Artículos de revistas: "Monarchistes"

1

Adams, Geoffrey. "Monarchistes ou Républicains ?" Dix-huitième Siècle 17, n.º 1 (1985): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dhs.1985.1535.

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Petronis, Vytautas. "Radikalios rusų monarchistinės organizacijos ir jų veikla Vilniuje 1906–1914 metais". Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/2 (2 de diciembre de 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202002004.

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RADICAL RUSSIAN MONARCHIST ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN VILNIUS IN 1906–1914 The article analyses the branches of imperial radical political parties that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, their history, members, ideology and activities. The research is divided into two periods of activity, 1906 to 1912, and 1912 to 1914. The first period saw the formation of branches of political parties, their political activities, and differentiation; whereas in the second period, after the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, radical monarchists withdrew from the political arena, and focused mostly on social, economic and religious spheres of urban life. The nucleus of the political movement was formed by the Orthodox clergy, teachers in public and private schools, junior civil servants, reservists, and railway workers. An important role when establishing branches of radical monarchist movements was played by certain members of the Old Believer community. With no support in the city, which was dominated by a foreign-born infidel population, they tried to penetrate the local Russian community and promote the old, monarchist, traditionalist and patriarchal dogmas declared in the ideologeme they advocated: ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationalism’. When participating in the political struggle for a place in local dumas, radical monarchists in Vilnius not only distanced themselves from their more liberal counterparts, the nationalists, but also became involved in internal conflicts. The end of the 1905 revolution, the turn towards more secular Russian nationalism by Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, and disagreements between local monarchists, resulted in the torpidity of monarchism on the eve of the First World War.

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3

Kallen, Jeffrey L. "L’idée de nation". Protée 30, n.º 2 (9 de julio de 2003): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006733ar.

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Résumé Les timbres-poste de la Grèce moderne s’appuient souvent sur un système complexe d’images qui participe pleinement à la définition de l’idée de nation. Envisagés comme un système cohérent, ces timbres transmettent leurs sens non seulement par ce qui est signifié ouvertement, mais aussi par leurs silences : la décision de ne pas utiliser certaines des images disponibles devient elle-même une forme de signification. Pour les timbres grecs de la période de 1924 à 1982, l’idée de nation est visiblement un problème complexe. Deux courants sont impliqués : l’un est inspiré par le monde de la Grèce antique et de l’Empire byzantin, et l’autre par le nationalisme politique moderne qui inclut des éléments à la fois démocratiques, antidémocratiques et monarchistes, depuis l’établissement d’une Grèce indépendante en 1832. En posant la question « quelle Grèce ? » et « la Grèce de qui ? », le timbre-poste grec propose des réponses qui ne sont ouvertement politiques que dans de rares cas, mais qui n’en révèlent pas moins l’évolution des réponses possibles qui sont caractéristiques de la société grecque moderne.

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4

Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "The Humanitarian Activity of Regional Right Organizations in 1905–1916 (by the Example of Vladimir Province)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 563–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-563-580.

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In Vladimir province in the period of 1905–1916 there were about 30 monarchist organizations of the Union of the Russian People and parties that were included in the Union as its sections. Along their own political work, the monarchists also paid serious attention to spiritual and moral, cultural and educational, as well as philanthropy activities. They arranged religious processions and public prayers (that practically replaced political demonstrations for them), spiritual and ethical readings, lectures of popular Right politicians (V.M. Purishkevich, V.F. Zalesskiy and others), “patriotic” concerts, and initiated pre-conscription training of the youth, recreating in some towns “Poteshny [toylike] Forces” of the Peter’s era. Members of Vladimir section of the Union managed to open a “union” school at their own expense. Vladimir monarchists struggled against drunkenness popularizing the teetotal system and carried out philanthropy activities helping the victims of revolutionary outrages and crop failures. With the beginning of the First World War Vladimir monarchists concentrated their attention on helping the front-line forces, ill and wounded soldiers, and also refugees. In spite of rather modest results of the monarchists in those spheres, their activities managed to improve the image of the Right organizations and didn’t allow their political opponents to demonize the “Black Hundred” unions and organizations at the provincial level (while they succeeded in doing so on the all-Russia scale).

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5

Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Jewish Question in the Ideology and Political Practice of Russian Monarchists in the Beginning of the 20th Century". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-232-261.

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The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.

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6

Birch, Ian. "Baptists, Fifth Monarchists, and the Reign of King Jesus". Perichoresis 16, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0021.

