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1

Hare, Ivan. "Military Bases And Military Biases". Cambridge Law Journal 55, n.º 2 (julio de 1996): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000819730009797x.

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2

Pattison, Gary. "Soldier self-defence: the theoretical and legal bases for command-imposed restrictions". Military Law and the Law of War Review 59, n.º 1 (2 de junio de 2021): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2021.01.02.

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This article confronts what has been described as the ‘ongoing self-defence controversy’ within the international military community over the legitimacy of commanders issuing orders that have the practical effect of restricting soldiers’ use of force in self-defence. Within this controversy, some argue that soldier self-defence is legally sacrosanct, a right that must invariably take precedence over any command-imposed restrictions. This article explores whether there is any legal basis for this view. It finds that there is not, and that such an absolutist approach misconstrues the basic theoretical and legal origins of self-defence. What is more, the article forewarns that reasoning in such absolute terms might actually serve to devalue rather than promote soldiers’ safety by failing to properly account for the longstanding military tradition of commands such as ‘hold fire’ orders, the central importance of these directives to the ordered application of military force and military effectiveness, and the interrelationship of the military and the state’s responsibility for national security. Cet article se penche sur la controverse qui entoure la légitime défense au sein de la communauté militaire internationale, quant à la légitimité du commandement de donner des ordres ayant pour effet, dans la pratique, de restreindre l’emploi de la force des soldats à des fins de légitime défense. Dans le cadre de cette controverse, certains soutiennent que la légitime défense des soldats est sacro-sainte d’un point de vue juridique et que ce droit doit toujours l’emporter sur toute restriction imposée par le commandement. Cet article cherche à déterminer si ce point de vue repose sur un fondement juridique. L’article conclut que non, et qu’une telle approche absolutiste dénature les origines théoriques et juridiques à la base de la légitime défense. Qui plus est, l’article met en garde qu’un raisonnement en de tels termes absolus pourrait en fait nuire à la sécurité des soldats, au lieu de l’améliorer, parce qu’il ne tient pas suffisamment compte de la longue tradition militaire d’ordres tels que «halte au feu», de l’importance de ces directives pour l’application ordonnée de la force militaire et pour l’efficacité militaire, et de l’interaction entre l’armée et la responsabilité de l’État pour la sécurité nationale. Dit artikel gaat in op wat is omschreven als de ‘voortdurende controverse over zelfverdediging’ binnen de internationale militaire gemeenschap over de legitimiteit van commandanten die bevelen uitvaardigen waarbij het gebruik van geweld door soldaten uit zelfverdediging praktisch wordt beperkt. Binnen deze controverse betogen sommigen dat de zelfverdediging van soldaten wettelijk onaantastbaar is, een recht dat altijd voorrang moet hebben op alle beperkingen die door het commando worden opgelegd. Dit artikel gaat na of er een wettelijke basis is voor dit standpunt. De conclusie is dat die er niet is en dat een dergelijke absolutistische benadering de theoretische en juridische grondslagen van zelfverdediging miskent. Bovendien waarschuwt het artikel dat een redenering in dergelijke absolute termen de veiligheid van de soldaten eerder zou kunnen aantasten dan bevorderen, doordat niet naar behoren rekening wordt gehouden met de gevestigde militaire traditie van bevelen zoals ‘staakt het vuren’-bevelen, het centrale belang van deze richtlijnen voor de bevolen toepassing van militair geweld en militaire doeltreffendheid, en de onderlinge relatie tussen het leger en de verantwoordelijkheid van de staat voor de nationale veiligheid. Este artículo aborda lo que se ha venido a llamar la ‘controversia existente en torno a la autodefensa’ dentro de la comunidad militar internacional sobre la legitimidad de los comandantes que emiten órdenes que tienen el efecto práctico de restringir el uso de la fuerza en defensa propia por parte de los soldados. Dentro de esta controversia, algunos argumentan que la autodefensa de los soldados es legalmente sacrosanta, un derecho que invariablemente debe prevalecer sobre cualquier restricción impuesta por el mando. Este artículo explora si existe alguna base legal para este punto de vista. Se llega a la conclusión de que no existe base alguna y que tal enfoque absolutista malinterpreta los orígenes teóricos y legales básicos de la autodefensa. A mayor abundamiento, el artículo advierte que el razonamiento en términos tan absolutos podría servir para devaluar, en lugar de promover, la seguridad de los soldados al no tener en cuenta adecuadamente la tradición militar inmemorial de órdenes como las órdenes de ‘mantener el fuego’, la importancia central de estas directivas para la aplicación ordenada de la fuerza militar y la eficacia militar, y la interrelación de las fuerzas armadas y la responsabilidad del Estado por la seguridad nacional. Questo articolo affronta quella che è stata descritta come la ‘continua controversia di autodifesa’ all'interno della comunità militare internazionale sulla legittimità dei comandanti che emettono ordini che hanno l'effetto pratico di limitare l'uso della forza da parte dei soldati nell'autodifesa. All'interno di questa controversia, alcuni sostengono che l'autodifesa dei soldati sia giuridicamente sacrosanta, un diritto che deve invariabilmente avere la precedenza su qualsiasi restrizione imposta dal comando. Questo articolo esamina se vi sia una base giuridica per questa interpretazione. Trova che non esiste, e che un tale approccio rigido fraintenda le origini teoriche e giuridiche di base di auto­difesa. Inoltre, l'articolo ammonisce che ragionare in termini così assoluti potrebbe effettivamente sminuire piuttosto che promuovere la sicurezza dei soldati, non riuscendo a tenere adeguatamente conto della lunga tradizione militare di comandi come ‘non aprire il fuoco’, dell'importanza centrale di queste direttive per l'ordinata applicazione della forza militare e dell'efficacia militare e l'interrelazione tra la responsabilità militare e quella dello Stato per la sicurezza nazionale. Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit dem, was innerhalb der internationalen Militärgemeinschaft bezeichnet wird als ‘andauernde Selbstverteidigungskontroverse’ (‘ongoing self-defence controversy’) in Bezug auf die Legitimität von Befehlshabern, die Befehle erteilen, wobei die Gewaltanwendung aus Selbstverteidigung durch Soldaten praktisch beschränkt wird. Im Rahmen dieser Kontroverse argumentieren manche, dass die Selbstverteidigung von Soldaten rechtlich als sakrosankt gilt und dass dieses Recht immer vor jeder vom Kommando auferlegten Beschränkung Vorrang haben muss. Dieser Artikel prüft, ob es irgendeine gesetzliche Basis für diese Auffassung gibt. Der Autor stellt fest, dass dies nicht der Fall ist, und dass eine solche absolutistische Sichtweise die theoretischen und gesetzlichen Grundlagen der Selbstverteidigung verkennt. Darüber hinaus erteilt der Artikel eine Warnung, auf diese absolute Weise zu argumentieren könnte eigentlich dazu beitragen, die Sicherheit der Soldaten zu beeinträchtigen statt sie zu fördern, indem der althergebrachten militärischen Tradition von Befehlen, wie ‘Feuer einstellen’, der zentralen Bedeutung dieser Richtlinien für die geordnete Anwendung von Militärgewalt und für die Militäreffizienz sowie der Wechselbeziehung zwischen der Armee und der Verantwortung des Staates für die nationale Sicherheit nicht gebührendermaßen Rechnung getragen wird.
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3

