade Agreement, an army of masked guerillas from the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) declared the birth of a new Mexican revolution. The ensuing encounter between the indigenous army and the Mexican state, and in particular the EZLN's flexible adaptation to modern warfare, has rewritten the common story of twentieth-century revolution, leading to new strategies and dynamics of social struggle. This chapter looks at the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas to illustrate how it laid the foundation for the indymedia movement and other Cyber Left institutions. It focuses on the conditions within Mexico that led to the EZLN's political praxis. It argues that the revolutionary strategy of the EZLN was shaped through the social and economic conditions of the region as well as a series of confrontations between Marxist revolutionaries, Mayans, and eventually the Mexican state.
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40

George, Roberts. Revolutionary State-Making in Dar Es Salaam: African Liberation and the Global Cold War, 1961-1974. Cambridge University Press, 2022.

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41

George, Roberts. Revolutionary State-Making in Dar Es Salaam: African Liberation and the Global Cold War, 1961-1974. Cambridge University Press, 2021.

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42

George, Roberts. Revolutionary State-Making in Dar Es Salaam: African Liberation and the Global Cold War, 1961-1974. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2021.

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43

Revolutionary State-Making in Dar Es Salaam: African Liberation and the Global Cold War, 1961-1974. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2021.

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44

Anticipating The 2011 Arab Uprisings Revolutionary Literatures And Political Geographies. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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45

Lender, Mark Edward. The War for American Independence. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216033608.

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An indispensable resource for investigating America's War for Independence, this book provides a comprehensive yet concise narrative that combines the author's original perspectives with the latest scholarship on the subject. Without the War for Independence and its successful outcome for the patriots, the course of American development—our institutions, culture, politics, and economics—would have run in radically different directions. From any perspective, the War for Independence was one of the seminal events of national history. This book offers a clear, easy-to-read, and complete overview of the origins of the imperial crisis, the course of the war, and the ultimate success of the movement for independence. It also emphasizes the human cost of the struggle: the ferocity of the fighting that stemmed from the belief among participants on all sides that defeat was tantamount to cultural, political, and even physical extinction. The narrative encompasses the author's original insights and takes advantage of the newest scholarship on the American Revolution. The book includes primary documents and biographical sketches representative of the various participants in the revolutionary struggle—for example, private soldiers, senior officers, loyalists, women, blacks, and Indians—as well as famous speeches and important American and British official documents. The edited documents offer readers a sense of the actual voices of the revolutionary struggle and a deeper understanding of how primary documents serve historians' narration and interpretation of long-ago events. The result is a new synthesis that brings a deeper understanding of America's defining struggle to an informed public readership as well as college and high school students.
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46

Barton, Mary S. Counterterrorism Between the Wars. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864042.001.0001.

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This is a book about terrorism, weapons, and diplomacy in the interwar years between the First and Second World Wars. It charts the convergence of the manufacture and trade of arms; diplomacy among the Great Powers and the domestic politics within them; the rise of national liberation and independence movements; and the burgeoning concept and early institutions of international counterterrorism. Key themes include: a transformation in meaning and practice of terrorism; the inability of Great Powers—namely, Great Britain, the United States, France—to harmonize perceptions of interest and the pursuit of common interests; the establishment of the tools and infrastructure of modern intelligence—including the U.S.-U.K. cooperation that would evolve into the Five Eyes intelligence alliance; and the nature of peacetime in the absence of major wars. Particular emphasis is given to British attempts to quell revolutionary nationalist movements in India and elsewhere in its empire, and to the Great Powers’ combined efforts to counter the activities of the Communist International. The facilitating roles of the Paris Peace Conference and League of Nations are explored here, in the context of the Arms Traffic Convention of 1919, the Arms Traffic Conference of 1925, and the 1937 Terrorism Convention.
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47

Sippial, Tiffany A. Celia Sánchez Manduley. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654607.001.0001.

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Celia Sánchez Manduley (1920–1980) is famous for her role in the Cuban revolution. Clad in her military fatigues, this “first female guerrilla of the Sierra Maestra” is seen in many photographs alongside Fidel Castro. Sánchez joined the movement in her early thirties, initially as an arms runner and later as a combatant. She was one of Castro’s closest confidants, perhaps lover, and went on to serve as a high-ranking government official and international ambassador. Since her death, Sánchez has been revered as a national icon, cultivated and guarded by the Cuban government. With almost unprecedented access to Sánchez’s papers, including a personal diary, and firsthand interviews with family members, Tiffany A. Sippial presents the first critical study of a notoriously private and self-abnegating woman who yet exists as an enduring symbol of revolutionary ideals. Sippial reveals the scope and depth of Sánchez’s power and influence within the Cuban revolution, as well as her struggles with violence, her political development, and the sacrifices required by her status as a leader and “New Woman.” Using the tools of feminist biography, cultural history, and the politics of memory, Sippial reveals how Sánchez strategically crafted her own legacy within a history still dominated by bearded men in fatigues.
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48

Roy Wilkins: The Quiet Revolutionary and the NAACP (Civil Rights and the Struggle for Black Equality in the Twentieth Century). The University Press of Kentucky, 2013.

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49

Jiménez García, Marilisa y Sonia Nieto. Side by Side. University Press of Mississippi, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496832474.001.0001.

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Through the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, American youth culture and literature grew up with Puerto Rico. The contemporary US tradition of youth literature and media, along with how young people, as authors, narrate their part in social struggle, is inseparable from Puerto Rican thought and writing. Youth literature, media, and youth-led movements have played a prominent role in portraying the political and cultural relationship between the US and Puerto Rico—from the US acquisition to Puerto Rican writer’s pleas for a place in US letters and culture. During the early colonial encounter, children’s books were among the first kinds of literature produced by US writers introducing the new colony, its people, and the US’s role as a twentieth-century colonial power to the American public. Subsequently, youth literature and media was an important tool of Puerto Rican cultural and educational elite institutions and Puerto Rican revolutionary thought for negotiating US assimilation and upholding a strong Latin American, Caribbean national stance.
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50

DiNunzio, Mario R. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Third American Revolution. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400653599.

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This book argues that Franklin D. Roosevelt's work—of which the New Deal was a prime example—was rooted in a definitive political ideology tied to the ideals of the Progressive movement and the social gospel of the late 19th century. Roosevelt's New Deal resulted in such dramatic changes within the United States that it merits the label "revolutionary" and ranks with the work of Washington and Lincoln in its influence on the American nation. The New Deal was not simply the response to a severe economic crisis; it was also an expression of FDR's well-developed political ideology stemming from his religious ideas and his experience in the Progressive movement of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Third American Revolution describes the unfolding of his New Deal response to the crisis of the Depression and chronicles the bitter conservative opposition that resisted every step in the Roosevelt revolution. The author's analysis of Roosevelt's political thought is supported by FDR's own words contained in the key documents and various speeches of his political career. This book also documents FDR's recognition of the dangers to democracy from unresponsive government and identifies his specific motivations to provide for the general welfare.
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