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Abstract This article outlines the rise of the Fifth Monarchists, a religiously inspired and politically motivated movement which came to prominence in the 1650s and believed the execution of Charles I cleared the way for King Jesus to return and reign with the saints from the throne of England. The imminent establishment of the Kingdom of Christ on earth was of great interest to Baptists, some of whom were initially drawn to the Fifth Monarchy cause because Fifth Monarchy theology provided a political route to a reformed society in England. While Baptists in the 1650s greatly desired to advance the cause of King Jesus the increasingly revolutionary methods employed by the Fifth Monarchists were at odds with their understanding of the spiritual nature of Christ’s kingdom, thus exposing differences in their respective eschatologies. Finally, observing the ambitious zeal of the Fifth Monarchist programme Baptists disavowed the anarchic revolutionary approach and distanced themselves from the movement. This breach, regarded as apostasy by the Fifth Monarchists, came at a fortunate time for the Baptist cause before the revolution was stamped out and the leaders arrested. The rise and fall of the Fifth Monarchists, however, helped Baptists to clarify the nature and methods of their approach to establishing the kingdom of Christ among the saints on earth, and is therefore worthy of consideration for those wishing to understand the beginning of the Baptists in England and the nature of apocalyptic during the interregnum.

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7

Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Prime Ministers of the Russian Empire as Appraised by the Rights (1905 – the first half of 1914)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 273–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-273-311.

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The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.

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8

Chernyshov, B. A. "Russian monarchism at the beginning of the 20th century through the prism of ideological approaches: a typology of historiographical models". Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and political science), n.º 2 (19 de abril de 2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2022-2-121-131.

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Aim. To identify the main model approaches to the interpretation of the ideology and organizational practice of Russian monarchism at the beginning of the 20th century. To carry out a correlation of the put forward assessments of the monarchical movement with ideological and philosophical-historical paradigms.Methodology. The study used the methodology of humanitarian modeling. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical and historical-journalistic sources, general characteristics were singled out in understanding the history of Russian monarchism from the standpoint of different models. Correlation of these models with the directions of ideological discourse was carried out.Results. Five historiographic models for representing the ideology and political activity of the Russian monarchist movement were described. It is concluded that there is an increase in the demand for appeals to the ideas of Russian monarchists of the early 20th century, a tendency is found to move from a predominantly negative to a positive coverage of the activities of monarchist organizations.Research implications. The description of historiographic models can serve as a typological map for further research on the problems of the history of Russian monarchism. The results of the work may also be in demand in the formation of a new ideological agenda for the development of Russia.

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9

Chemakin, А. А. "MONARCHISTS FROM THE NEWSPAPER “RESPUBLIKANETS”: THE MONARCHIST ORGANISATION OF THE ROMANIAN FRONT AND M.G. DROZDOVSKY’S BRIGADE IN 1918". Rusin, n.º 57 (2019): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/57/4.

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10

Chemakin, Anton. "The South Russian Youth Union: Kiev Gymnasium Pupils during the Revolution and the Civil War". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 12-4 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi100.

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The focus of the article is the South Russian Youth Union (SRYU) - the organization of Kiev gymnasium pupils, which appeared soon after the February Revolution of 1917. Having united the Kievan youth with monarchist views, in late April 1917 SRYU organized the demonstration, which became, perhaps, the only legal pro-monarch public act during the first months after the abdication of Nicholas Ii. The article dwells upon the biography of the leader of the Union B.V. Sokolov, the programme of SRYU and its attitude to the Ukranian question. The names of certain high gymnasium pupils-members of the organization are also mentioned. The author of the article pays particular attention to the involvement of SRYU members in the defence of Kiev against Petliura’s troops in late 1918, drawing certain analogies between Kiev gymnasium pupils-monarchists and the characters of M.A. Bulgakov’s “White Guard”.

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11

Chemakin, Anton A. "“The Actual Population of Kiev… Stays Neutral”: Russian Monarchists and Bolshevistic-Ukrainian Confrontation (January of 1918)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 643–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-643-655.

