Tesis sobre el tema "Militaires – Brésil"
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Chirio, Maud. "La politique des militaires : mobilisations et révoltes d'officiers sous la dictature brésilienne (1961-1978)". Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010654.
Loiseau, Hugo. "Analyse comparative des relations civilo-militaires en Amérique latine, le cas du Brésil, du Chili et du Pérou". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0014/MQ31756.pdf.
Nabuco, de Araujo Rodrigo. "Conquête des esprits et commerce des armes : la diplomatie militaire française au Brésil (1945-1974)". Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00690336.
Passos, Anaís Medeiros. "The military mystique : democracies and the war on crime in Brazil and Mexico". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0036.
This thesis investigates why and how Armed Forces deploy anti-crime activities, and it assesses the impact such interventions entail for democracies. Combining historical institutionalist and rational choice approaches, the thesis focuses on two cities, namely, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Tijuana (Mexico), where the state governors requested the military to assist public security efforts from 2007 to 2014. Relying on analysis of 100 semi-structured interviews, archival sources and information obtained through freedom of information acts, this research tracks the different phases of military operations in security, from decision-making to policy implementation. The systematic analysis of criminal statistics before and after operations indicate that such actions have a limited effect on permanently reducing lethal violence. Moreover, military interventions are usually followed by a set of social actions that will potentially improve the reputation of the Armed Forces to the detriment of the image of civilian agencies. Finally, and contrary to conventional wisdom that military urban patrols are merely temporary events, the research in this thesis demonstrates that military interventions in anti-crime activities transform legislation, jurisdiction, military doctrine and education, and that they bring long-lasting changes in the scope of military and police actions. Due to institutional modifications, politicians in general, and state governors in particular, are more tempted than ever to rely on Armed Forces for short-term political gains, even at the expense of the liberal dimension of democracy
Xavier, do Monte Izadora. "« Bon bagay » et « bandidos » : genre, race, nationalité et les Casques bleus brésiliens en Haïti". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080066.
Peacekeeping is a new activity that has boomed since the 1990s. For the Brazilian army, it is also an exceptional occupation. In what has been its biggest contribution to an UN Security Council operation, Brazil has sent 22 thousand military personnel to the UN Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti, between 2004 and 2017. This troop donation is partly an expression of the Worker’s Party foreign policy of “critical multilateral engagement”. What did these troops do while on the ground? How do they understand this new multilateral and humanitarian framework, in theory so far removed from “classic” military fonctions? Using qualitative research and observation carried out in Port-au-Prince and Brasília, and applying gender lenses, this thesis tries to understand international phenomenon from the “bottom-up”, based on discourses and practices coming from the actors on the field. Masculinity, nationality and race relation, their correlations and logics emerging from a specifically Brazilian context gives us the keys to understand international peacekeeping and how the international order is kept. Peace operations allows us to understand the transformations military activity has been undergoing in the 21th century, and it also allows us to understand transformations in masculinity. In the Brazilian case, UN employement is not “low intensity”, as it is the case for northern armies. It is an activity that has been charged with “warrior value”, an occasion to embody “national pride” and it adapts discourses on nationalism and the qualities of the “Brazilian man”
Grandi, Jorge. "Régime militaire et politique extérieure du Brésil : l'accord de coopération nucléaire germano-brésilien de 1975". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986IEPP0012.
Souza, Pinto Léonor Estela. "Le cinéma brésilien au risque de la censure pendant la dictature militaire de 1964 à 1985". Toulouse 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001TOU20090.
This work consists on the establishment of the different movements of the action of censorship on the Brazilian movies during the military dictatorship that took place between 1964 and 1985 in Brazil, based on the analysis of the official documentation of censorship, that has been freed lately to consultation. Three are the vectors that will drive our thought : the documentation of censorship, the interviews with the directors of the movies analysed and the articles of press. My work is presented divided in three parts : Political Panorama, The Film Presentation and The Action of Censorship. Every part will be presented while following the chronology, in four movements : Years 50 / 60 ; 1964 / 1968 ; 1969 / 1974 and 1975 / 1985. The first part presents the political panorama from 1955 to 1985, starting on the period of the after war and finishing with the last military government. The second part presents the movies whose files are analysed. In this presentation, there are a brief synopsis, the history and the critiques about every film. The basis for this presentation were the press files on the movies and on the directors and the interviews. The third part presents the analysis of the censorship files on every movie, while showing how censorship changes its way to act in relation to the Brazilian movies, considering each different political period. Differently of the two previous parts, this part will be presented while respecting the chronology of the shooting of the movies. That is to say that every movie will have its file of censorship analysed from the beginning to the end, all at once. This work wants to establish how and at what point the military regime recognised the movies like a means of forming identities. And precisely because it had this conscience, it became fundamental to its maintenance to dismantle a certain Brazilian cinema by all means : the cinema that was becoming increasingly powerful as instrument of affirmation of the Brazilian cultural identity
Couto, Ronaldo Costa. "La transition démocratique au Brésil 1974-85". Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040221.
