Literatura académica sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte las listas temáticas de artículos, libros, tesis, actas de conferencias y otras fuentes académicas sobre el tema "Monarchistes".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
1
Adams, Geoffrey. "Monarchistes ou Républicains ?" Dix-huitième Siècle 17, n.º 1 (1985): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dhs.1985.1535.
Texto completo
2
Petronis, Vytautas. "Radikalios rusų monarchistinės organizacijos ir jų veikla Vilniuje 1906–1914 metais". Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/2 (2 de diciembre de 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202002004.
Texto completoResumen
RADICAL RUSSIAN MONARCHIST ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN VILNIUS IN 1906–1914 The article analyses the branches of imperial radical political parties that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, their history, members, ideology and activities. The research is divided into two periods of activity, 1906 to 1912, and 1912 to 1914. The first period saw the formation of branches of political parties, their political activities, and differentiation; whereas in the second period, after the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, radical monarchists withdrew from the political arena, and focused mostly on social, economic and religious spheres of urban life. The nucleus of the political movement was formed by the Orthodox clergy, teachers in public and private schools, junior civil servants, reservists, and railway workers. An important role when establishing branches of radical monarchist movements was played by certain members of the Old Believer community. With no support in the city, which was dominated by a foreign-born infidel population, they tried to penetrate the local Russian community and promote the old, monarchist, traditionalist and patriarchal dogmas declared in the ideologeme they advocated: ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationalism’. When participating in the political struggle for a place in local dumas, radical monarchists in Vilnius not only distanced themselves from their more liberal counterparts, the nationalists, but also became involved in internal conflicts. The end of the 1905 revolution, the turn towards more secular Russian nationalism by Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, and disagreements between local monarchists, resulted in the torpidity of monarchism on the eve of the First World War.
3
Kallen, Jeffrey L. "L’idée de nation". Protée 30, n.º 2 (9 de julio de 2003): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006733ar.
Texto completoResumen
Résumé Les timbres-poste de la Grèce moderne s’appuient souvent sur un système complexe d’images qui participe pleinement à la définition de l’idée de nation. Envisagés comme un système cohérent, ces timbres transmettent leurs sens non seulement par ce qui est signifié ouvertement, mais aussi par leurs silences : la décision de ne pas utiliser certaines des images disponibles devient elle-même une forme de signification. Pour les timbres grecs de la période de 1924 à 1982, l’idée de nation est visiblement un problème complexe. Deux courants sont impliqués : l’un est inspiré par le monde de la Grèce antique et de l’Empire byzantin, et l’autre par le nationalisme politique moderne qui inclut des éléments à la fois démocratiques, antidémocratiques et monarchistes, depuis l’établissement d’une Grèce indépendante en 1832. En posant la question « quelle Grèce ? » et « la Grèce de qui ? », le timbre-poste grec propose des réponses qui ne sont ouvertement politiques que dans de rares cas, mais qui n’en révèlent pas moins l’évolution des réponses possibles qui sont caractéristiques de la société grecque moderne.
4
Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "The Humanitarian Activity of Regional Right Organizations in 1905–1916 (by the Example of Vladimir Province)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 563–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-563-580.
Texto completoResumen
In Vladimir province in the period of 1905–1916 there were about 30 monarchist organizations of the Union of the Russian People and parties that were included in the Union as its sections. Along their own political work, the monarchists also paid serious attention to spiritual and moral, cultural and educational, as well as philanthropy activities. They arranged religious processions and public prayers (that practically replaced political demonstrations for them), spiritual and ethical readings, lectures of popular Right politicians (V.M. Purishkevich, V.F. Zalesskiy and others), “patriotic” concerts, and initiated pre-conscription training of the youth, recreating in some towns “Poteshny [toylike] Forces” of the Peter’s era. Members of Vladimir section of the Union managed to open a “union” school at their own expense. Vladimir monarchists struggled against drunkenness popularizing the teetotal system and carried out philanthropy activities helping the victims of revolutionary outrages and crop failures. With the beginning of the First World War Vladimir monarchists concentrated their attention on helping the front-line forces, ill and wounded soldiers, and also refugees. In spite of rather modest results of the monarchists in those spheres, their activities managed to improve the image of the Right organizations and didn’t allow their political opponents to demonize the “Black Hundred” unions and organizations at the provincial level (while they succeeded in doing so on the all-Russia scale).