Tobe, Hideaki. "Military Bases and Modernity". Transforming Anthropology 14, n.º 1 (abril de 2006): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tran.2006.14.1.89.

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4

Steiger, Štěpán. "Czechs Oppose Military Bases". Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 16, n.º 1 (abril de 2008): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651560801987286.

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5

Anderson, Clinton L. "College on Military Bases". Adult Learning 6, n.º 4 (marzo de 1995): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104515959500600415.

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6

Boycan, G. Gary, G. Thomas Sicilia, Steve Duncan, Jim Henris, Ray S. Perez, Ok-Choon Park, James Harris y Dexter Fletcher. "Military Training Data Bases". Proceedings of the Human Factors Society Annual Meeting 32, n.º 18 (octubre de 1988): 1196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/154193128803201801.

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7

Nakachi, Hiroshi. "OKINAWA, Integrated into Military Bases". TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 4, n.º 2 (1999): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.4.46.

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8

The Editors (MR). "U.S. Military Bases and Empire". Monthly Review 53, n.º 10 (1 de marzo de 2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-053-10-2002-03_1.

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9

SUN, Degang y Yahia ZOUBIR. "From Hard Military Bases to Soft Military Presence: US Military Deployment in Iraq Reassessed". Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 6, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2012): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2012.12023209.

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10

Rassbach, Elsa. "Protesting U.S. Military Bases in Germany". Peace Review 22, n.º 2 (18 de mayo de 2010): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402651003751321.

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11

Yeo, Andrew I. "The Politics of Overseas Military Bases". Perspectives on Politics 15, n.º 1 (marzo de 2017): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004199.

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12

Smith, Jeanette C. "Directory of U.S. military bases worldwide". Journal of Government Information 22, n.º 5 (septiembre de 1995): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1352-0237(95)90039-x.

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13

Bermúdez-Hernández, Jonathan, Karen Cristina Hormecheas-Tapia, Eliana María Villa-Enciso, Óscar Fernando Castellanos-Domínguez, Claudia Nelcy Jiménez-Hernández y Breyner Jiménez-Navia. "Rol de la gestión de la tecnología e innovación en las instituciones militares en escenarios de posacuerdo: Caso Colombiano / Role of the Management of Technology and Innovation in Military Institutions in Post-Agreement Scenarios: Colombian Case". Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 8, n.º 1 (20 de marzo de 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-revsocial.v8.2044.