In March 1964, Brazilian president Joao Goulart was removed by means of a "coup d’état" led by the army, and military leaders stood in power for 21 years, till 1985, when the first civil president, Tancredo Neves, was finally elected. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate this period of time, but its main focus is the period from 1974 -- when the process towards democracy started with president Geisel -- to 1985, when it was achieved, with the election of president Tancredo Neves. Besides traditional bibliographic and official sources, the research carried out interviews with the main personalities of the period, including three former presidents (Geisel and Figueiredo, the two military, and Sarney), ministers, political leaders. The author of the thesis had a close inside view of the Brazilian political process during these years
Freire, Eliane Oliveira de Lima. "Mouvements de quartier et relations de pouvoir : le cas de Casa Amarela - (Recife - Brésil) - 1964-1985". Paris 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA010662.
Prost, Catherine. "Organisation et rôle géopolitique de l'armée au Brésil". Paris 8, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA081554.
Presentation of the geographic organization of the army : national distribution but desequilibrated (40 % of the troops are situated in the South of the country and only 10 % in the "legal Amazony"). Study about the militaries : their formation, thier political ideas, their hierarchical organization. The Brazilian army is goinig through an "existential crisis" due to its low budget, the polemics about the political repression during the military regime between 1964 and 1985, and the actual debate on the reforms of the military organization and its new missions. A chapter of geohistory follows. The army played of more a role of defence against foreigners, than of territorial expansion, which was done by settlers. Pacific independance in 1822. The army supports the central power by repressing regional riots. After the war against Paraguay (1865-70), the army becomes a profession and its political importance grows. It orients itself to interior affairs, including direct interventions in national politics. A national school of geopolitics, the Geopolitica, is created by the work of several generations of officers, with the influence of foreign doctrines. Several civil governments will apply these ideas, but in 1964, the military chiefs take power and put into practice their theoretical theses : fight against the "communist foe", rivalry with Argentina for the regional power, development of the Amazone region to complete "national integration" and economic growth. In 1985, the military chiefs return power to the civilians after a particularly long transition, maintaining a military influence in the state. At present, the creation of the Mercosur leads to the cessation of the hypothecal conflict with Argentina. The army can orient itself toward a bigger control of the Amazone region which is a vulnerable region (little population, growth of illegal activities). The military influence can still have authoritarian aspects, but the control of the army by the state is getting stronger with President Cardoso. This positive change in outlook strengthens denomcracy in Brazil
Marques, de Sousa Werna. "La justice brésilienne face aux violations des droits fondamentaux sous la dictature civil-militaire (1964-1969)". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALD008.
The aim of this thesis work is to analyze the historical-legal mechanisms that led to the legitimization of the civil-military dictatorship in the first years after the coup d'état in Brazil through the first institutional acts and the 1967 Constitution, in order to evaluate the action of the Judiciary in the face of the violations of fundamental rights committed during the period 1964 to 1969.In order to give the appearance of normality and legitimacy, democratic mechanisms were maintained throughout the regime, such as the maintenance of the National Congress, a moderate opposition party and a judicial system, despite its exceptional profile. At the same time, an exceptional law and a large administrative and institutional structure that was relatively effective was built to repress opponents. This required good jurists to legally base their acts of dictatorship, because, even though they were incompatible with the rule of law and the constitutional order in force, and also because, for this reason, they sought to give an institutional garb to the norms and organs of repression, regulating and bureaucratizing political persecution.In an era marked by the appreciation of the rule of law, one of the protagonists of which is the judiciary, it is necessary to indicate how Brazilian judges have dealt with the authoritarian order established in 1964 and their present commandments on arbitrarily assembled instruments, without neglecting the attempt to locate the most obvious causes of the judges' position, both political and judicial, whether or not refractory to the initiation of the Brazilian army that took political power by force
Leon, Spesny Sara. "Repression, Protection, Pacification : the Ordinary Life of the Police in a Brazilian Favela". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0007.