5
Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Jewish Question in the Ideology and Political Practice of Russian Monarchists in the Beginning of the 20th Century". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-232-261.
Texto completoResumen
The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.
6
Birch, Ian. "Baptists, Fifth Monarchists, and the Reign of King Jesus". Perichoresis 16, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0021.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract This article outlines the rise of the Fifth Monarchists, a religiously inspired and politically motivated movement which came to prominence in the 1650s and believed the execution of Charles I cleared the way for King Jesus to return and reign with the saints from the throne of England. The imminent establishment of the Kingdom of Christ on earth was of great interest to Baptists, some of whom were initially drawn to the Fifth Monarchy cause because Fifth Monarchy theology provided a political route to a reformed society in England. While Baptists in the 1650s greatly desired to advance the cause of King Jesus the increasingly revolutionary methods employed by the Fifth Monarchists were at odds with their understanding of the spiritual nature of Christ’s kingdom, thus exposing differences in their respective eschatologies. Finally, observing the ambitious zeal of the Fifth Monarchist programme Baptists disavowed the anarchic revolutionary approach and distanced themselves from the movement. This breach, regarded as apostasy by the Fifth Monarchists, came at a fortunate time for the Baptist cause before the revolution was stamped out and the leaders arrested. The rise and fall of the Fifth Monarchists, however, helped Baptists to clarify the nature and methods of their approach to establishing the kingdom of Christ among the saints on earth, and is therefore worthy of consideration for those wishing to understand the beginning of the Baptists in England and the nature of apocalyptic during the interregnum.
7
Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Prime Ministers of the Russian Empire as Appraised by the Rights (1905 – the first half of 1914)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (1 de marzo de 2020): 273–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-273-311.
Texto completoResumen
The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.
8
Chernyshov, B. A. "Russian monarchism at the beginning of the 20th century through the prism of ideological approaches: a typology of historiographical models". Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and political science), n.º 2 (19 de abril de 2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2022-2-121-131.
Texto completoResumen
Aim. To identify the main model approaches to the interpretation of the ideology and organizational practice of Russian monarchism at the beginning of the 20th century. To carry out a correlation of the put forward assessments of the monarchical movement with ideological and philosophical-historical paradigms.Methodology. The study used the methodology of humanitarian modeling. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical and historical-journalistic sources, general characteristics were singled out in understanding the history of Russian monarchism from the standpoint of different models. Correlation of these models with the directions of ideological discourse was carried out.Results. Five historiographic models for representing the ideology and political activity of the Russian monarchist movement were described. It is concluded that there is an increase in the demand for appeals to the ideas of Russian monarchists of the early 20th century, a tendency is found to move from a predominantly negative to a positive coverage of the activities of monarchist organizations.Research implications. The description of historiographic models can serve as a typological map for further research on the problems of the history of Russian monarchism. The results of the work may also be in demand in the formation of a new ideological agenda for the development of Russia.
9
Chemakin, А. А. "MONARCHISTS FROM THE NEWSPAPER “RESPUBLIKANETS”: THE MONARCHIST ORGANISATION OF THE ROMANIAN FRONT AND M.G. DROZDOVSKY’S BRIGADE IN 1918". Rusin, n.º 57 (2019): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/57/4.
Texto completo
10
Chemakin, Anton. "The South Russian Youth Union: Kiev Gymnasium Pupils during the Revolution and the Civil War". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 12-4 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi100.
Texto completoResumen
The focus of the article is the South Russian Youth Union (SRYU) - the organization of Kiev gymnasium pupils, which appeared soon after the February Revolution of 1917. Having united the Kievan youth with monarchist views, in late April 1917 SRYU organized the demonstration, which became, perhaps, the only legal pro-monarch public act during the first months after the abdication of Nicholas Ii. The article dwells upon the biography of the leader of the Union B.V. Sokolov, the programme of SRYU and its attitude to the Ukranian question. The names of certain high gymnasium pupils-members of the organization are also mentioned. The author of the article pays particular attention to the involvement of SRYU members in the defence of Kiev against Petliura’s troops in late 1918, drawing certain analogies between Kiev gymnasium pupils-monarchists and the characters of M.A. Bulgakov’s “White Guard”.