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ABSTRACTIn the military institutions the help is to increase the capacities to reap the strategic advantages to achieve my objectives as the defence of a nation. The aim of this study is the role of military institutions in the processes of peace in the countries and in the way in which GTI connects with the new post-agreement states. The methodology was based on a review of the literature. As a result of this, military institutions in the workplace were reduced in the personal order and budget in the defence sector. It is suggested that the GTI is a key element to achieve the objectives proposed in the military strategy.RESUMENEn las instituciones militare la GTI ayuda a aumentar sus capacidades militares redundando en ventajas estratégicas que les permita alcanzar objetivos misionales como la defensa de una nación. El objetivo es estudiar cuál ha sido el rol de las instituciones militares en los procesos de paz de algunos países y cómo la GTI conecta con los nuevos escenarios de posacuerdo, tomando como caso de estudio Colombia. La metodología utilizada fue una revisión de literatura en bases de datos especializadas. Como resultado se tiene que las instituciones militares en el posacuerdo se enfrentan a cambios como la disminución de personal y de presupuesto destinado al sector defensa. Se sugiere que la GTI sea un elemento clave para lograr los objetivos propuestos en la estrategia militar.
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14

Ustichev, O. G. "VALUE BASES OF PROFESSIONAL PEDAGOGICAL ACTIVITYOF MILITARY UNIVERSITY TEACHERS". Vestnik Orenburgskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 224 (2020): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25198/1814-6457-224-101.

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A number of requirements are imposed on the activities of teachers in military schools due to certain restrictions, official relations, which are based on the principles of centralization and unity of command. The purpose of the study is to determine the value foundations and value-semantic components of professional and pedagogical activity of a military university teacher. A theoretical study made it possible to establish reasons that affect the activities nature of a military university teacher. They are associated with a change in value orientations in society and the army. The rethinking of the traditional values of military service and officers is indicated. For the successful organization of professional and pedagogical activity of military university teachers, understanding of changes in norms, values, discourse and military professional and pedagogical activity is also required. The importance of the teacher’s personality, his unique professional and human qualities, as well as those values that he himself follows and broadcasts to cadets is emphasized. The results of axiological analysis show that the values of professional and pedagogical activity of teachers of a military university are a well-established system of attitudes, informed representations, which ensures the choice of strategies for professional behavior of teachers of a military university, its stability and continuity. This system is holistic in nature and acts as a cognitively functioning system that determines the relationship between the prevailing views on the problems of military education, the requirements of military service and the teacher professional and pedagogical activity. Under the conditions of irreversible axiological changes, the work of a teacher at a military university is becoming more and more complicated. Values are manifested in the style of teachers professional and pedagogical activity, the nature of the relationship built by teachers. The values of professional pedagogical activity are formed on the basis of ethical standards, moral and ethical guidelines, attitudes that exist in the professional pedagogical community of military university teachers.
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15

Kwon, Hyewon. "Re-examining the Politics of U.S. Military Bases: A Study on South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey)". Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 54, n.º 3 (31 de agosto de 2023): 329–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.329.

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Allowing a foreign military in a sovereign country is often controversial. Yet, the United States has had hundreds of military facilities in foreign nations, including South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey) for nearly seven decades. The two American allies have traded partial autonomy in return for the military assistance of the U.S. This study selects the two G20 member states for a comparative case study, given their geostrategic importance to the U.S. defense agenda from the Cold War era to the present. This article aims to elucidate how American military bases are politically affected by the security situation and anti-Americanism in the host nations. Furthermore, this paper underscores the imperative for both countries to recalibrate their stances on American military bases amid the continuously evolving international political landscape, utilizing the Autonomy Security Trade-off Model as a framework.
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16

Grossman, Zoltn. "Empire of Bases". Monthly Review 68, n.º 7 (5 de diciembre de 2016): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-07-2016-11_5.

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David Vine, Base Nation: How U.S. Military Bases Abroad Harm America and the World (New York: Metropolitan, 2015), 418 pages, $35.00, hardcover.The United States maintains about 800 military installations around the world, and the number is growing, despite partial withdrawals of troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and scaling back of major European bases. The continued expansion…has come mainly through a series of smaller "lily pad" installations, originally proposed by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, that are now being built in Africa, Eastern and Central Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and beyond.… [David] Vine, a professor of anthropology at American University [and author of Base Nation], visited more than sixty current or former bases in twelve countries and territories. Although scholars such as Chalmers Johnson, Cynthia Enloe, and Catherine Lutz, as well as contributors to Monthly Review, have for decades sounded the alarm about the ever-expanding global network of U.S. military bases, Vine's new study provides a comprehensive update, persuasively documenting the ways that "far from making the world a safer place, U.S. bases overseas can actually make war more likely and America less secure."Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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17

Ksenofontov, V. A. "Predictive bases of development of the military sphere of national security". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 68, n.º 4 (29 de octubre de 2023): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2023-68-4-271-289.