This thesis aims to study the daily life of a military police station in a favela in Rio deJaneiro, Brazil. This station is part of the Pacifying Police Unit that was created to change the wardynamic held in the favelas in Rio de Janeiro. The traditional violent police invasions were replacedby a proximity-based policing that combined surveillance and social initiatives. The main goal of thePacifying Police was to “preserve lives” through the restoration of democratic rule and relationsbetween favela residents and the police, a relationship historically based on fear and distrust.Observations of foot and vehicle patrols were made for more than a year (2014-2015), as well asobservations of initiatives organized by the station and puntual observations of a civil police stationand parlamentary discussion. A historical search of newspapers also complemented the analysis.Through this ethnographic approach it becomes possible to understand how soldiers act in the faceof operational, political, historic and institutional transformations. The relationship between thepolice and the community is based on a double enterprise of repression (through the continuity of thewar on drugs, territorial management, and fight against armed trafficking) and social, humanitarianactions (parties, seminars, marriages, donations, and other services). Local circumstances revealtensions, contradictions and ambivalences, namely between universalistic notions such as humanrights and local logics (naturalizations and culturalist explanations of favela residents and crime).The pacification police struggle to fight the armed drug trafficking that still prevails, establishterritorial control over pacified territories and maintain social legitimacy. Indeed, police control isbased on discrimination practices that serve to protect some and repress others. Thus, theparadoxical effect of the pacification police: while it seeks legitimization through the familiarity ofpatrols and social initiatives, it is delegitimized when soldiers reproduce discriminatory, stereotypingand violent interactions with residents of favelas. Ultimately, the pacification police reinforced thesociogeographic borders it aimed to erase. The context of pacification in Rio de Janeiro places thepolice as a privilege institution to study the dominations of race and class that prevail in Brazil,through discourses and logics that carry postcolonial and postdictarorial heritages. In a broadersense, an ethnography of the military police in Brazil reveals the ways of governing the urban poorpopulations in Latin America
Schmidt, Arturi Carlos. "Le Brésil, une tentative de démocratisation octroyée : 1974-1985". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999IEPP0002.
This thesis analyses the strategy of the political transition implemented and led by the last two Brazilian military governments: the government of general Emesto Geisel (1974-1979) and the one of general Joao Figueiredo (1979-1985). The research focuses on the ruling group of the authoritarian regime and the leaders of the political opposition, their projects and political actions, as well as on the dynamics of the long period of liberalisation of the authoritarian regime, which was widely controlled by the ruling group and led upstream through elections and agreements among the political elites of the country. The period of political liberalisation analysed starts when general Geisel became president, in 1974, and goes on until the beginning of the first civilian presidency of Jose Samey, in March 1985. This research allows to identify the political effects on the ultimate period of the transition: the building of the new rules and democratic institutions - the democratisation itself - and the consolidation of the democratic regime which begins with the investiture of Collor de Mello as president, who was elected by universal suffrage in 1990. The empirical data upon which this research is based came form two different sources: the first one is a set of interviews with the mean political leaders of the military regime and of the opposition during the political liberalisation period; the second one are official documents, press issues (reports, interviews), the electoral law, some speeches (made by the presidents and by the members of parliament), the electoral results and biographic works on politicians who played an important role during the transitional period
Gomes, silva Tauana olivia. "Femmes noires dans les mouvements de gauche durant la dictature au Brésil (1964-1985)". Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN20041.
Brazilian Black women actively participated in left-wing movements during the dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). Their trajectories are the result of the engagement of this social group in anarchist and communist organizations since the beginning of the 20th century. Therefore, the present thesis analyzes, on the one hand, the conceptions, evaluations and strategies framed by several political entities concerning the viability of the action of black men and women as activists. On the other hand, it analyzes the introduction of left-wing ideologies into the traditional spaces of collective mobilization of non-white communities, with the use of such ideas and methods to respond to immediate demands for food and housing, as well as to demand workers' rights and to confront authoritarian governments. Next, the research aims to investigate the life stories of nine black female activists engaged in the struggles against the established regime after 1964: Diva Moreira, Maria do Espírito Santo Tavares dos Santos, Thereza Santos, Helenira Resende de Souza Nazareth, Lucia Maria de Souza, Dora Lúcia de Lima Bertúlio, Maria Diva de Faria, Arabela Pereira Madalena and Edna Maria Santos Roland. The aim is to study the phenomenon of engagement it self, that is, their main motivations, the conditions under which militant actions were undertaken, and, finally, their experiences as black women belonging to resistance movements against the dictatorship
Müller, Angélica. "La résistance du mouvement étudiant brésilien au régime dictatorial et le retour de l'UNE à la scène politique (1969-1979)". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010626.