Tesis sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
1
Storez, Isabelle. "Le chancelier Henri François d'Aguesseau, 1668-1751 : monarchiste et libéral /". Paris : Publisud, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb361594569.
Texto completo
2
Pepiol, Rafael Manuel. "The Spanish monarchist strategy for restoration 1931 - 1975". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314612.
Texto completo
3
Escolan, Philippe. "Le monarchisme Syrien : un ministère charismatique : IVeme-VIIeme siècles". Paris 10, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA100185.
Texto completoResumen
Le monachisme syro-mesopotamien est bien connu pour son caractere ostentatoire et excessif (stylitisme et reclusion par ex. ), ainsi que pour ses relations etroites avec la societe laique. De telles particularites ne peuvent se comprendre que si l'on remonte a la periode du "premier christianisme", du "premier ascetisme", ou le groupe ascetique (bnay qyama) etait totalement integre a la structure ecclesiale et se confondait largement avec celle-ci. L'ascese avait alors dans l'eglise un role normatif. A cet egard, la structure ecclesiale monastique est l'heritiere de ces pratiques, au meme titre que des groupes heretique, ou le messalianisme. Le principe de base du monachisme est la structure duale - ascetes fideles - de l'organisation ecclesiale. Le ministere charismatique des moines est tourne vers les fideles, mais ceux-ci doivent accepter la primaute spirituelle des ascetes. Ce modele ecclesiologique est tres different de celui de l'eglise episcopale : il n'est ni hierarchique, ni stable, et ne s'interesse ni au dogme ni au rite. C'est la que se situe le point de friction avec l'eglise episcopale. Mais la desagregation de l'eglise institutionnelle en syrie-mesopotamie permet aux moines de s'emparer de tous les leviers de pouvoir dans le patriarcat. Avec les querelles dogmatiques, les moines infiltrent l'eglise, ou dressent de nouvelles eglises qu'ils dominent totalement (julianistes, tritheistes, maronites, par ex. )Syrian and mesopotamian ascetics are well known for their lack of spiritual measure, and for the excessiv forms of ascetic life (stylitism). However, syrian monks were not at all isolated from their fellow countrymen; they had very close relationship with the lay people. Few historians have tried to understand this characteristic of syrian piety. Nevertheless, during the 3rd and 4th centuries ad ascetics (bnay qyama : sons of the covenant, or covenanters) were members of the clergy of the syrian-speaking church. The church itself was perhaps totally ascetical (ideas of burkitt, bauer and voobus). The heritage of the first syrian church is found in some heretical movements (manichaeism, daycanism, marcionism. . . ), in some heterodox monastic circles (messalianism), but also in the general monastic society. The ecclesiology of the monks (see philoxen of mabbug' letter to patricius), their ecclesial practice is directly inherited from early fourth century christianity. There is only two groups of people for this ecclesiology : ascetics who have the assurance of full salvation, and lay people who have no salvation at all if they do not submit to the charismatic ministry of the monks. Monastic christianity is not interested in dogmatic controversy (see john rufus monophysite apology), neither by ritual practice. The conflict with episcopal authorities began in the early fifth century. Ascetics took opportunity of the dogmatical conflict after ephesus (431) and chalcedon (451) to infiltrate the episcopal church, and to organize dissenting communities (severian monophysites, julianists, tritheists. . . )
4
Feiner, Christina Ann. "Fifth Monarchist Constructions and Presentations of Gender in Print". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1436529466.
Texto completo
5
Thoury, Tiphaine de. "Les marquis de Biencourt et la terre d’Azay-le-Rideau, de la seigneurie au monument historique (1788-1899)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL002.