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The methodological aspects of analysis and forecasting of military-political situation in the context of alliance building, influencing the military sphere of national security, are shown. Negative factors indicating the imbalance of global and regional security assurance system are revealed. It is emphasized that understanding of military conflict development in the form of an “escalation ladder” will allow the political and military leaders to prevent the loss of controlability of the conflict. The main trends of military and political situation determining military dangers and threats to the Union State,as well as the peculiarities of its development in the medium- and long-term forecasts were revealed. It has been specified that challenges and threats to the military security of Belarus and Russia will be of a complex and multidirectional nature, affecting all spheres of their activities. The task of their foreign and military policies is strengthening international security and strategic stability on the global and regional levels. The main features of military conflicts and armed struggle in the XXI century are defined. It is concluded that peaceful development of the Belarusian state in the conditions of increasing military violence is possible under the condition of guaranteed provision of military security of the state. It is important to continuously forecast the international and military-political situation, to improve the military organization of the state, the unity of the state power, the army and the people of the country. The main military strategic task for the political elite of the state is to deter aggression in any of its manifestations.
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18

Vine, David. ""We’re Profiteers": How Military Contractors Reap Billions from U.S. Military Bases Overseas". Monthly Review 66, n.º 3 (6 de julio de 2014): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-066-03-2014-07_6.

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19

Zienkiewicz, Aleksandra, Tomasz Podciborski y Andrii Terebukh. "Alternative uses of former coastal artillery military bases in Koszalin coastland in view of the growing popularity of military tourism". Acta Scientiarum Polonorum Administratio Locorum 22, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2023): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/aspal.8473.

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Motives: In recent years, the popularity of military tourism has increased considerably in Central and Eastern European countries, especially among tourists who have an interest in military history and technology. Due to the general scarcity of methods and studies examining alternative uses of former military bases, including coastal artillery bases, a reliable method for assessing the value of such sites for military tourism should be developed. The study presents the history of the analysed military bases, and it examines the extent to which the existing facilities could be converted into tourist attractions. An innovative method for evaluating the tourism potential of defunct military bases was proposed and verified, and the required changes for improving the accessibility and applicability of military facilities for educational and tourism purposes were described. Two former military sites in Koszalin coastal region were selected for the study. Aim: The main aim of the study was to propose an original method for assessing alternative uses of former coastal military bases, and to evaluate the educational and tourism potential of former military bases on the Koszalin Coast (a subregion of the South Baltic Coast) on the example of two former military facilities: Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division No. 68 in Łeba and Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division No. 66 in Naćmierz. Results: The results of the study indicate that the evaluated military sites have considerable tourism potential, in particular for tourists who have an interest in military history. An analysis of exogenous as well as endogenous (architectural and historical features) factors revealed that both sites could attract tourists, including visitors who are not strictly interested in military facilities. The assessment conducted using the proposed method demonstrated that the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division No. 68 in Łeba is characterised by high tourist attractiveness, whereas the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division No. 66 in Naćmierz is characterised by moderate tourist attractiveness.
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20

Guifang, Xue y Zheng Jie. "China’s Building of Overseas Military Bases: Rationale and Challenges". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, n.º 04 (enero de 2019): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001950026x.

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China’s military capability to perform out-of-area operations and provide international public goods falls short of the increasing need to protect its expanding economic, political, and security interests abroad. Overseas military bases can not only facilitate the soft application of China’s growing hard power, but also benefit the host nations in terms of national security, economic development, and job creation. A strong case can be made on both legal and precedential grounds for China’s construction of overseas military bases in the future. It is irreproachable for a great power like China to have overseas military installations as long as the Charter of the United Nations, host nations’ laws, and the longstanding non-intervention policy are upheld. Planning for overseas base-building must involve shaping an international environment that accepts Chinese military presence and conducting systemic risk assessments and practical solutions on such related matters as the location, size, functions, law enforcement, and maintenance of each military base.
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21

Halliday, Fred. "Bases abroad: the global foreign military presence". International Affairs 66, n.º 3 (julio de 1990): 578–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623091.

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Shinomoto, Sou. "U.S. Military Bases and Protests in Japan:". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 72, n.º 1 (2021): 1_155–1_178. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.72.1_155.

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23

Becker, Marc. "Ecuador’s Early No-foreign Military Bases Movement*". Diplomatic History 41, n.º 3 (7 de marzo de 2017): 518–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhx031.

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Stwalley, Louise. "Directory of military bases in the U.S." Government Publications Review 19, n.º 1 (enero de 1992): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9390(92)90118-u.

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25

O'Loughlin, John. "Bases abroad: The global foreign military presence". Political Geography 12, n.º 6 (noviembre de 1993): 568–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(93)90007-t.

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26

Albasoos, Hani y Fatima Al Siwaidi. "Defense Diplomacy: The role of the French military bases in the African continent". مجلة العلوم السياسية, n.º 65 (16 de mayo de 2023): 329–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jcopolicy.vi65.653.