Toulhoat, Mélanie. "Rire sous la dictature, rire de la dictature. L'humour graphique dans la presse indépendante ˸ une arme de résistance sous le régime militaire brésilien (1964-1982)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030007.
This thesis deals with the political role of various forms of graphic humor – charge, caricature, cartoon, engraving print and photomontage – published in the independent press under the military regime established as a result of the 31st march 1964’s coup. We analyse the styles, mechanisms and protester practices specific of humoristic drawings and satirical images from the authoritarian power’s institutionalization to the reinvention of the independent ways of expression in the early 80’s. Against a background of progressive regime’s closure, police repression, extreme reduction of the legal scope of political action and severe restrictions imposed on freedom of expression, the graphic humor was used by the editorial offices in order to circumvent the various forms of censorship and fight against the authoritarian imaginary. The reinterpretation of some practices that has been part of the Brazilian visual humor tradition built from the rise of the print press in the XIXth century, was accompanied by major aesthetic, thematic and militant evolutions in a moving connection with the forbidden, the tolerated and the allowed. The newspapers, the cartoonists and the events were representative of important steps in the development of symbolic and legal struggles led by the independent editorial teams. The diversity of iconographic, manuscript, printed and oral sources reveals the huge synthesis power and the crucial purpose of graphic humor within the building of thematic and visual universes characteristic of the fights – and the discrepancies – of the Brazilian democratic opposition’s movements
Esta tese se dedica ao estudo do papel político de várias formas de humor gráfico – tais como a charge, a caricatura, a história em quadrinhos, a gravura e o corte-colagem de fotografia – publicadas na imprensa independente durante o regime militar brasileiro, a partir do golpe do 31 de março de 1964. Se trata de analisar os estilos, os mecanismos e as práticas contestatórias específicos do desenho de humor e da imagem satírica a partir da institucionalização do poder autoritário e até a reinvenção dos meios de comunicação independentes no começo dos anos 1980. Num contexto de fechamento progressivo do regime, de repressão policial, de diminuição drástica do campo legal da ação política assim como de severas limitações impostas à liberdade de expressão, o humor gráfico foi empleado pelas redações para contornar as diversas formas de censura e lutar contra o imaginário autoritário. A reinterpretação de certas práticas inscritas na tradição do humor visual brasileiro, construida a partir do crescimento da imprensa no siglo XIX, foi acompanhada de importantes inovações estéticas, temáticas e militantes numa relação em movimento com o proibido, o tolerado e o autorizado. Os periódicos, os cartunistas e eventos foram representativos das maiores etapas de elaboração das lutas simbólicas e legais por parte das redações independentes. A diversidade das fontes iconográficas, manuscritas, impressas e orais revela o importante poder de síntese e o papel fundamental do humor gráfico na construção de universos visuais temáticos caraterísticos das lutas, e das divergências, dos movimentos brasileiros da oposição democrática
Morgan, Mila Marc. "Essays on Income Distribution : Methodological, Historical and Institutional Perspectives with Applications to the case of Brazil (1926-2016)". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH194.