Texto completoResumen
En septembre 1791, après une longue procédure et de nombreuses hésitations en raison du contexte révolutionnaire, le marquis Charles de Biencourt, noble d’extraction, militaire et originaire de la Creuse, député aux états généraux et à la Constituante, signe l’achat de la terre d’Azay-le-Rideau et de son château. À sa suite, la propriété passe entre les mains des trois marquis de Biencourt successifs, Armand-François, Armand-Marie, puis Charles-Marie. Dans la seconde moitié de la période, alors que la grande fortune des héritiers du titre périclite peu à peu et au fur et à mesure des partages inhérents aux héritages, le dernier marquis de Biencourt, veuf et ayant perdu ses deux fils, finit, malgré lui, par se séparer du domaine et du château d’Azay à partir de 1899, après une vente difficile. Au cours de ces quatre générations, les marquis de Biencourt, tout en conservant leur mode de vie pluri-résidentiel, et leur vie parisienne, modifient profondément ce qu’ils appellent encore tout au long de la période « la terre d’Azay ». De ce fait, si l’acquéreur du domaine, en physiocrate averti, choisit un mode de gestion privilégiant le métayage et le faire-valoir direct, ses héritiers successifs, quant à eux, adoptent une gestion qui assoie à la fois la concentration foncière et le déploiement du fermage. Mais c’est aussi le château et son parc que ces hommes décident aussi de transformer. Ainsi, à partir des années 1840, par le choix des rénovations dans un style résolument néo-Renaissance, les marquis de Biencourt ancrent définitivement le château d’Azay-le-Rideau dans le paysage renaissant du Val-de-Loire qui, de fait, est en partie une construction du XIXe siècleInsérer ici votre résumé en In September 1791, after a long procedure and much hesitation due to the revolutionary context, the Marquis Charles de Biencourt, of noble birth, soldier and native of the Creuse region, deputy of the estates general and the Constituent Assembly, signed to purchase the land of Azay-le-Rideau and its castle. Following this acquisi-tion, the property successively passed into the hands of each of the three Marquis de Biencourt after him : Armand-François, Armand-Marie, and then Charles-Marie. In the second half of this period, when the large fortune of the heirs to the title gradually declined through the splitting up of the estate shares inherent in inheri-tances, the very last Marquis de Biencourt, widower and having lost his two sons, ended up, despite the cir-cumstances, separating himself from the domain and the Castle of Azay as of 1899, after a difficult sale. For four generations, all of the Marquis de Biencourt, while maintaining their multi-residential lifestyle, and their parisian life, profoundly modified what is still referred during the period as the "Land of Azay". Therefore, even though the purchaser of the domain, as an informed physiocrat, chose a method of management favoring sharecropping and direct tenure, the successive heirs, for their part, adopted management allowing for both the concentration of land ownership and tenant farming at once. However, it is also the castle and its grounds that these men decided to transform as well. Thus, from the 1840s, as the choice of renovations were done in a resolutely neo-Renaissance style, the Marquis de Biencourt definitively anchored the Château of Azay-le-Rideau in the re-emerging landscape of the Loire Valley which, in fact, is partly a 19th-century construction
6
Lixandru, Doru Adrian. "Le monarchisme carliste dans la Roumanie des années 1930 : autoritarisme, nationalisme et modernisation". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH002.
Texto completoResumen
Les chercheurs en sciences sociales qui ont étudié la Roumanie de l’entre-deux-guerres ont rarement exploré les relations entre monarchisme, nationalisme et modernisation, surtout en ce qui concerne le règne du roi Carol II (1930-1940). Cette recherche explique les limites théoriques des ouvrages sur l’autoritarisme monarchiste, montrant le fait que ce phénomène doit être envisagé non pas comme étant simplement un résultat de la volonté du roi, mais dans un contexte historique et idéologique beaucoup plus large. Nous avons essayé d’enrichir le débat sur une série d’idées fondamentales sur le gouvernement et sur la modernisation dans la Roumanie de cette époque par une analyse de l’idéologie et de la carrière politique du monarque et de ses partisans. Selon l’hypothèse centrale de notre étude, le carlisme roumain devrait être compris comme un mouvement politique qui défend un projet politique moderne destiné à être accompli à travers des réformes nationalistes dirigées par une monarchie autoritaire. Les plus importants chapitres de la thèse portent ainsi sur la façon dont l’idéologie carliste et la pratique politique carliste développées dans les années 1920 et 1930 ont été centrées sur l’idée d’un leader destiné à faciliter la mise en place d’un programme de régénération nationale. La propagande officielle et les partisans du roi ont toujours présenté les initiatives politiques, culturelles ou sociales de celui-ci