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This research seeks to study the role of military bases in activating defense diplomacy, with a focus on studying the case of France in the African continent, which relied on its military bases as a tool to implement its foreign policy. The research explains the concept of defense diplomacy and its relationship to military bases as an effective tool to strengthening bilateral relations between the state's parties. The research focuses on studying the effectiveness of military bases as a tool for activating French defense diplomacy, and studying the goals that French foreign policy seeks to achieve through its intervention or presence in the African continent. In addition to the geopolitical reasons that prompted France to move towards the African continent and plant its military bases. In order to complete this study and achieve its objectives, it adopts the historical approach and the descriptive analytical approach to search documents and studies related to the interpretation of French political behavior in the African continent. The study concludes that France is keen to protect its interests and achieve its external goals by employing various tools, including defensive diplomacy represented in its military bases in the lands of other countries. It also concludes that the nature of the historical stage that France went through and the exploitation of its bases and military presence in implementing its higher interests at the expense of the African people led to the failure of French foreign policy in African countries
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27

김민수. "A Study on harmony with the right of residents near military bases and military installations(Focus on the guarantee of right to residents near military bases and military installations)". KOREAN UNIFICATION STUDIES 20, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2016): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15795/koruni.2016.20.2.001.

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Ezeh, Kelechukwu Dennis y Gerald E. Ezirim. "Foreign Military Bases (FMBs) and Economic Security in Africa: Overview of FMBs in Djibouti". International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance 2, n.º 1 (15 de mayo de 2023): 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1214.

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The importance of military bases for the economy and security of nations is enormous and serves different purposes. Thus, this study evaluates the impact of foreign military bases and economic security in Djibouti. This country in the Horn of Africa region was chosen because of its geostrategic location and because it currently hosts five foreign military bases in its small landmass. The specific objectives of the study are (i): to determine whether the geostrategic locations of these foreign bases in Djibouti are driven by the economic interests of the foreign countries and (ii) to ascertain whether the rent/premium on these bases has any significant impact on the economic development of Djibouti. The theoretical framework used in this study is the realist theory, while the method of data collection is the documentary method. The data collected were analysed using the qualitative descriptive method of data analysis that involves the explanation and description of the secondary sources of data. From this study, we observed that the geostrategic position of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa that hosts these foreign military bases drives its economy from premium and rent. Consequently, major findings include the locations of five military bases (US, France, Japan, China, and Italy) on the country’s landmass which are driven by economic/national interests. Again, the premiums/rents paid on the military bases have not significantly increased the economic development of Djibouti. The study, therefore, recommends that Djibouti should explore other uses of its geostrategic location from hosting military bases to tourism. Again, the country should step up to take charge and control such regional economic routes around its maritime corridor.
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29

Colgan, Jeff D. "Climate Change and the Politics of Military Bases". Global Environmental Politics 18, n.º 1 (febrero de 2018): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00443.

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How does climate change affect the politics of military bases? The United States alone has hundreds of overseas bases that require continuous coordination with host governments. I argue that climate change can create knock-on environmental problems associated with a base’s infrastructure or waste. Those knock-on problems create a mix of subnational, international, and transnational political contestation that raises the political costs of overseas bases and could even rupture an international relationship. I probe the plausibility of the theoretical framework using new evidence from Greenland. Between 1953 and 1967, the US Army maintained secret bases in Greenland as precursors for a nuclear ballistic missile complex. The bases were eventually abandoned, leaving considerable waste behind. Climate change is now poised to remobilize these pollutants into the surface water, creating a risk for human settlements. The case could be the proverbial canary in the coal mine for future politics surrounding overseas military bases.
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30

Kim, Hong-hee. "The Establishment of Military Bases and Military City in Nanam under Japanese Rule". Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 95 (30 de junio de 2018): 181–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.95.2018.6.06.

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31

Piatakov, Andrei N. y Magomed A. M. Kodzoev. "US “Outposts” in Latin America: Military-Technical Cooperation, Military Bases and Joint Exercises". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2023): 518–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-3-518-535.

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The authors analyze the forms of interaction between the United States and Latin America in the military sphere. The relevance of studying this issue is due to the aggravation of relations between the collective West and Russia, as well as between the United States and China, within the framework of which Latin America acts as a zone of competition between the world powers. In this regard, the analysis of Latin American vector of US policy in the military aspect from the point of view of Russia’s strategic interests is particularly important. The lack of domestic scientific research on this problem greatly adds to its relevance. As for the novelty, based on the review of the world market of arms and military equipment (AME), this article determines the dynamics and the share of the American producer in the total volume of arms trade. In the context of military-technical cooperation (MTC), the authors also consider the peculiarities of the American military power projection on Latin America, which is a zone of exclusive interests of the United States. Among the key formats of interaction and projection of influence, the authors include the following: arms and military-technical supplies to the armies and security services of the states of the region; training of military personnel in Latin American countries; financing of armies and military units; cooperation programs to optimize the managerial and organizational functions of the Latin American armed forces, establishment and maintenance of various types of military bases, conducting joint military exercises. Using new factual material, we examine each of the listed forms and show the systematic and geostrategic nature of the US influence on the Latin American region in the military aspect. As for military trade, the authors identify the main partners of the United States in South America.
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32

Bin, Yu, Liu Baoping y Kang Weijia. "Optimization of Centralized Procurement Process in Military Academies". E3S Web of Conferences 251 (2021): 03071. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125103071.

