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Libros sobre el tema "Multiparty models"

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Publicado: 25 de mayo de 2024

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1

Shepsle, Kenneth A. Models of multiparty electoral competition. Chur: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1991.

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2

Greenberg, Joseph. Multiparty equilibria under proportional representation. Stanford, Calif: Institute for Mathematical Studies in the Social Sciences, Stanford University, 1985.

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3

Weber, Shlomo. On existence of a fixed-number equilibrium in a multiparty electoral system. Toronto: York University, Dept. of Economics, 1990.

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4

Kovalyov, I. P. SDMA for Multipath Wireless Channels: Limiting Characteristics and Stochastic Models. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004.

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5

SDMA for multipath wireless channels: Limiting characteristics and stochastic models. Berlin: Springer·, 2003.

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6

Center, Langley Research, ed. Multipath analysis diffraction calculations. Hampton, Va: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Langley Research Center, 1996.

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7

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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8

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203714966.

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9

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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10

Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Routledge, 2012.

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11

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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12

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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13

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.

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14

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. Modeling Multiparty Competition. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0001.

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This chapter begins with a brief discussion of the need for a new approach to modeling party competition. It then makes a case for the use of agent-based modeling to study multiparty competition in an evolving dynamic party system, given the analytical intractability of the decision-making environment, and the resulting need for real politicians to rely on informal decision rules. Agent-based models (ABMs) are “bottom-up” models that typically assume settings with a fairly large number of autonomous decision-making agents. Each agent uses some well-specified decision rule to choose actions, and there may be considerable diversity in the decision rules used by different agents. Given the analytical intractability of the decision-making environment, the decision rules that are specified and investigated in ABMs are typically based on adaptive learning rather than forward-looking strategic analysis, and agents are assumed to have bounded rather than perfect rationality. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
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15

Shepsle, K. Models of Multiparty Electoral Competition: Harwood Fundamentals of Applied Economics (Harwood Fundamentals of Pure and Applied Economics). Taylor & Francis, 2002.

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16

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. Using Theoretical Models to Analyze Real Party Systems. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0011.

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Having specified theoretical models of multiparty competition in the first ten chapters of the book, this chapter analyzes recent party competition in postwar democracies in order to verify whether the empirical implications of the party competition model can indeed be systematically observed in real party competition. This is easy to say but hard to do in a rigorous way. Fundamental difficulties arise from two distinct sources. The first concerns calibration of key parameters of the model to the real political environments it is used to analyze. The second concerns data, specifically the need for reliable empirical observations of the real world that can be compared with theoretical implications of our model. The chapter discusses these two methodological problems before moving on to compare empirical implications generated by the model, calibrated to real party systems, with empirical observations of these same party systems.
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17

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. New Decision Rules, New Rule Features. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0007.

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This chapter investigates the implications of having a very large and diverse set of decision rules that any party leader might use. It defines two completely new vote-seeking rule “species.” It also identifies a range of parameterized “features” of all decision rules, such as the “speed” at which party policy is changed, or the extent to which party leaders are “satisfied” with any given vote share. The chapter investigates “only” 111 different decision rules in order to focus on parsimonious models that generate easily interpretable results. These results also give good intuitions about dynamic multiparty competition when party leaders may choose from a large and diverse rule set.
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18

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. Party Leaders with Policy Preferences. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0010.

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This chapter adapts the dynamic model of multiparty competition to take into account the possibility that party leaders take their own preferences into account when they set party policy. If they do this, they must make trade-offs between satisfying their private policy preferences and some other objective, whether this is maximizing party vote share or pleasing current party supporters. Models that specify such trade-offs have often been found intractable using traditional analytical techniques. However, they are straightforward to specify and analyze using computational agent-based modeling, though this does require a rethinking of the types of decision rules that party leaders might use. The chapter finds an analogue of the earlier finding that insatiable party leaders may win fewer votes than satiable leaders. Leaders who care only about their party's vote share may win fewer votes over the long haul than leaders who also care about their own policy preferences.
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19

Multipath analysis diffraction calculations. Hampton, Va: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Langley Research Center, 1996.

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20

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. In Conclusion. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0012.

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This concluding chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. This book started with the twin premises that understanding multiparty competition is a core concern for everyone interested in representative democracy and that multiparty competition should be understood as an evolving dynamic system, not a stationary state. Given these premises, it investigated the dynamics of multiparty competition using computational agent-based modeling, a new technology that is ideally suited to providing systematic answers to the types of question we want to ask. This allows the modeling of decision making by party leaders, in what is clearly an analytically intractable setting, in terms of the informal rules of thumb that might be used by real human beings, rather than the formally provable best response strategies used by traditional formal theorists. Whether people use the dynamic model of multiparty competition or some better model of this vital but complex political process, there is no doubt that the computational approach deployed in this book offers vast potential to ask and answer interesting and important questions.
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21

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. Benchmarking the Baseline Model. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0005.

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This chapter begins the investigation of multiparty competition using the baseline model specified in Chapter 3 and methods and procedures specified in Chapter 4. The most significant results concern the representativeness of evolved configurations of party policy positions. In symmetric populations, the ideal points of voters are not best represented by a set of (Hunter) parties who compete for their support by trying to find popular policy positions. Instead, voter preferences are better represented by a set of (Aggregator) parties that do not compete with each other on policy at all but instead seek to represent the policy preferences only of their current supporters. This happens because the dynamics of vote-seeking competition in this setting cause parties to set policy positions closer to the center of the policy space than would be needed for optimal representation—while at the same time avoiding the dead center of the space.
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22

Kovalyov, Igor P. SDMA for Multipath Wireless Channels: Limiting Characteristics and Stochastic Models (Signals and Communication Technology). Springer, 2004.