comme étant orienté précisément vers cet objectif. Afin d’explorer la manière de laquelle la montée de l’autoritarisme monarchique est légitimée par une série d’idées et de pratiques modernisatrices, cette recherche utilise un cadre conceptuel et analytique lié à l’étude de l’histoire des idées politiques pour essayer de comprendre la nature de la symbiose entre monarchisme et projets de renaissance nationale dans la Roumanie des années 1930The scholarship on interwar Romania has rarely explored the relationship between monarchism, nationalism and modernisation, especially under King Carol II (1930-1940). This research reveals the limits of the main strands of work on monarchical authoritarianism by showing that this phenomenon should be understood not only as the result of the kingʼs will, but in a more wider historical and ideological context. We tried to make a contribution to the debate over some fundamental ideas about government and modernisation in interwar Romania by examining both the ideology and the political career of the king and of his supporters. Therefore, the central argument of our study is that the Romanian carolism should be understood as a political movement which advocates a modern political project meant to be accomplished through nationalist reforms led by an authoritarian monarchy.The main chapters of our thesis focus on how the carolist ideology and the carolist political practice developed in the 1920ʼs and 1930ʼs have been grounded on the idea of a ruler destined to lead an endeavour of national regeneration. The official propaganda and the Kingʼs supporters have always presented the monarch’s political, cultural or social initiatives as being oriented towards achieving this goal. In order to explore the way in which the rise of monarchical authoritarianism is legitimized by modernist ideas and practices, this research applies a conceptual framework related with the study of the history of political ideas in an attempt to understand the nature of the symbiosis between monarchism and projects of national renewal in 1930ʼs Romania
7
GOMES, AMANDA MUZZI. "LA FRAGILITÉ MONARCHISTE: DES DISSIDENCES POLITIQUES DE LA FIN DE L EMPIRE AUX RÉACTIONS À LA PREMIÈRE DÉCENNIE RÉPUBLICAINE (1860-1900)". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25728@1.
Texto completoResumen
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Cette thèse analyse les dissidences politiques dans les partis politiques impériaux, le Libéral et le Conservateur, dont les fractures ont menées, progressivement, à une situation de fragilité monarchiste. Ces fractures se sont initiées en 1860, quand l idée de la formation d une Ligue Progressiste a surgi de la part de la première dissidence conservatrice depuis l institutionnalisation du régime dans l année 1850; elles se sont fortifiées durant la campagne abolitionniste, qui était commandée au parlament par Joaquim Nabuco, et elles ont atteint le climax à la dernière rupture liberale, parmi les débats sur la féderalisation des provinces, dans l année 1889, quand commença le dernier ministère de la monarchie, celle du viscomte de Ouro Preto. L instauration de la république, dûe à une conspiration militaire-civil, a marqué le processus de détérioration du governement impérial. Le 15 novembre, au-delà de la perplexité, il y avait la désarticulation entre les politiciens de la monarchie, qui était éxarcebée par la radicalisation réformiste des années1880. La fragilité, qui a fauché doucement et graduellement les possibilités des accords à la fin du Deuxième Règne, fut un des obstacles pour une efficace organisation en défense du régime déposé. Le mouvement monarchiste des années 1890 fut assez fragmenté puisque, au-delà des répressions et du faible support de la famille impériale, des vieilles divergences furent réactivées.
Esta tese analisa as dissidências políticas nos partidos políticos do Império, o Liberal e o Conservador, cujas fraturas progressivamente levaram a uma situação de fragilidade monarquista. As fraturas se iniciaram em 1860, quando surgiu a idéia de formação da Liga Progressista, por parte da primeira dissidência conservadora desde a institucionalização do regime em 1850; se acentuaram durante a campanha abolicionista, capitaneada no parlamento por Joaquim Nabuco, e atingiram o clímax na última cisão liberal, em meio aos debates referentes à federalização das províncias, em 1889, quando se iniciou o derradeiro ministério da monarquia, o do visconde de Ouro Preto. A instauração da república, fruto de uma conspiração militar-civil, deitou raízes no processo de desgaste do governo imperial. No 15 de Novembro, além da perplexidade, havia desarticulação entre os políticos da monarquia, exacerbada pela radicalização reformista dos anos 1880. A fragilidade, que lenta e gradualmente ceifou as possibilidades de acordos no final do Segundo Reinado, foi um dos obstáculos para uma eficaz organização em defesa do regime deposto. O movimento monarquista da década de 1890 foi bastante fragmentado porque, além das repressões e do pouco apoio da família imperial, antigas divergências foram reativadas.