This PhD thesis consists of three essays on income distribution, from the point of view of statistical production (methods) and economic development (history and institutions). The first chapter deals with the growing problem of household surveys to accurately portray the top tail if the income distribution. It proposes a new method to reconcile survey data with information from more trusted sources, such as tax data. The method produces a micro-dataset that preserves the consistency of other socio-demographic variables at both the individual and aggregate levels, to allow future research to be carried out under a more representative distributive framework. The procedure is illustrated by empirical applications to five countries, covering both developed and less-developed contexts over numerous years. The second and third chapters both make use of the method described in the first chapter to measure and analyse income inequality for different time periods and motives in Brazil -- a perennial late-developing economy, where household surveys are an increasingly problematic source from which to obtain credible information on the relative income growth of different parts of the population. The second chapter combines data from previously un-reconciled sources to uncover new evidence and a new understanding of income inequality in Brazil, focusing on the much debated period of the 2000s. It finds that inequality within the Bottom 90% of the distribution declined, but concentration at the top persisted at very high levels. This dichotomy was given by the strong average income growth in both tails of the distribution mainly between 2002 and 2013, while the middle of the distribution was squeezed. The fall in inequality among a large part of the population was due to the fall in labour earnings inequality, which was nonetheless insufficient to prevent the growing concentration of national income among economic elites. The chapter contextualises the findings to understand what may be driving the dynamics, from the progressive role of social policy, to the regressive role of the tax system and monetary policy. The third chapter extends the Brazilian inequality analysis over a longer historical time-frame to examine where it has come from. The overall objective is to shed new light on long-run distributional dynamics and their connection with economic growth in a late-developing country. Based on the construction of a rich inequality dataset covering the whole population since 1976 and a top income group since 1926, and its combination with other distributional information and macro statistics, the chapter shows the unprecedented levels and persistence of income concentration in Brazil, despite tumultuous economic and political change. It explains the absence of any sustained egalitarian levelling in the country through an endogenous theory of institutional shifts, which originate from structural-economic changes, but get ultimately appropriated by elites to avoid the redistribution of fundamental factors (land, capital, income, education) that the economic changes and related social actors seem to demand. It identifies the military coup of 1964 and its aftermath as a crucial moment in the history of Brazilian inequality, whose ideas and policies largely suspended inclusive growth, consigned distributional bottlenecks to future governments, and whose legacy can still be perceived today
Tavares, de Melo Borrione Roberta. "Le verbe et la parole : politiques et mémoires au regard de l'université : une étude de cas par référence à la dictature militaire au Brésil (1964-1985/2006)". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0126.
From 1964 to 1985, Brazil lives a period of dictatorial military government. Internal politics aim mostly to justify governmental actions and highlight the military forces as promoters of democracy and Christian ideals against corruption and communist invasion. A complex set of politics of memory and control politics are socially disposed and included in the educational system. The university community reacts in different ways. Thirty years after the end of the dictatorship, this study analyses both the Brazilian legislation at the time (specially the one concerning graduate studies) and the oral records of fourteen professors of the University of Sao Paulo interviewed in 2006. The objectives of this study are to reconstruct aspects of the daily life of the university at the time, linking the governmental politics to the reactions and memories of the university community, as remembered 20-40 years later. A process of limitation of university autonomy and alumni representation took place. Five kinds of life pathways are here drawn : intellectual resistance, undercover political action, exile, socio-political indifference and collaboration with the military government. Once the dictatorship began to fall, certain pathways converge toward political action. University identity is built from the importance given to heroic and altruistic memories, wich engender a sense of belonging to the university struggle against the military regime
Cunha, Diogo. "Les intellectuels conservateurs entre le culturel et le politique : l'Académie Brésilienne des lettres pendant la dictature militaire (1964-1979)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010717.
This thesis examines the relationship between the Brazilian Academy of Lettres (ABL) and the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1979). The aim of this study is to analyse to what extant this institution – officially “apolitical” – could have been an instance of legitimation for the military dictatorship. This thesis addressed the history of the ABL since its foundation, focusing especially on its role in the Brazilian cultural field in the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, along with the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institut (IHGB) and the Federal Council for Culture (CFC), the ABL constituted a “conservative cultural structure”. It was a place in which right-wing intellectual and political elites socialised and where a conservative discourse was constructed. The prosopography brought to light a group of Brazilian intellectuals that had fallen into oblivion. This group was very active from the Vargas regime to the military coup, with media relations and political power, which enabled a more direct access to administrative and political positions. The everyday life of the ABL intellectuals includes the inauguration ceremonies, visits that academicians received, the construction of a memory of the heroes of the nation and the exaltation of the homeland. The military attended in large number each ceremony, tribute or commemoration organised by the ABL; in turn, several academicians were also present in tributes gathering s and commemoration organised by the military regime. This sociability between academics and members of the military dictatorship contributed to legitimising the regime in place. The academics where individually committed with the regime, less for their participation in the state apparatus than for the development and dissemination of a discourse of legitimation based on the global interpretation of the Brazilian history written in the 1930s, particularly that of Gilberto Freyre. The conclusions of the analyses undertaken in this thesis demonstrate that the institution created by Machado de Assis in the late nineteenth century helped legitimise the military regime established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimation was not developed by an active “collaboration” but rather by a form of complicity. It was the behaviour of all the ABL members, especially their silence and their different degrees of accommodation with the dictatorship, the proximity they had with the representatives of the regime, and the construction, the dissemination and circulation of a conservative discourse reinforcing notions of “public spirit” and patriotism that have played a crucial role in this process of legitimation
Capellini, carvalho de oliveira Nathalia. "Historiciser les barrages en Amazonie brésilienne : environnement, conflit et politique dans la planification et construction de Tucuruí (1960-1985)". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SACLV086.