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Military academies, as military talent training and national defense technology independent innovation bases, is an important issue for military academies to establish a set of procurement management processes, so as to continuously promote the improvement of military academies’ procurement support construction level. Based on the main contradictions and problems in the current centralized procurement process of military academies, this article optimizes the centralized procurement process, hoping to make the centralized procurement process of military academies more standardized, efficient and fairer.
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33

Cheney, Gregory J. "Emotional Connection of Military Couples after 16 Years of War: Integrating Pastoral Counseling and Evidence-Based Theory". Journal of Pastoral Care & Counseling: Advancing theory and professional practice through scholarly and reflective publications 71, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2017): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542305017727452.

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Sixteen years of war created significant challenges for military couples and seems to contribute to their relational distress. Military couples seek out pastoral counselors for assistance with their relational distress. Many of these pastoral counselors are military chaplains or pastors serving close to military bases. The integration of pastoral counseling with evidence-based theory is presented as an option to serve military couples in their relational distress. Emotionally Focused Couple Therapy is presented as an example.
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34

Bedard, Kelly y Olivier Deschênes. "The Long-Term Impact of Military Service on Health: Evidence from World War II and Korean War Veterans". American Economic Review 96, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2006): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282806776157731.

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During the World War II and Korean War era, the U.S. military freely distributed cigarettes to overseas personnel and provided low-cost tobacco products on domestic military bases. In fact, even today the military continues to sell subsidized tobacco products on its bases. Using a variety of instrumental variables approaches to deal with nonrandom selection into the military and into smoking, we provide substantial evidence that cohorts with higher military participation rates subsequently suffered more premature mortality. More importantly, we show that a large fraction, 35 to 79 percent, of the excess veteran deaths due to heart disease and lung cancer are attributable to military-induced smoking.
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35

Roueche, Joanne y Debra A. Jones. "Covering our Bases: A Military 4-H Youth Development Program". Journal of Youth Development 3, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2008): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2008.312.

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Land-grant universities, through the 4-H program, have offered support and partnership to the military since World War I. More recently, the U. S. Army, Air Force, and 4-H have partnered to provide military installation youth programs involving over 7,000 youth in 4-H clubs in the United States and abroad. Military youth and families, not affiliated with Base or Post installations, were extended similar support as an aftermath of September 11, 2001. All youth involved through military outreach are enrolled as 4-H members through their respective counties integrating them into local, state, regional, and national 4-H activities and events. Authors share their experience developing relationships with their Air Force partner in implementing positive youth development programs, and explain how these actions resulted in successful funding for increased outreach.
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36

Kawamura, Yuta, Isao Yoshikawa y Ken Katakura. "Imported Leishmaniasis in Dogs, US Military Bases, Japan". Emerging Infectious Diseases 16, n.º 12 (diciembre de 2010): 2017–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid1612.100389.

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37

Baylo, Iuliia. "METHODOLOGICAL BASES OF THE LSP OF MILITARY RESEACH". Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu «Ostrozʹka akademìâ». Serìâ «Fìlologìâ» 1, n.º 5(73) (28 de marzo de 2019): 284–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2519-2558-2019-5(73)-284-286.

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38

Clay-Mendez, Deborah. "Budgetary Incentives for Retail Activities at Military Bases". Public Budgeting Finance 18, n.º 1 (marzo de 1998): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5850.01121.

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39

Lutz, Catherine. "Military Bases and Ethnographies of the New Militarization". Anthropology News 46, n.º 1 (enero de 2005): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/an.2005.46.1.11.

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40

Hong, Seongtae. "Toward a Cultural-Ecological Revival of Military Bases". Space and Culture 9, n.º 2 (mayo de 2006): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331205285859.

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41

Selth, Andrew. "Burma, China and the Myth of Military Bases". Asian Security 3, n.º 3 (12 de septiembre de 2007): 279–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850701568929.

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42

Schober, Elisabeth. "Subverting the military normal". Focaal 2010, n.º 57 (1 de junio de 2010): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.570109.

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Catherine Lutz, ed., The bases of empire: The Global Struggle against US Military Posts. New York: New York University Press, 2009, 356 pp., ISBN: 0-814-75244-6.Network of Concerned Anthropologists, The counter-counterinsurgency manual: Or, notes on demilitarizing American society. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2009, 190 pp., ISBN: 0979405750.
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43

Oyewole, Samuel. "Civil-military Relations: Conflict and Cooperation between Military Bases and Host Communities in Nigeria". African Security 13, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2020): 353–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1860521.