8
Nouailhat, René. "Les Premiers moines de Lérins approche des conditions historiques de la régulation du christianisme dans le monarchisme gallo-romain /". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37608508f.
Texto completo
9
Petit, Hugues. "L'Église, le Sillon et l'Action française". Université Pierre Mendès France (Grenoble ; 1990-2015), 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993GRE21036.
Texto completoResumen
En 1910, l'eglise condamne le sillon, mouvement se reclamant des idees democrates chretiennes les plus avancees. Seize ans plus tard, jour pour jour, c'est au tour des monarchistes de l'action francaise d'etre frappes des foudres romaines. Au regard de la doctrine alors professee par la papaute ces condamnations se justifiaient-elles ? assurement pour ce qui concerne le sillon. Pour l'action francaise, en revanche, les choses sont plus discutables. De fait, la forme de cette seconde condamnation est beaucoup moins solennelle. Toutefois les monarchistes, se sentant victimes d'une profonde injustice, vont reagir tres vivement provoquant ainsi l'aggravation des sanctions disciplinaires prises contre eux. Les sillonnistes, eux, s'etant inclines, au moins en apparence, beneficieront assez rapidement de l'indulgence de la hierarchie catholique, profitant du discredit frappant l'action francaise. Avec le gouvernement du marechal petain, la conjonction des forces traditionalistes politiques et religieuses se realisera de nouveau, facilitee par la levee des sanctions contre les monarchistes, a la veille de la guerre. Mais la liberation, en raison de l'epuration et de l'influence politique des democrates chretiens, verra la prepise de l'evolution gauchisante deIn 1910, the church condemned the "sillon", who claimed to be the most advanced movement of the christian democraty. Sixteen years later, day for day, it is the turn of the monarchists of the "action francaise" to be affected by the roman waths. With regard to the doctrine taught by the papacy, are these condemnations justified ? most certainly for the "sillon", but for the "action francaise" it is more disputable. Therefore, the form of this second condamnation is far less solemn. However the monarchists feeling victims of deep injustice, are going to react very severly, worsening the disciplinary sanctions taken ajainst them. The "sillonnistes" appearing to give in, will benefit quite quickly from the indulgence of the catholic hierarchy, tacking advantage of the "action francaise" discredit. With marechal petain gouvernment, the conjonction of traditionalist's political and religions strengths will be fulfilled again made easier by the lifting of the sanctions on the monarchists, the day before the war. But the liberation, because of the purifying and christian democrats political influence, will see the evaluation of the left wing tendencies
10
Chevallier, Philippe. "Michel Foucault et le christianisme". Thesis, Paris Est, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PEST0030.
Texto completoResumen
Les références au christianisme sont constantes dans l’oeuvre de Michel Foucault. Cette constance s’inscrit dans un questionnement philosophique plus large sur notre actualité : comprendre ce qui, aujourd’hui, nous constitue sujets de nous-mêmes, dans des rapports de savoir et de pouvoir, demande en effet de s’interroger sur la spécificité du rapport à soi que l’Occident a défini depuis les premiers siècles chrétiens. Notre thèse propose une étude critique de l’ensemble de ces références chrétiennes, mettant en lumière leurs règles de lecture et d’interprétation, avec une attention particulière portée au cours inédit Du gouvernement des vivants (1979-1980). Trois temps scandent un parcours qui ne se veut pas chronologique : 1) objets, 2) lectures, 3) interprétations. La première partie de notre travail montre comment le christianisme est devenu, à partir de 1978, un objet d’étude à part entière pour Foucault, malgré la dissolution des grandes entités historiques initialement provoquée par l’archéologie et la généalogie. Deux notions nouvelles ont permis une analyse du phénomène chrétien sur une longue durée, sans présupposer une quelconque essence du christianisme : la « gouvernementalité » (cours Sécurité, territoire, population en 1977-1978) et les « régimes de vérité » (cours Du gouvernement des vivants en 1979-1980). Cette dernière notion découpe dans les pratiques chrétiennes un certain type d’actes réfléchis : ceux par lesquels un sujet manifeste la vérité de ce qu’il est. La deuxième partie s’attache à la manière dont le philosophe