This thesis focuses on the planning and construction of the Tucuruí dam on the Tocantins River in the state of Pará, Brazil. The Tucuruí dam was one of the large public works of the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil between 1964 and 1985 and was part of the geopolitical strategy of this regime for the Amazon region. The present work highlights the relationship between State and resources in the Amazon from a historical perspective. It focuses on how a political project –in this case, the military one – embodies a process of material transformation of space through the implementation of infrastructures. It also shows how infrastructure, a hydroelectric, can materialize a particular political vision. However, if the military dictatorship was a pivotal moment when dams are finally established in the Amazon, this thesis shows that these infrastructures are part of a long history of river management in the region. In this longer perspective, relations between the central State and the regional elites, as well as the dynamics of capital concerning Amazonian resources appear to be central.By relying on a multiplicity of sources – from the gray literature produced by the State, through the archives of the repression, and the textual production of social movements– this study reflects on the Tucuruí experience as a nodal point in the modification of Amazonian rivers and also on the planned State action for the region. As the construction progressed as the first large dam in the world built in a rainforest, it triggered a strong opposition because of ecological uncertainties, social injustices and political controversies surrounding its implementation. This process takes place and is created in a setting where multiple temporalities and scales intersect in the production of the Amazon as subject to state control, capitalist interests, economic and technical rationalities, symbolic imaginaries, geopolitical issues, social movements, but also biophysical and hydrological processes. Finally, it is a reflection on the place of Tucuruí in the legacy of the military dictatorship in the Amazon, as a model for major developments operated in the region thereafter
Ferreira, Pradal Fernanda. "A “justiça de transição” no Brasil : o caso do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) do Rio de Janeiro". Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100075.
This work approaches the dispute of memories, uses and projects surrounding the building of the former Departamento de Ordem Política e Social – DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order) within the framework of the process of so-called transitional justice in Brazil. The focus of the work is the dynamics of the conflict for the site of memory in the context of social struggles carried out by ex-political prisoners and relatives of the dead and disappeared of the military dictatorship (1964-1985). The confrontation between the projects "Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” (Memory and Human Rights Cultural Space) and “Museu da Polícia Civil" (Museum of Civil Police) reveals what is at stake in symbolic, ideological and pedagogical terms. It is presented and problematized the place occupied by the political police in the structure of the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship, as well as by the Civil Police in the public security of democracy situation in Brazil
Este trabalho aborda a disputa de memórias, usos e projetos entorno do edifício do antigo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) no quadro do processo da chamada justiça transicional no Brasil. O foco do trabalho é a dinâmica do conflito pelo lugar de memória no contexto das lutas sociais protagonizadas por ex-presos políticos e familiares de mortos e desaparecidos da ditadura militar (1964-1985). O confronto entre os projetos “Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” e “Museu da Polícia Civil” revela o que está em jogo em termos simbólicos, ideológicos e pedagógicos. É apresentado e problematizado o lugar ocupado pela polícia política na estrutura do aparato repressivo da ditadura, assim como pela Polícia Civil na segurança pública em situação de democracia no Brasil
Marques, Karina Carvalho de Matos. "De l'écriture personnelle à l'écriture de l'histoire : questions d'identité dans l'oeuvre d'Ilse Losa et de Samuel Rawet". Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030103.
Our compared study deals with the literary work of Ilse Losa (1913-2006), a German exiled in Portugal, and Samuel Rawet (1929-1984), a Polish immigrant in Brazil, which have adopted Portuguese as writing language. Having arrived in these lusophone countries a few years before the declaration of the Second World War, both share a jewish origin which is expressed in their characters in the form of conflicts between memory and forgetfulness, communitarianism and integration, tradition and cultural performativity. Moreover, their conditions of women and homosexual acted as an inspiration for the construction of a work opposing gender duality in a context of oppression in these host countries : The Salazarist New State (1933-1974) and the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). This way, through their personal writings in which the jewish identity and the gender identity are key elements, we can consider the exclusion in a broader way. These authors give us a picture of the brazilian and portuguese societies between the end of the 30’s and beginning of the 80’s, highlighting the power relations between elites and masses. During a period in which the national identity is being built on the basis of the myth of the great empire in Portugal and of multiculturalism in Brazil, Ilse Losa and Samuel Rawet show that the nation is always a narrative