Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Metonymical compounds"

Abstract This study provides an analysis of Arabic metaphorical and/or metonymical compounds, extracted from a 20,000-word corpus, based on Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Conceptual Blending Theory. The analysis focuses on the semantic transparency of these compounds, on the one hand, and their linguistic creativity, on the other. In line with Benczes (2006, 2010), we suggest that the comprehension of Arabic metaphorical and/or metonymical compounds is possibly one of degree depending on which element is affected by metaphor and metonymy. Here, it is proposed that there are compounds which are more creative than others. We argue that in addition to the degree of semantic transparency and linguistic creativity of Arabic metaphorical and/or metonymical compounds, there are other factors that can influence the comprehension of these compounds; namely, the frequency of the compound, the conventionality of the metaphors involved in the compound and whether conceptual metonymy acts on the compound. Our proposal is supported by the judgments of 12 native-speaker informants, who were asked to provide the meaning of 35 Arabic metaphorical and/or metonymical compounds. The study concludes with recommendations for further research.

This paper deals with structural properties of German possessive compounds. Based on a comparison with compounds in Modern Greek, I argue against a general approach based exclusively on semantic criteria. Instead I distinguish between exocentric and endocentric formations in German, on the basis of specific structural criteria. In particular, I propose that compounds like Dickkopf ‘pigheaded person’ — also called bahuvrīhi or exocentric formations — are to be analysed as endocentric, right-headed compounds with a metonymical meaning. Furthermore, I propose that structures like Vierfüßer ‘quadruped’ and heißblütig ‘warm-blooded/hot-tempered’ are the real bahuvrīhi compounds in German, i.e. exocentric structures with a possessive meaning, headed by the derivational suffixes, -er or -ig.

This paper reports on ongoing work on a large sample of bahuvrihi compounds in English and Spanish. After a brief characterization of bahuvrihi compounds, distinguishing them from a similar type of exocentric compounds (V+O compounds), the goal of the paper is clearly stated, namely to answer a number of questions, especially these two: (a) Does the metonymy CHARACTERISTIC PROPERTY FOR CATEGORY motivate the exocentric nature of all the compounds in the sample?; (b) Are other metonymies or metaphors also involved? If so, which are the metonymic or metaphoric patterns observable in conceptualizations underlying these compounds? The bulk of the paper is devoted to the detailed conceptual analysis of a large set of representative bahuvrihis in both languages. The results show that the above metonymy is responsible for the exocentric nature of all the compounds in the sample and that the characteristic property mapped by that metonymy is conceptualized in one of these three ways: literally, metonymically or metaphorico-metonymically. These three conceptualization patterns constitute the three major types of bahuvrihis in both languages; various further subtypes are proposed for each type. The paper ends with some tentative remarks on the Cognitive Grammar representation of the semantic structure of these compounds, on the connection between their semantic structure and their grammar and prosody, on a blending account of these lexemes, and on the contrasts identified between both languages.

Abstract This study deals with novel English analogical compounds, i.e. compounds obtained via either a unique model (e.g. beefcake after cheesecake) or a schema model: e.g., green-collar based on white-collar, blue-collar, pink-collar, and other X-collar compounds. The study aims, first, to inspect whether novel analogical compounds maintain the same degree of morphosemantic transparency/opacity as their models, and, second, to find out the role played by the compound constituents in the constitution of compound families, such as X-collar and others. To these aims, the study proposes a scale of morphosemantic transparency/opacity for the analysis of compound constituents. In particular, the compound constituents in our database (115 examples) are analysed in connection with: 1) their degree of transparency (vs. opacity, including metaphorical/metonymic meaning), linked to their semantic contribution in the construction of the whole compound’s meaning, and 2) their part-of-speech. Against the common assumption that productive word-formation rules mostly create morphosemantically transparent new words, or that rule productivity is closely connected with transparency, the study of our database demonstrates that novel analogical compounds tend to maintain the same transparency/opacity degree as their models. It also shows that, in nuclear families and subfamilies of compounds, the part-of-speech of the constituents, their degree of transparency/opacity, and their semantic relation are reproduced in all members of the analogical set.