lit les écrits chrétiens, avec des déplacements méthodologiques importants dans la manière de recevoir ces textes. Le corpus patristique, objet de plusieurs leçons au Collège de France en 1978 et 1980, permet non seulement une étude synthétique des sources utilisées par Foucault (sources primaires et secondaires), mais également une compréhension fine de ses pratiques de traduction, au plus près du lexique original des textes. Dans la troisième partie, nous nous efforçons de ressaisir l’interprétation générale que le philosophe donne du christianisme, des études sur la folie et la littérature des années 1960 à celles consacrées aux « techniques de vie » à partir de 1980. Cette interprétation ne se construit pas d’elle-même, mais toujours en regard de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine. Loin de l’image facile d’un christianisme ascétique et intransigeant, Foucault définit l’originalité chrétienne comme la reconnaissance et l’institution paradoxale d’un rapport précaire à la véritéThere are constant references to Christianity in Michel Foucault’s work. This continuing interest forms part of a wider philosophical questioning of our present: the effort to understand what constitutes us, today, as subjects of ourselves, within relations of knowledge and power, requires an interrogation about the specificity of the relation to self which the West has since the early centuries of the Christian era. Our thesis proposes a comprehensive critical study of these Christian references in Foucault, seeking to throw light on their rules of reading and interpretation, and paying particular attention to the unpublished lecture series Du gouvernment des vivants (1979-80). The study is partitioned into three levels, not arranged in strict chronological sequence: (1) objects ; (2) readings ; (3) interpretations. The first part of our work shows how Christianity became, from 1978, a whole object of study for Foucault, exempt from the general dissolution of major historical entities which had been initially an effect of his aracheological and genealogical methods. An analysis of the Christian phenomenon over a long timespan was made possible by two notions which make it possible to avoid the pitfalls of essentialism: « governmentality » (introduced in Security, Territoty, population) and « regimes of truth » (in « Du gouvernement des vivants »). The second part pays attention to the way our philosopher reads the Christian texts, one which is marked by distinctive inflexions over the whole course of his trajectory. Looking at the handling of he patristic corpus, which forms the topic of several lectures in 1978 and 1980, we can survey not only Foucault’s choice of primary and secondary sources, but also examine in detail his translating practice. In the third part, we try finally to encompass Foucault’ general interpretation of Christianity, from the early studies on madness and literature in the 1960s to those of the 1980s devoted to techniques of living. This interpretation does not develop by itself, but is always juxtaposed to considerations on Greco-Roman antiquity. Far from offering a facile image of an ascetic and intransigent Christianity, Foucault defines Christianity’s originality as the recognition and paradoxical institution of an instrinsically fragile relation to truth
Libros sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
1
Les monarchistes sous la troisième république. Ingrandes-sur-Loire: D. Lambert de La Douasnerie, 2011.
Buscar texto completo
2
Besse, Jean-Paul. Dom Besse: Un bénédictin monarchiste. Paris: Diffusion-université-culture, 1989.
Buscar texto completo
3
Besse, Jean-Paul. Dom Besse: Un bénédictin monarchiste. Versailles: Éditions de Paris, 2005.
Buscar texto completo
4
Royal knits: Designer knitwear for the monarchy and monarchists. London: Ward Lock, 1987.
Buscar texto completo
5
Storez, Isabelle. Le chancelier Henri François d'Aguesseau (1668-1751): Monarchiste et libéral. Paris: Publisud, 1996.
Buscar texto completo
6
Westphalen, Joseph von. Warum ich Monarchist geworden bin: Zwei dutzend Entrüstungen. Zürich: Haffmans Verlag, 1988.
Buscar texto completo
7
Warum ich monarchist geworden bi: Zei dutzend entrustungen. Zurich: Haffmann, 1985.
Buscar texto completo
8
McGuire, Nicolette. Royal knits: Designer knitting for the monarchy and monarchist. London: Ward Lock Ltd., 1987.
Buscar texto completo
9
Ma, L. Eve Armentrout. Revolutionaries, monarchists, and Chinatowns: Chinese politics in the Americas and the 1911 revolution. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990.