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The article is devoted to the viewpoint of Russian monarchists in Kiev who were caught in the crossfire of the Ukrainians and the Bolsheviks fighting with each other. One of the leaders of the “Russian Party” in Kiev V.V. Shulgin tried to enter into a tactical alliance with the Ukrainians in the person of S.V. Petliura in order to resist the advancing Bolshevist forces, but the negotiations collapsed. In the long run the main structures of the Russian movement, as well as the majority of the Russians in Kiev did not participate in the conflict of the Ukrainians and the Bolsheviks. And though the myth of the Black Hundreders participating in the Bolshevistic uprising at “Arsenal” plant was not confirmed, a certain part of the former members of workers’ monarchist unions most probably joined the rebels. The author comes to the conclusion that in the beginning of 1918 in Kiev the political groups that later confronted each other in the Civil War, were not finally formed, so there occurred certain tactical unions that were hardly imaginable in the later years.

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12

Kotelnikov, Konstantin D. "Attempt upon the Life of P. N. Milyukov and Assassination of V. D. Nabokov in Berlin (1922): Testimony of the Accused Monarchist P. N. Schabelsky". Herald of an archivist, n.º 3 (2018): 867–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-867-881.

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This publication introduces document on preparation and realization of the terrorist act of far-right Russian monarchists P. N. Shabelsky-Bork and S.V. Taboritzky into the scientific use and offers their analysis. On March 28, 1922 Shabelsky-Bork and Taboritzky attempted to assassinate P. N. Milyukov in Berlin. In the attempt Taboritsky killed V. D. Nabokov, several people were wounded. This political murder was a result of the split within Russian emigration that sprang from contradictions inherited from Russian political life in the revolutionary 1917. Despite common hostility towards the Soviet regime, the Kadet leaders targeted by the assassins and the monarchists, to whom the latter belonged, were in harsh opposition and blamed one another for the catastrophe of the revolution, the following victory of the Bolsheviks, and the crash of old Russia. The introductory article assesses the person of Shabelsky, the investigation, and the changes of his testimonies in the course of inquiry and trial. Defendants attempted to acquit Taboritsky; it was more difficult to prove his guilt. Changing his testimonies, Shabelsky irritated the court and was sentenced longer than the prosecution insisted. The court made use of the evidence of witnesses and the testimony of the accused obtained on March 29, which was judged most truthful. The investigation and the court found no trace of accomplices. According to the testimonies of the accused, they committed the crime on the grounds of personal hate towards Milyukov and organized the assassination themselves, without accomplices. From the moment of assassination attempt until today there have been many doubts about the official version. However, the published document and other evidence (testimonies of witnesses), as well as the court decision corroborate it. This allows to consider it reasonable that the assassins acted for themselves and there was no monarchist plot against the Kadets, as many contemporaries assumed.

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13

Ivanov, A. A. "Reactionaries, Black Hundreds, White Guards, Fascists: Definitions of Russian Right-Wingers in the Early 20th Century". Modern History of Russia 12, n.º 4 (2022): 884–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.405.

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The article presents a detailed analysis of definitions that, having arisen during the political struggle of the early 20th Century, subsequently became entrenched in historical literature in relation to the right-wing monarchist movement. Special attention is paid to the circumstances of the emergence, use and validity of such terms as “conservatives”, “reactionaries”, “rightists”, “the Black Hundreds”, “bison”, “the Whites” (“the White Guards”), “right-wing revolutionaries”, “fascists”. It is for the first time that the author has introduced to scientific community the sources illustrating how certain definitions were used in relation to Russian right-wingers in the periodicals and journalism of pre-revolutionary and Soviet Russia and the reaction to them from the Black Hundreds and Russian nationalists. The article shows that the same terms and definitions could have different interpretations and be endowed with opposite characteristics when used by opposing political forces. Such nicknames as “the Black Hundreds” and “bison” sounded like swear nicknames in the mouths of the members of the revolutionary and liberal camps. However, some right-wingers proudly raised them to their banners. At the same time, the monarchists rejected the nickname “right-wing revolutionaries” in every possible way, since they saw it as a tool for discrediting and distorting their political goals. The later term “fascists”, retrospectively applied to the Black Hundreds by their opponents, inspired in some of their former leaders a desire to present the pre-revolutionary movement of Russian monarchists as genetically close to the European right-wing movements of a later time. Attention is also paid to the little-known term “the Whites” (“the White Guards”), which was used in relation to the right-wing camp during the First Russian Revolution, but later was supplanted by other nicknames and almost forgotten.

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14

Omeliyanchuk, I. V. "The Monarchist (Black Hundred) Movement in Russia in 1905–1917". Orthodoxia, n.º 4 (26 de diciembre de 2022): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-4-84-108.