This study examines Spanish verb–noun compounds in terms of the role played by, and the relationship between, metonymy and metaphor in generating them. After exploring different referent types denoted by Spanish verb–noun compounds such as instrument, agent, place, plant, animal/insect, and causer event, sample examples are analyzed in each referent type for their conceptualization patterns. The analytical tools are based on the notion of domain-internal and domain-external conceptual mappings for metonymy and metaphor, respectively, as well as on the model proposed in the Combined Input Hypothesis for the analysis of metaphors involving multiple inputs. The analysis of the data shows that there are at least four metonymic and metaphoric patterns involved in Spanish verb–noun compounds and that these patterns are productive. The four patters are: (i) only metonymy is involved; (ii) target-in-source metonymy is derived from metaphor; (iii) metaphor is derived from target-in-source metonymy, and (iv) metonymy is derived from a metaphor which is derived from metonymy. This study proposes that these four types of metonymic and metaphoric patterns mediate the production of novel Spanish verb–noun compounds. The implication of this finding is that the more complex the cognitive operations involved in verb–noun compounds, the less predictable the meaning of the compound will be for the language users who first hear them; but once learnt, the meaning of the compound is stored as a whole unit in their mental lexicon. An analysis of a larger corpus of data in future studies will reveal a more comprehensive picture of the relational patterns involved in Spanish verb–noun compounds.

This study examined the development of the metaphorical and metonymic meanings of the words black and white appearing in Japanese contexts by contrasting the meanings in Japanese with the original meanings in English. It investigated the semantic shifts which affected grammatical structures in highly real-time language on Twitter. The study revealed that black and white in Japanese contexts were used metaphorically in the narrow sense of the original English meaning. Black was used in the meanings of break the rules, persecute, and take advantage while white was used in the opposite manner. Nevertheless, these meanings do not appear in English contexts. It is a semantic change for specific usages in Japanese contexts. At first, the words black and white were mainly used with the noun company as compounds. Then, their meanings were expanded in a metonymic manner with the contiguity of senses. In other words, from being used to describe a characteristic of a company, black and white are later used to describe the characteristic of a company worker and an action of a person. The usage also changes from a compound noun to a single word in a predicate and as an adjective na.

This paper looks at the metaphorical and metonymic expressions derived from nsa, ‘hand’. I will analyse and discuss hand metaphoric and metonymic expressions in relation with the universal concept of the agility and versatility of the hand as an important aspect of the human being. The paper projects the concept of the hand in the Akan cultural system and looks at how it has expanded into compound words, idioms and proverbs. We will look at the cognitive, semantics, sociolinguistics and pragmatics of nsa, ‘hand’. The paper is discussed under the theory of conceptual metaphor as expounded by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and followed by many scholars in the western world, Asia and Africa.

Abstract This study focuses – by way of a close reading – on (1) the multiple subtleties in the poetic diction and word morphology of Hölderlin‘s ode „Heidelberg“, (2) its metonymic macro-structure, (3) the oscillations between an aesthetics of the lovely („lieblich“) and the sublime, (4) the instances of blissful self-mirroring that depart from Narcissus‘ unhappy fate, and (5) the explicit poetics of the „image“ („Bild“) in this ode. A special emphasis is placed on Hölderlin’s creation of a series of novel German words that combine two words into new compounds.

Abstract This article explores the expression and conceptualisation of emotions in Anindilyakwa (Gunwinyguan, north-east Arnhem Land). Fundamental to the emotional lexicon of this language is the widespread use of body parts, which frequently occur in figurative expressions. In this article I examine the primary body parts that occur in emotion descriptions in both literal (physical) and figurative expressions. Particular attention is given to yukudhukudha / -werrik- ‘chest’, the body part conceptualised as the primary site of emotion in Anindilyakwa and the most productive body-related morpheme used in emotion compounds. I consider the role of the chest and other productive body parts that occur in emotion compounds, and examine the metonymic and metaphorical devices that contribute to the expression of these emotional states. In doing so, I propose a number of overarching and widespread tropes that hold across different body-part compounds, and briefly contextualise these in relation to the emotion description systems of other closely-related (Gunwinyguan) languages.