Buscar texto completo
10
Rossi, Robert. La presse satirique radicale à Marseille: Face à la République monarchiste, 1871-1879. Marseille: Via Valeriano bis, 2004.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
1
Chacon, Richard J. y Michael Charles Scoggins. "Patriots, Monarchists, and the Antichrist". En SpringerBriefs in Anthropology, 43–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-04597-9_4.
Texto completo
2
Pani, Erika. "Republicans and Monarchists, 1848-1867". En A Companion to Mexican History and Culture, 273–87. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444340600.ch14.
Texto completo
3
Miletić, Aleksandar R. "“You Can’t Have Your Pudding and Eat It”? Remittances and Development in Yugoslavia, 1918–1989". En Remittances as Social Practices and Agents of Change, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81504-2_3.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractThis chapter explores the governmental remittance-related development strategies in monarchist and socialist Yugoslavia. It analyzes administrative practices and language regarding the actual or envisaged utilization of remittances. It stresses in particular the policymakers’ misconception regarding the nature of remittances as being private and not a disposable public resource as they assumed. This assumption facilitated grand yet impossible developmental designs based on an anticipated transformative impact of remittances. By establishing a comparative perspective with corresponding Turkish developments in the 1970s and 1980s, this chapter investigates whether the Yugoslav economic failure or Turkish relative success of the 1980s can be related to their previous histories of remittance management.
4
Meyer, Thomas. "Die konstitutionelle Bindung an ein monarchisches Prinzip: Stahls Abkehr vom altständischen Korporativismus". En Stand und Klasse, 129–44. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-86882-4_9.
Texto completo
5
Ham, Rüdiger. "Monarchisches Prinzip vs. bürgerliche Freiheit – Das Kurfürstentum Hessen in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts". En »Es war einfach nothwendig, so und nicht anders zu schreiben«, 113–32. Göttingen: V&R Unipress, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737002424.113.
Texto completo
6
Utz, Raphael. "Der Staat als monarchisches Projekt: Maria Pavlovna und das Großherzogtum Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach um 1830". En Vom Vorrücken des Staates in die Fläche, 291–310. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/9783412505028-013.
Texto completo
7
"Fifth Monarchists". En Radical Religion in Cromwell's England. I.B.Tauris, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755622504.ch-006.
Texto completo
8
"monarchistic, adj." En Oxford English Dictionary. 3a ed. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oed/2265849774.
Texto completo
9
"Front Matter". En Revolutionaries, Monarchists, and Chinatowns, i—iii. University of Hawaii Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv9zckkb.1.
Texto completo
10
"THE BEGINNING OF DIFFERENTIATION". En Revolutionaries, Monarchists, and Chinatowns, 76–91. University of Hawaii Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv9zckkb.10.
Texto completoActas de conferencias sobre el tema "Monarchistes"
1
Sáenz Bravo, Ricardo. "Cuando la ciudad tiene imagen: cronología del traslado de la ciudad de Guatemala, 1773-1776". En Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Instituto de Arte Americano. Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.5967.
Texto completoResumen
El artículo propone el análisis del traslado de la ciudad de Guatemala de 1773 a 1776, debido a los terremotos acaecidos en el Valle de Panchoy, hoy La Antigua Guatemala. Al identificar este hecho histórico, muy singular en su género, se interpreta cómo el sistema de gobierno, dentro del contexto ideológico monárquico de su época, conformaba la nueva ciudad en un esquema político-social, que le permitía propiciar una reorganización de las clases políticas y sociales sobre un nuevo tejido urbano, con el fin de reposicionar el régimen oficial y proyectar la imagen necesaria de ciudad, así como la oportunidad de debilitar el poder económico eclesiástico, a través del traslado de la Ciudad, para la realización de una reestructuración social. The paper proposes the analysis of the transfer of Guatemala City from 1773 to 1776, due to the earthquakes in the Panchoy Valley, La Antigua Guatemala today. By identifying this historical fact, very unique in its kind, it is interpreted how the system of government, within the ideological context of his time monarchist, formed the new city in a socio-political scheme that allowed them to promote a reorganization of politic and social classes, in a new urban fabric, in order to the reposition of the political system, and to project the image of the city needed, and also to take the opportunity to weaken the ecclesiastical economic power, through the transfer of the city, for the realization of social restructuring.