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23

An analysis of reception variability due to terrain multipath on microwave common carrier links. Boulder, Colo: U.S. Dept. of Commerce, National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 1992.

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24

Dalton, Russell J. Context and Inequality. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0008.

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Societal and institutional conditions create incentive (or disincentive) structures that can influence levels of participation (direct effects) and who participates (contingent effects). This chapter examines how constitutional structures, party system characteristics, and income inequality shape participation patterns. Consensual political institutions and multiparty systems increase voting turnout, but lower levels of non-electoral participation. Federal systems decrease turnout in national elections, but increase other forms of action. Income inequality discourages political participation overall. These various contextual factors have only a modest impact on the size of the social-status participation gap in a nation.
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25

Laver, Michael y Ernest Sergenti. A Baseline ABM of Party Competition. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.003.0003.

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This chapter specifies the “baseline” agent-based model of dynamic multiparty competition, which derives from an article published by (Laver 2005). This assumes that each voter has in mind some personal ideal “package” of policy positions and supports the political party that offers the policy package closest to this. The dynamic system at the heart of the model is as follows: voters support their “closest” party in this sense; party leaders adapt the policy packages they offer in light of the revealed pattern of voter support; voters reconsider which party they support in light of the revealed pattern of party policy packages; and this process continues forever. This recursive model describes policy-based party competition as a complex system, and the baseline model specifies three decision rules that party leaders may deploy when they choose party policy positions in such a setting. These rules are Sticker (always keep the same position), Aggregator (move policy to the centroid of the ideal policy positions of your current supporters), and Hunter (if your last policy move increased your support, make another move in the same direction; or else change heading and move in a different direction).
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26

Nikiforov, Konstantin V., Anna K. Aleksandrova, Ella G. Zadorozhnyuk y Aleksandr S. Stykalin, eds. Transformational Revolutions in the Countries of Central And South-Eastern Europe on their Thirtieth Anniversary. 1989–2019. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.

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This collective monograph validates the relevance of the complex concept of “Transformational Revolutions” introduced here for the first time in academic circulation, which essentially expands the perspective of revolutionary origins and outcomes in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The authors analyze the prerequisites, course, and results of transformational revolutions in the countries of the region during the thirty-year period of their modern history. The studies describe the features of post-socialist modernization and the domestic and foreign political crises inherent in each country, the pros and cons of their involvement in the processes of European integration, and the benefits of joining NATO. The previously used term, “Velvet” revolution, does not cover the entire set of fundamental transformations in these countries in domestic and foreign policy. The researchers underline the specifics of a democratic political structure combined with a market economy for the countries in the region, with particular emphasis on ideological and political confrontation between the forces of the left and right in the framework of a multiparty system, and characterize the mechanism of changes in power during elections. They portray the correlation of euro-optimism and euro-scepticism in different countries, and their opposition to the dictates of Brussels. The authors emphasize that not only the Soviet perestroika, but also the various versions of revolution in the countries of the region led to the reformatting of the European and even global civilizational space. They reveal that many events of 30 years ago still determine the course of current events in the countries of the region and these countries may have incomplete transformation processes. The authors for the first time conduct a comparative analysis of the inclusion of the former GDR as part of a single German state in the EU and the divergent processes in the former socialist federations of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. They pay special attention to the relationship between European, regional, and national components in the course of the revolutions and also the resulting conflicts. The authors also examine the specifics of the entry of Central European countries and later the Balkan subregions into NATO and the EU, and the role played by religious-cultural factors in individual countries. This monograph examines the lessons of Greece's recovery from the financial and economic crisis, as well as on Turkey's special Balkan interest in a larger Euro-Asian context. These revolutions are investigated from a comparative historical point of view with the reasons, processes, and results of the deep changes in the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe during their 30-year modern history analyzed. In addition, their experiences of post-socialist modernization, which includes their search and elaboration of optimal models for interaction among themselves as well as with the countries of the East, particularly Russia, and West, is described, and hindering factors are identified.
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27

Bowler, Shaun. Institutions and Political Support. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0007.

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This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.
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28

Smith, Raymond A., ed. Importing Democracy. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400669033.

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This unique work brings together a comparative analysis of American institutions, a tour of the world's political systems, and a manifesto for reform, offering insights on democracy that could revitalize U.S. politics and government. The United States has always taken pride in being a model of democracy. However, presidential systems are more closely associated with dictatorship and single-party rule in other parts of the world like Latin America and Africa. Indeed, democratic practices more often flourish in parliamentary systems, and the United States remains the only advanced, industrialized democracy with a presidential system instead of a parliamentary organization. Each of the 21 chapters in Importing Democracy: Ideas from Around the World to Reform and Revitalize American Politics and Government highlights a feature of a foreign nation's political system that is absent in the U.S. system. Chapters also draw on brief case studies from countries as diverse as Australia, Brazil, Iceland,India, Germany and South Africa. Importing Democracy explores whether American politics and government might be enhanced by incorporating a multiparty system, a simplified Constitutional amendment process, parliamentarypractices of accountability, proportional representation elections, presidential votes of "no confidence," restraints on judicial power, and much more.
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