AbstractThis paper examines English nominal compounds whose modifier could serve as a self-sufficient discourse unit (e.g. “Hi honey, I'm home happiness,” “‘not happy, money back’ guarantee”). The scant literature on the construction treats such modifiers as embedded sentences, clauses, or phrases. Drawing on a collection of over 7,000 different examples from written as well as oral English of various dialects and registers, we suggest that regardless of their internal syntax, they always constitute (pieces of) fictive conversational turns. They are structured by the conversation frame as they are based on our everyday experience with situated communication. Hence, they constitute instances of fictive interaction (Pascual 2002). The direct speech element metonymically sets up a significant and easily knowable or recognizable scenario, which serves as a reference point for subcategorizing the denotative potential of the head noun. Making use of encyclopedic and episodic knowledge, direct speech compounds serve to name subjective semantic categories. They are catchy and involving, as they construct a sense of immediacy through (re)enactment. We claim their use to be motivated by the cultural model that relates saying, believing and the truth (Sweetser 1993 [1987]) as well as the understanding of talk-in-interaction as the most concrete indication of the utterer's mental, emotional and behavioral world (cf. Cicourel 1973).

This paper addresses the question of how feelings are expressed in Kaytetye, a Central Australian language of the Pama-Nyugan family. It identifies three different formal constructions for expressing feelings, and explores the extent to which specific body part terms are associated with types of feelings, based on linguistic evidence in the form of lexical compounds, collocations and the way people talk about feelings. It is suggested that particular body part terms collocate with different feeling expressions for different reasons: either because the body part is the perceived locus of the feeling, or because of a lexicalised polysemy of a body part term, or because of a metonymic association between a body part, a behaviour and a feeling.

Abstract There have been many attempts at classifying the semantic modification relations (ℜ) of N + N compounds but this work has not led to the acceptance of a definitive scheme, so that devising a reusable classification is a worthwhile aim. The scope of this undertaking is extended to other binominal lexemes, i.e. units that contain two thing-morphemes without explicitly stating ℜ, like prepositional units, N + relational adjective units, etc. The 25-relation taxonomy of Bourque (2014) was tested against over 15,000 binominal lexemes from 106 languages and extended to a 29-relation scheme (“Bourque2”) through the introduction of two new reversible relations. Bourque2 is then mapped onto Hatcher’s (1960) four-relation scheme (extended by the addition of a fifth relation, similarity, as “Hatcher2”). This results in a two-tier system usable at different degrees of granularities. On account of its semantic proximity to compounding, metonymy is then taken into account, following Janda’s (2011) suggestion that it plays a role in word formation; Peirsman and Geeraerts’ (2006) inventory of 23 metonymic patterns is mapped onto Bourque2, confirming the identity of metonymic and binominal modification relations. Finally, Blank’s (2003) and Koch’s (2001) work on lexical semantics justifies the addition to the scheme of a third, superordinate level which comprises the three Aristotelean principles of similarity, contiguity and contrast.

The article is dedicated to the study of semantics and functioning of compound nouns with a somatic component (CNSC) in the German language, in particular, the CNSC in German political discourse within the period from 2016 to 2020. Main semantic and functional features of CNSC are being determined. The article is focused on the role of CNSC in creating a pragmatic effect of publications within the political topics, looks into a powerful manipulative influence on the reader during the formation of a positive image of the politician or his deliberate discrediting, including the possibility of using individual compound nouns with a somatic component in order to ridiculize and undermine his image. The study explores metaphorical and metonymic transfers, on the basis of which the semantics of such compound nous with a somatic component in German political discourse is developing. The investigation presents the classification of a compound nouns with a somatic component into thematic subgroups within the thematic block “Politics”, the relationship of these groups in German-language mass media texts with political items, the semantic evolution of such compound nouns with a somatic component. Compound nouns with a somatic component with positive, negative, and ambivalent connotations which are actualized within the German political discourse, are also being explored. The studied lexical units belong to the dynamic and innovative part of the German lexicon, they represent the creativity of speakers, as well as their aspiration for their speech individualization and its emotional richness.