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The emergence of right-wing parties in Russia came as a reaction of conservative-minded segments of the population to the development of the revolutionary movement. These parties stood up for the autocracy and had played a significant role in the events of 1905–1907. The monarchist movement united the representatives of all social classes and became the most mass political movement in Russia during the inter-revolutionary period. The blackhundredist ideology was very critical about the projects of both socialist and liberalbourgeois reconstruction of Russia. Relying on traditional political and moral (primarily Christian) values, it came up with its own version of the non-capitalist development of the country. At the same time, a prominent place in ideological constructions of the right-wing movement was given to the antisemitism, which seriously aﬀected the political image of monarchists. After the victory over the revolution in 1905–1907, the political activity of the right-wing movement had significantly decreased, which was greatly facilitated by the government, whose interest did not include the existence of an unconventional political force seeking to restore the “pre-manifest” (absolutist) regime. The discord and squabbles in the monarchist camp, caused by the clash of personal ambitions of right-wing figures, the passive behaviour of the party masses, who saw no point in continuing the political activity after the revolutionary ‘turmoil’ had come to its end, as well as financial diﬀiculties, had also played their role. The surge in the right-wing activity caused by the outbreak of the First World War did not change this trend in general. In February 1917, the small-numbered and scattered right-wing organizations, that had already been experiencing decline, failed to oppose the revolutionary storm and disappeared from the stage of history without a fight.

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15

Shemchenok, Nikolai Anatol'evich. "The religious and ideological aspect of the monarchical idea in the works of the main representatives of the Russian socio – political thought of the monarchical bias of the second half of the XIX – early XX century ." Genesis: исторические исследования, n.º 7 (julio de 2023): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.7.38510.

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The subject of the study is the views of the main representatives of the Russian socio –political thought of the pro–monarchist wing of the second half of the XIX - early XX century regarding the religious and ideological aspects of the monarchical idea. The comparative method is used to analyze the concepts of the selected authors. Also, the Cambridge School method was used in the analysis of texts, mainly the approach of J. Pocock to the reconstruction of political discourses. The analysis of the religious basis of the monarchical system allocated by thinkers is carried out, the conclusion is made about its significance as a basis and as the main marker of differentiation between different types of monarchy. Special attention is paid to various concepts concerning the monarchical ideology and monarchical statehood of the main representatives of the monarchical wing of Russian socio – political thought of the second half of the XIX – early XX century . The novelty and relevance of the work is determined by the consideration of certain aspects of the monarchy as a separate, independent system outside the context of conservative discourse, which makes it possible to interpret the monarchist ideology as an independent direction of political thought; this question has not yet been raised in this way directly in modern historiography. It is concluded that the idea of the greatest correspondence of the monarchical system to the natural political aspirations of the human community prevails in the works of the thinkers under consideration. Also, the author believes it possible, based on the representation of Russian monarchists of the era under study, to speak about the exceptional role of religious and moral categories as the basis of the monarchical system, which also serves as the basis for distinguishing the monarchical system from the standard opposition of liberalism and conservatism.

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16

Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Social Aspect of the Russian Conservatives Ideology in the Beginning of the 20th Century". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 428–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-428-463.

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The article examines the social aspect of the Russian monarchist ideology in the beginning of the 20th century. The Rights considered that to preserve the traditional political system it was necessary to preserve also the traditional social system based on the society class division. In truth, giving in to the spirit of time, they resigned the class hierarchy supporting the class openness (thus, recognizing the necessity of society horizontal mobility channels) and intended to place on the class self-government authorities the functions of social representation, thus anticipating the ideas of pluralistic democracy that appeared in the West half a century later. The social program of the Rights failed to attract mass social groups, first of all workers and peasants, that was explained, on the one hand, by populism of their political opponents, who didn’t doubt to resort to social demagogy, and, on the other hand, by the frugality of the promises of the Rights, who followed the tactics of “small deeds” borrowed from the Narodniks and aimed at gradual improvement of the conditions of the people. In general, the monarchists failed to block the propagation of liberal and socialist ideas in Russian society and that became the main reason for their catastrophic defeat in 1917.

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Omeliyanchuk, Igor Vladimirovich. "Moscow monarchist organizations". Российская история, n.º 6 (15 de diciembre de 2023): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x2306007x.