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44

Mullin, John, Zeenat Kotval-K y Zenia Kotval. "The closing of military bases in new england: Does the military ever really leave?" International Journal of Heritage Architecture: Studies, Repairs and Maintence 2, n.º 3 (15 de enero de 2017): 425–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/ha-v2-n3-425-433.

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45

Onor, Kester C. "Human Security Implications of Foreign Military Bases in Djibouti". JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 11, n.º 2 (30 de diciembre de 2023): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v11i2.10715.

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The principles of sovereignty and non-interference have historically shaped China's foreign policy, serving as fundamental tenets to safeguard the nation from external interventions, particularly during and after the Cold War. However, in recent times, there has been a noticeable shift in China's foreign policy as it embarks on an unprecedented expansion of its military presence beyond its borders. This shift is exemplified by the establishment of a permanent military base in Djibouti, situated in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, which China refers to as "support facilities" or "logistical facilities." This marks China's inaugural venture into maintaining a permanent military presence outside its territorial boundaries. This study delves into the motivations behind China's adjusted foreign policy stance and examines the implications of this new approach on human security. While acknowledging the critical human insecurity implications associated with China's military presence in Djibouti, the analysis reveals a multifaceted strategy encompassing economic, political, ideological, and security interests. This strategic move positions China as a significant global player, shaping its role on the world stage.
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46

Bespalko, A. y A. Shumeiko. "BASES OF MILITARY-SOCIAL WORK IN THE UKRAINE ARMED FORCES AND THE WORLD LEADING COUNTRIES ARMY". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Social work, n.º 5 (2019): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-7786.2019/5-1/1.

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The article discusses the content of the military-social work of the Ukraine Armed Forces as a moral and psychological support component. The functions, tasks and content of military-social work are revealed. The understanding of the military-social work content has been supplemented and expanded. A comparative analysis of the social workers and volunteer activities in the Ukraine Armed Forces and the foreign countries armies was carried out.The specialization of the social worker was marked as a complex of social-legal, economic and vigorous calls, conducted by the state, government bodies, commanders and headquarters of all regions, and all of them, member of the group of services. The military social work main tasks are highlighted: protection of social norms and guarantees of military personnel in accordance with existing legislation; implementation of measures to reduce the social tension of military collectives; research of social processes in military collectives; creation of prerequisites for the formation and maintenance of high combat activity of personnel; adaptation of military personnel to changing conditions, work with families of military personnel. The fact that in the Armed Forces of Ukraine military-social work is primarily informational, advisory in nature, rather than the practical implementation of measures to ensure the social protection of the state's military personnel, has been ascertained.
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47

Mahapatra, Chintamani. "American Bases in the Philippines: A Journey to the Past". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, n.º 1 (enero de 1989): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500102.

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The American Administration is at present confronted with a set of apparently contradictory problems: how to close the unneeded military bases in its territory and how to retain its important military facilities and installations in the Republic of the Philippines, including the well-known Subic Naval Base and Clark Air Force Base. Studies undertaken by various United States’ Government agencies have estimated that the Defence Department could save from $ 1 billion to $ 5 billion annually by closing some of the unneeded bases out of a total of 3,800 located in various parts of the United States.1 And thus important Pentagon officials and key members of the US Congress are reportedly moving to stamp “surplus” on some of these bases with a view to closing them down.2 On the other hand, policy-makers in Washington still consider the US bases in the Philippines as “the irreducible minimum of American security and interests in the Pacific and the Far East.” And as part of the plan to retain the bases in the Philippines the United States Government recently approved a mini-Marshall Plan for the Philippine Republic. Negotiations to review the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) of 1947 began in April between the officials of the United States and the Philippines. The MBA has undergone more than forty amendments in the past four decades. But the current negotiations are significant because it involves extension of the term of the agreement that expires in 1991. Presence of foreign military bases and troops in a sovereign country has always remained a sensitive issue in international relations. After more than three decades since the signing of the MBA the Filipinos got their sovereignty formally extended over the US military bases in the Islands and the Filipino flags began to fly in US base areas since 1979. Yet the nationalist Fitipinos still continue to ask: Is national sovereignty compatible with American military presence on their soil? Are not these bases likely to invite attacks from America's adversaries? Is Philippines interest being served by US maintenance of bases on the Islands? Some Filipinos raised similar questions way back in the 1940s. But they did enter into a Military Bases Agreement with the Americans by virtue of which the US military presence is still continuing in the Philippine Islands. Why did they sign the agreement? What were the compulsions? How did it all happen? When similar sets of questions, among others of course, are being raised after four decades of changes in the national, regional as well as global power configuration, a journey to the past is perhaps called for, for clearer comprehension of the current situation. The present paper is based on archival materials and other primary source materials available in the United States. Secondary source materials available in India and the United States have been used in appropriate places.
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48

Moon, Seungsook. "Protesting the Expansion of US Military Bases in Pyeongtaek: A Local Movement in South Korea". South Atlantic Quarterly 111, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2012): 865–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724246.