The word saulė (‘the sun’) and the denotation indicated by it has a lot of meanings in the Lithuanian culture: the mythologists, philosophers, art critics, and literature critics have written about this phenomenon. The article analyses the derivational family of the noun saulė. Having analysed the derivatives with the root word saul (or one of the root words) found in various sources and the relations between them, the following conclusions have been drawn.The derivational family, the centre of which is the noun saulė, consists of 287 derivatives: mostly nouns (78 per cent of all derivatives), adjectives (15 per cent), verbs (4 per cent) and adverbs (3 per cent). First degree derivatives are dominant, i.e. such derivatives whose underlying word (or one of them) is the noun saulė: cf. first degree derivatives make 74 per cent of all derivatives, and 26 per cent of all derivatives of further derivation stages.The nouns are formed by using all derivational types; however, the compound nouns prevail: they make 69 per cent of all noun derivatives. 61 per cent of compounds are with the second verbal component. The components of 34 per cent of compounds are linked with the vowel -ė-. Some compounds have direct meanings (they denote purpose and place), and many more compounds have figurative meanings (metaphorical and metonymic). The noun saulė almost always (99 per cent) is the first component of the first degree compounds.There are a few neologisms – the derivatives or the derivatives that have acquired a new meaning – in the derivational family of the noun saulė. New realia are named as neologisms or they are variants and synonyms of derivatives incorporated in dictionaries.The research revealed that, in the Lithuanian language, the same entities (mostly plants, phenomena) are named in terms of variation: 40 rows of derivational variants (DV) and 33 rows of derivational synonyms (DS) have been formed and discussed. The plant saulėgrąža (‘a sunflower’) and the time when the sun sets down saulėlydis (‘the sunset’) have a particularly high number of conjugate names: in these rows of DV and DS, there are 33 and 29 derivatives, respectively. Although in many cases DV and DS are the words of a close (or even identical) semantical meaning, their usage and frequency differ: usually only one member of the DV and the DS row is common to the contemporary Lithuanian language, it is often used, while other derivatives often belong to the passive lexis and are known to a small part of the Lithuanian language users, or are recorded in written sources. In rare cases, conjugate derivatives are related in terms of antonyms.

This study presents a semantic analysis of how emotions and emotional experiences are described in Chinese. It focuses on conventionalized expressions in Chinese, namely compounds and idioms, which contain body-part terms. The body-part terms are divided into two classes: those denoting external body parts and those denoting internal body parts or organs. It is found that, with a few exceptions, the expressions involving external body parts are originally metonymic, describing emotions in terms of their externally observable bodily events and processes. However, once conventionalized, these expressions are also used metaphorically regardless of emotional symptoms or gestures. The expressions involving internal organs evoke imaginary bodily images that are primarily metaphorical. It is found that the metaphors, though imaginary in nature, are not really all arbitrary. They seem to have a bodily or psychological basis, although they are inevitably influenced by cultural models.

The article deals with cognitive models underlying the process of plant categorization by the speakers. Having analyzed 200 names of herbs and flowers in English, the authors differentiated three cognitive models, which the phytonyms categorization is based on: metaphoric, metonymic and propositional. It is shown that "the codes of culture", or in other words, well-known realia, are used as sources for nomination; on their basis typical cognitive models are formed. Since the names of flowers and herbs in the English language are mostly compound words, the identified cognitive models are described taking into account the action of the cognitive word-formation mechanisms of proverse and reverse. The first mechanism structure of a phytonym presupposes the direct order of compound-word components as a result of the initial word-combination integration. This word building mechanism is typical of the compound structures "adjective / verb + noun". The reversive mechanism represents the inner structure of a phytonym as a result of reverse transformation of the word-combination initial components. This type of mechanism is characteristic of the phytonyms created on the basis of the structures "noun + noun", "noun + ' + noun". The article describes the models of proverse and reverse structuring, which are typical of English phytonyms. The prospects of the research are to study the cognitive models and mechanisms underlying plant nomination in a comparative aspect based on the material of several languages.

The study of the specifics of publicistic style and its linguistic and stylistic peculiarities is relevant and it is caused by the linguists’ increased attention to mass media texts as a means of influence on the audience and the importance of a more complete examination of the linguistic text features. The lexical composition of newspaper texts is extremely diverse as the newspaper is a means of reflecting modern language development, and the periodical press uses various expressive means. The following English-speaking newspapers The Daily Mail, The New York Times, The Telegraph, The Guardian, The Times, Daily News, BBC News, Los Angeles Times, Esquire and The Washington Post , provide analysis of expressive means used with a view to distin-guishing epithets and examining their distribution and use in the periodical press. The article researches and illustrates different types of epithets distinguished on a variety of principles: in terms of their semantics, structure, nature of nomination and type of connotative meaning. From the semantic perspective there exist common language and individual epithets. In terms of nature of nomination epithets are classified into metaphoric and metonymic. The periodical press verifies use of all the structural epithet types, viz. simple, compound and epithet chains. The expression of the author’s viewpoint can be communicated with the help of epithets with meliorative, pejorative or neutral connotative meaning.