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The article examines the creation and activities of monarchical organizations in Moscow, which has become one of the centers of the right-wing movement in Russia. The Moscow nobility played a key role in the creation of right-wing organizations. However, the events of the First Russian Revolution involved many representatives of other social groups and strata in the political process, some of whom found themselves on the side of the autocracy, usually adhering to extreme right-wing beliefs. This explains the creation in Moscow of many different monarchical organizations, most of which had a pronounced class, professional or estate character. Moscow monarchists laid claim to all-Russian leadership in the right-wing movement, taking a number of successful steps to consolidate it during 1906. But still, in this rivalry, Muscovites, having lost their recognized leader V.A. Gringmut in 1907, lost to the St. Petersburgers, who had more significant financial and administrative support from the government. Gringmut's successors were unable to continue even the unification of the Moscow monarchist organizations that he had begun, primarily due to the personal ambitions and selfish motives of their leaders. A certain role in this was also played by the impossibility of coordinating the interests of various social and professional groups represented in the monarchical organizations of Moscow.

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신명숙. "La Fontaine était-il monarchiste ?" Litterature Classique Francaise 17, n.º ll (noviembre de 2014): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36032/lcf.2014.17..002.

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Piirimäe, Eva. "Monarchisms, Republicanisms, and Enlightenments". History of European Ideas 36, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2009.06.002.

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Omel'yanchuk, Igor' V. "Political terror and the right-wing movement (The case of Vladimir Governorate)". Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, n.º 3 (2021): 690–742. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-3-2.

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The article examines the street confrontation of October 1905 which went down in history as Jewish pogroms. The source base of the work comprises the documents of the police department deposited in the State Archive of Vladimir Oblast and the materials from periodicals of various political leanings. After the publication of the Manifesto of the 17th of October, 1905, in the streets of Russian cities, the revolutionary demonstrations whose participants viewed the Manifesto as a signal for a decisive assault on the autocracy clashed with the patriotic manifestations held by those who wanted to defend their familiar world. The defiant behavior of opposition supporters who preached their political ideals and in doing so insulted national and religious feelings of the conservative strata of population provoked street excesses, which then turned into bloody clashes. The situation was aggravated by the inaction of the local authorities who had not received timely instructions from St Petersburg and showed confusion during the first “days of freedom.” Thus, the pogroms of October 1905 which took place outside the Pale of Settlement were directed not so much against the Jews as against the revolutionaries (a considerable part of them were Jews). Contrary to the idea prevailing in historiography that the clashes of October 1905 were organized, the pogroms arose spontaneously. Neither the government, which was prostrate, nor the right-wing parties, the numerical composition of which in Russia at that time was measured by several thousand people, initiated or organized those events. In October 1905, there were no monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate at all. However, the supporters of autocracy are responsible for two political murders which occurred after the pogroms in November–December 1905. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk the crowd infuriated with the events of recent months tore to pieces a revolutionary woman who was transporting weapons, and in the village of Undol workers killed an agitator who called for the overthrow of autocracy. After the foundation of monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate, street clashes between the opponents and the supporters of autocracy gradually died down because the monarchists got an opportunity to defend their political convictions in a more civilized form. Although the conflicts between persons of opposite political views continued for some time, they were more like domestic quarrels and had no victims. Both sides were equally responsible for those incidents.

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21

Whatmore, Richard. "Review Article: Monarchisms and Republicanisms". European Journal of Political Theory 8, n.º 3 (11 de junio de 2009): 413–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885109103846.

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Lacam, Jean-Patrice. "Tocqueville, un monarchiste au secours de la République". Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville 30, n.º 1 (2009): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/toc.0.0009.

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Kreitzer, Larry J. "THE FIFTH MONARCHIST JOHN PENDARVES". Baptist Quarterly 43, n.º 2 (abril de 2009): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2009.43.2.005.

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Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Right-Wing Parties in Odessa in 1904 –1917". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 621–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-621-642.

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The article examines the creation, social structure, quantity, financing and main activity directions of the monarchist organizations in Odessa in 1904 – 1917. Odessa became one of the centers of the monarchist movement in Russia, in the period under consideration there were about ten right-wing organizations in the area, some of them being subsidiaries of the all-Russia parties, and some – independent parties. High degree of the city population politicization was conditioned by sharp interethnic and economic contradictions and became the cause of mass monarchic movement, while mixed social structure and personal conflicts among monarchist leaders promoted the split of active monarchist organizations in Odessa and the appearance of the new ones. Right-wing parties in Odessa played a prominent role in the public and political life of the city, especially in 1906 -1912. Then due to various reasons this influence started to decrease. With the beginning of the First World War the monarchist movement in Odessa experienced certain growth. However, the draft of right-wing activists to the army filed forces, the decrease of monarchist ideas popularity in society, as well as social and economic difficulties of the war time, very soon led to the critical weakening of the right organizations in Odessa, followed by their disappearance from the political arena in February of 1917.