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Since World War II, US military bases have become a global phenomenon and generated complex responses from their “host” societies. For these past six decades, South Korea has functioned as one of the major hubs of the global network of US military bases, yet organized local movements against US military bases did not develop until the late 1980s when the country began its transition to procedural democracy. This essay examines one of the major antibase movements in South Korea that took place in Pyeongtaek from 2003 through 2007. This local movement is chosen for two reasons. First, the city has become the primary hub of the United States Forces Korea after the restructuring of the global US military presence. Second, the democratic South Korean government’s use of coercive and violent measures in dealing with the local movement sets an alarming precedent for global base politics, pitting the vested interests of transnational political elites against the interests of local men and women in living a safe, everyday life. This essay first provides a brief history of two major military bases in the provincial city of Pyeongtaek. Then it examines how the antibase movement by local residents and political activists from outside reemerged and declined in Pyeongtaek. Finally, it analyzes lessons that can be drawn from the case study of Pyeongtaek for antibase movements and a critical understanding of the global US military presence.
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49

Volovyk, V. "INFORMATION AND LEGAL BASES OF PREPARATION OF CITIZENS FOR MILITARY SERVICE". Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Military-Special Sciences, n.º 3 (47) (2021): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2217.2021.47.46-48.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the essence and elements of information and legal training for military service. The article substantiates that in order to ensure a high level of development of information security and information culture of servicemen, it is necessary to form in them sufficient knowledge, skills and abilities to ensure personal and corporate information security. Attention is focused on the importance of the use of the information space by military personnel for more effective performance of their service and combat missions. The implementation of the tasks defined above is possible provided that the preparation of civilians for military service includes components of training and practicing skills necessary for the effective implementation of the information component of their future professional activities. Information activity is considered, in which a soldier participates, in a structural aspect. Three blocks of the studied phenomenon are highlighted: firstly, this is a block of information and legal knowledge, which should include the most important provisions of the legislation of Ukraine on access to public information, protection of personal data, protection of state secrets, as well as the peculiarities of working with information requests from citizens and the basics of electronic workflow. Secondly, this is an information security block, which consists of three main elements: information security of an individual, information security of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and information security of the state. Thirdly, this is a block of information hygiene, which includes the development of skills and abilities to maintain the psychological balance of a serviceman in situations of aggressive communicative influences, the ability to understand the purpose of disseminating information, to highlight false information, the purpose of which is to achieve military and non-military goals of the enemy. The article establishes that the system of information and legal training for military service should include the formation of relevant knowledge, abilities, skills and personal qualities. This can be achieved through the introduction of special courses in the system of military lyceums, as well as the introduction of a system of disciplines on the basis of higher military educational institutions and military educational subdivisions of higher educational institutions, providing for the acquisition of basic information and legal knowledge, skills and abilities. In addition, approaches to the formation of professional standards for all military registration specialties, educational and professional programs and curricula should be revised by including in them the relevant competencies in the field of information security, information hygiene and information legislation, each of which is of indisputable importance for the formation of personality. a modern serviceman as an educated, knowledgeable and information literate person who can use all the possibilities of the information space for the effective fulfillment of his service and combat missions.
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50

Zaitsev, A. A., A. A. Wiesel y D. N. Antipushina. "SARCOIDOSIS IN MILITARY PERSONNEL: BASES OF DIAGNOSTICS, TREATMENT AND FOLLOW-UP". Marine Medicine 5, n.º 4 (29 de noviembre de 2019): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22328/2413-5747-2019-5-4-7-14.

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Sarcoidosis is an urgent problem for the military medical service of various law enforcement agencies. In recent years, there has been an increase in the incidence of sarcoidosis among young people undergoing military service and the creation of a unified algorithm of medical care for this contingent is important. The publication presents the epidemiology of the disease, known risk factors, and triggers for the development of sarcoidosis in military sailors. The most important factors associated with a high risk of sarcoidosis are: high dustiness of the air, diesel and rocket fuel vapors, and various types of radiation. In military personnel, the second stage of sarcoidosis is most common. The recurrence rate of the disease is 20%, and the factors associated with the recurrent course of sarcoidosis in military personnel are — the age of more than 35 years; the presence of clinical manifestations of sarcoidosis (cough, weakness, shortness of breath); forced lung capacity <85%; a history of systemic glucocorticosteroids. The article presents the recommended algorithm and methods for examining patients with sarcoidosis. It is noted that the main point is the mandatory morphological verification of the process in the military. Special attention is paid to the treatment of sarcoidosis in the publication. It is noted that, given the high frequency of remissions, treatment is not indicated for stage I, as well as for asymptomatic patients with stages II and III of sarcoidosis, provided that only mild disorders of the ventilation and diffusion function of the lungs are present. All patients with sarcoidosis are subject to active medical supervision.
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