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Chemakin, A. A. "Where Did the Black Hundreds Disappear? Electoral Statistics as a Source for the Study of the National Identity of Ukrainian Peasantry at the Beginning of the 20th Century". Modern History of Russia 13, n.º 3 (2023): 592–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.305.

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The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions based on such sources, most often of a memoir nature. To understand what happened to the former black-hundredists and in which political camp they found themselves, the author turns to electoral statistics. Comparing the data about the size of organizations of the Union of the Russian People in different settlements of the Kiev province in the 1910s with the results of the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in 1917–1918 in the same localities, the author comes to the conclusion that the former black-hundredists did not vote for Russian nationalists and monarchists, but for the Ukrainian Social revolutionaries and occasionally for the Bolsheviks, that is, for the parties that promised a radical solution to the agrarian question. At the same time, the peasants who voted for the socialists because of the desire to divide the landowners’ land, did not support the party programs of the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks on other issues, retaining elements of the black-hundred worldview. This is why during the Civil War “black-hundred sentiments” could be found both in the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Red Army.

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Omel’ianchuk, I. V. "The Monarchists in 1905–17: From Triumph to Catastrophe". Russian Studies in History 59, n.º 1-2 (2 de abril de 2020): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611983.2021.1916313.

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Mikhailova, Elizaveta M. "“BASIC PROVISIONS OF PEOPLE’S MONARCHIST UNIONS” AS A STRATEGY OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: ON THE QUESTION OF ASTRAKHAN RIGHTISTS’ PROPOSALS FOR THE PRESERVATION OF STATEHOOD (beginning of the 20th century)". Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2023): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2023-1-42-49.

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This article discusses the main provisions proposed by the Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party in the political realities of the First World War in order to prevent a revolutionary crisis. The crisis phenomena growing in wartime conditions in the late Russian Empire required the development of a national development strategy to prevent a possible catastrophe. The Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party, represented by the chairman N.N. Tikhanovich-Savitsky, offered the views in this direction. The document, called “Basic Provisions of the People’s Monarchist Unions”, contained the positions of the Astrakhan rightists on the main problems of the state system. The main purpose of this study is to analyze the conceptual positions of the Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party in the context of a rather difficult war for Russia. Materials and methods. Based on the analysis of archival stock materials and programmatic sources using historical-genetic, retrospective and problematic methods, the main directions of the positions of provincial conservative forces, which carry the paradigm of further national development, are considered. Research results. The position of the Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party on the issues of the system of supreme government, the role and place of elected representative institutions, in which the party, professing right-wing conservative views, connected the existence and further development of the Russian state with the preservation of autocratic power as meeting its spirit, was studied. The fundamental views of this party on the religious issue, the problems of education and upbringing, and foreign policy were studied. The proposals of the Astrakhan right in ensuring the country’s defense capability, determining the main directions of economic policy in the pre-revolutionary year are analyzed. The demands of the provincial right-wing conservatives to introduce universal conscription, ensure the country’s military-technical sovereignty, develop its own agricultural and industrial production, and expand the domestic market were seen as the basis of the country’s independence. Conclusions. The conclusion is made about the nature of the main provisions of the people’s monarchist unions proposed by the Astrakhan People’s Monarchist Party as measures to preserve the Russian statehood and national development strategy.

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Shilston, Timothy G. "Thomas Venner: Fifth Monarchist or maverick?" Social History 37, n.º 1 (febrero de 2012): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2011.651584.

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Grunden, Timo. "Der Bundespräsident: Monarchisches Artefakt oder politisches Verfassungsorgan?" Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 23, n.º 2 (2013): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2013-2-301.

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Chambers, Paul y Napisa Waitoolkiat. "The Resilience of Monarchised Military in Thailand". Journal of Contemporary Asia 46, n.º 3 (23 de marzo de 2016): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1161060.

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Stanischuk, N. U. "THE PROBLEMS OF RANKING AND IDENTIFYING MONARCHIST ORGANIZATIONS IN INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF THE SYSTEM OF MONARCHIST MOVEMENTS". Вестник Пермского университета. Политология, n.º 1 (2015): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2015-1-150-156.

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Lacam, Jean-Patrice. "Tocqueville, un monarchiste au secours de la République". Tocqueville Review 30, n.º 1 (enero de 2009): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.30.1.185.

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« Messieurs, je viens déposer sur le bureau de l'Assemblée le rapport fait au nom de la commission nommée pour examiner la question de la révision de la constitution. » C'est en ces termes que, le 8 juillet 1851, le député de la Manche Alexis de Tocqueville commence la lecture d'un rapport parlementaire qui, dans sa conclusion, conseille aux représentants de la nation l'élection d'une constituante afin de procéder à une révision d'ensemble de la constitution de la deuxième république. Si l'Assemblée législative accède à cette demande, une des possibilités ouvertes par la révision sera de permettre à Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, président de la République en exercice depuis le 20 décembre 1848, de briguer en toute légalité un nouveau mandat à l'issue du premier. A priori, il peut sembler étonnant de rencontrer Tocqueville dans ce rôle de promoteur de la cause révisionniste. Effectivement, c'est lui qui, lors de la rédaction du projet de constitution, en juin 1848, avait défendu la règle de non rééligibilité immédiate du président sortant.

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Seregin, A. V. "GENERAL V.V. BISKUPSKY IN MONARCHIST-LEGITIMIST MOVEMENT". Historical and social-educational ideas 9, n.º 1/1 (1 de enero de 2017): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2017-9-1/1-79-88.

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34

Borowik, Bogdan. "Środowiska monarchistyczne w pierwszych latach III Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie Klubu Zachowawczo-Monarchistycznego i Klubu Konserwatywnego w Łodzi". Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia 71 (19 de julio de 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/f.2016.71.113.

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<p>Tematem artykułu jest funkcjonowanie dwóch stowarzyszeń konserwatywnych skupiających polskich monarchistów w pierwszych latach III Rzeczypospolitej: Klubu Zachowawczo-Monarchistycznego, którego prezesem był Artur Górski, oraz Klubu Konserwatywnego w Łodzi, któremu przewodził Jacek Bartyzel. Opisane zostały okoliczności założenia klubów konserwatywnych, zasady ideowe wynikające z analizy ich dokumentów programowych, ich krytyczne stanowisko wobec wydarzeń politycznych, a także działalność propagująca przywrócenie w Polsce monarchii. Pod względem politycznym stowarzyszenia konserwatystów-monarchistów stanowiły margines ruchu konserwatywnego w Polsce, zdominowanego przez nurt demokratyczny i liberalny. Ich znaczenie w pierwszych latach III Rzeczypospolitej polegało głównie na działalności intelektualnej i przywracaniu właściwego znaczenia pojęciom z kanonu myśli politycznej, zniekształconym w okresie PRL-u.</p>

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35

Goncalves, Sérgio Campos. "Poder e civilização no Brasil Imperial. A monarquia na perspectiva da história das ideias". Diálogos Latinoamericanos 14, n.º 20 (20 de junio de 2013): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v14i20.113263.

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Brazil ceased being a Portugal’s colony during the Nineteenth-Century.However, despite the Republic has been the dominant tendency inAmerica, Brazil was the only country to adopt Monarchy when its politicalindependency was reached. This essay deals with the concept ofcivilization as a monarchist power structure of the Brazilian State in theNineteenth-Century. The objective is to point out that the ideia ofcivilization granted legitimacy to the monarchist system during the FirstReign, the Regency and the Second Reign, acting as a determinant factorto maintain the regime.

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36

McDonald, Leighton. "On the Monarchist's Maxim: “If it Ain't Broke, Don't Fix It”". Federal Law Review 26, n.º 2 (junio de 1998): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.26.2.2.

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[T]he plan now to be formed will certainly be defective, as the Confederation has been found on trial to be. Amendments therefore will be necessary, and it will be better to provide for them, in an easy, regular and Constitutional way than to trust to chance and violence.1

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37

McDonald, Leighton. "On the Monarchist's Maxim: “If it Ain't Broke, Don't Fix It”". Federal Law Review 26, n.º 2 (junio de 1998): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x9802600202.

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38

Podbolotov, Sergei. "Monarchists Against Their Monarch: the Rightists' Criticism of Tsar Nicholas II". Russian History 31, n.º 1-2 (2004): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633104x00043.

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39

Capp, Bernard. "Transplanting the Holy Land: Diggers, Fifth Monarchists, and the New Israel". Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 288–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014480.

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For some Christians in all ages, the biblical Holy Land has possessed far more than historical significance. It has also provided an ideal, a vision, and even a model of the future, a godly society that might be established in some other time and place. This paper looks at England in a period when these aspirations held greater urgency and plausibility than at any other - the English Revolution. It focuses on two strands within that Revolution, the Diggers and Fifth Monarchists, both inspired by the vision of the Holy Land, but in dramatically different ways. Or so it would seem. The two groups are rarely considered together, yet it is possible by doing so to identify unexpected elements of commonality as well as difference.

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40

Stogov, Dmitrii Igorevich. "Russian monarchists of the early twentieth century about K. N. Leontiev". Русско-Византийский вестник, n.º 4 (2022): 168–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47132/2588-0276_2022_4_168.

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Stogov, Dmitrii Igorevich. "F. M. Dostoevsky and Russian monarchists of the early twentieth century". Русско-Византийский вестник, n.º 3 (2022): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47132/2588-0276_2022_3_107.

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42

Bartyzel, Jacek. "Catholic and monarchist nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, n.º 2 (27 de diciembre de 2021): 19–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.2.

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The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.

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Kochetova, Anastasiia. "The Political Strategies and Ideological Transformation of Political Conservatism: Russian Monarchist Emigrant Organisations’ Political Activity in the 1920s". Journal of Migration History 10, n.º 1 (11 de marzo de 2024): 148–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-10010006.

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Abstract The twentieth century may be characterised as an epoch dominated by migratory movements, marked particularly by the substantial human displacements precipitated by wars and revolutionary upheavals during its first half. Historiographical tendencies have often led to a narrowed concentration on select dimensions of political immigration, neglecting the broader spectrum of ideological currents that influenced these movements. A case in point is the insufficiently examined narrative of Russian monarchist factions in Western Europe during the 1920s and early 1930s, and the subsequent evolution or dissolution of their ideological tenets. This research undertakes a historiographical analysis, a comprehensive review of both domestic and international scholarly literature, and a thorough evaluation of ancillary sources concerning the activities of Russian monarchist entities in Western Europe throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The study specifically accentuates the chronological segment of the 1920s within the history of the Russian monarchist movement, illuminating their concerted efforts to formulate a political doctrine that not only aimed at the reinstatement of monarchical governance but also sought to present a counter-narrative to the communist manifesto propagated by the Bolsheviks, thereby attempting to establish a more compelling and pragmatic alternative.

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Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 656–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-656-676.

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The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

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Waegemans, Emmanuel. "Travelogues about nicholas i’s Russia: belgian monarchists versus Astolphe marquis de Custine". Quaestio Rossica 4, n.º 1 (2016): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2016.1.141.

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Waldron, Arthur y L. Eve Armentrout Ma. "Revolutionaries, Monarchists, and Chinatowns: Chinese Politics in the Americas and the 1911 Revolution". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, n.º 4 (1993): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206328.

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Kupper, Samuel Y. y L. Eve Armentrout Ma. "Revolutionaries, Monarchists, and Chinatowns: Chinese Politics in the Americas and the 1911 Revolution". Western Historical Quarterly 22, n.º 3 (agosto de 1991): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969784.

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48

Stevens, Donald Fithian. "Autonomists, Nativists, Republicans, and Monarchists: Conspiracy and Political History in Nineteenth-Century Mexico". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 10, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 1994): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051974.

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Schiffrin, Harold Z. y L. Eve Armentrout Ma. "Revolutionaries, Monarchists, and Chinatowns: Chinese Politics in the Americas and the 1911 Revolution." Pacific Affairs 64, n.º 2 (1991): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759975.

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50

Laruelle, Marlene. "Ideological Complementarity or Competition? The Kremlin, the Church, and the Monarchist Idea in Today's Russia". Slavic Review 79, n.º 2 (2020): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2020.87.

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In 2018, Russia's last tsar, Nicholas II, was the most popular of all Russian historical figures of the twentieth century; the fame of White officers such as Alexander Kolchak and Anton Denikin was also on the rise. Obviously, broad sympathy for the last Romanov does not imply support for a potential restoration of the monarchy, yet the past few years have seen the activation of several monarchist lobbies, especially around the Russian Orthodox Church and in some well-connected Kremlin circles that seek the ideological hardening of the Putin regime. In this article, I use the case study of the monarchist idea to explore how the Kremlin manages the production of a large and diversified set of ideologies. I explore how the relationship between state authorities, ideological entrepreneurs, and some societal actors such as the Church is articulated along a continuum of permanent complementarity and competition in the production of ideologies.

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