This research focuses on the comparative analysis of metaphorical folk names of English and Ukrainian homeopathic plants. The paper identified and interpreted the cognitive and linguocultural underpinning of the metaphors with an emphasis on the isomorphic and allomorphic features of their motivational structures in the compared languages. The study reached four major findings. Isomorphic for the metaphorization processes are input source spaces of "plant distribution area"; "mythical person or creature"; "a diseased organ or symptom"; "behaviour"; "another plant"; "body parts of the animal, bird or human", associated with the plant as a target space in shape, general appearance, location, healing properties, time of existence and way of life. Isomorphic for English and Ukrainian folk names of homeopathic plants are the compound blending models involving more than two input spaces and few blending spaces, as well as the presence in their motivational structure of a symbolic component associated with nationally specific and universal archetypal symbols. Isomorphic for metaphoric plant names is metonymic compression in blending spaces, based on holonym-partonym substitution, and involvement in the blending the possessive and comparative schemas. Allomorphic input sources of English metaphors involve the spheres of "artifact", "body fluids", "mythological characters", "fantastic creature", "particular patterns of behavior"– in contrast to the Ukrainian intercultural synonyms where such conceptual input spaces have not been identified.

The article discusses the conceptual images of ANGER, FEAR and SHAME in Lithuanian. The aim of the paper is to show the cognitive and cultural basis for the perception, valuation and linguistic expression of feelings of anger, fear and shame in Lithuanian. Conceptual metaphors and, in some cases, conceptual metonymies are used to reveal tendencies in thinking about these feelings. To this end, linguistic constructs are used to express various aspects of anger, fear and shame as well as the norms and behaviors associated with them. The research inventory consists of lexemes belonging to the categories of anger, fear and shame, composite linguistic units, which contain these lexemes or which are regularly associated semantically with the said lexemes, as well as derivatives derived from metonymic and metaphorical transfers and phraseological compounds. The structure of the article is measured by the source domains of the conceptual metaphors of ANGER, FEAR and SHAME. On this basis, first of all, the conceptual metaphors of the common source domain, which reveal the common patterns of perception of anger, fear and shame, are discussed (CONTAINER / CLOSED SPACE / UP and DOWN MOVEMENT / BALANCE; HUMAN / COMPANION / ENEMY; ANIMAL / BEAST; ARTEFACT; HEAT (FIRE) / COLD; DISEASE), the following are the directions of linguistic conceptualization specific to individual feelings only (PAIN / SUFFERING; BITTER / POISON; NATURAL FORCES / AIR / DARKNESS; PLANT (TREE / CEREALS); WATER (SEA / RIVER); DEVIL) First one reveal the common cognitive basis of the perception and evaluation of the feelings of ANGER, FEAR and SHAME, the second allows us to see the cultural layer of latter.

The article highlights main aspects of paradigmatic (polysemic) relations on the basis of the terminological system of the German professional language of architecture and construction. Using complex techniques of a structural method, a group of polysemant terms of the German professional language of architecture and construction is distinguished, the nature of polysemic relations in the studied terminological system is outlined, and the etymological status of proposed polysemants and their morphological indicators are established. The comprehensive analysis of GLSPAC polysemants showed that out of about 35,000 terms, 1,343 terms are polysemic and belong to different types of polysemy (intra-industry, inter-industry and external industry) based on the transfer of names by similarity, function and contiguity. The most common catalysts for the emergence of polysemy in the GLSPAC are metaphorical and functional transfer of the name. The study presents typical metonymic models of polysemy in the GLSPAC terminology: action – process – result, (final) stage – result, process – result, building structure – material, part – whole, property – object, founder's name – subject. The proposed terminology is characterized by an area of active polysemy (971 terms have 2 meanings, 372 terminological units – from 3 to 8). The overall rate of polysemy is low. Polysemous relations are also formed by borrowed terms and internationalisms (91 terms in total) from Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, Irish, Semitic and ancient Indian languages. We have identified cases of interlingual polysemants and interlingual homonyms. According to the morphological structure, the most frequent in the GLSPAC terminology are nouns (1036 terms), followed by verbs (202 terms) and adjectives (66 terminological units). Participles and terminological compounds are sporadically presented in the sample. The results of the study represent the state of polysemous relations at the present historical stage and will help in the retrospective analysis of the stages of formation and development of the GLSPAC.

Введение. Рассмотрены немецкие сложные существительные с компонентом Katze / Kater, а также прилагательные и глаголы с указанным компонентом, большое количество которых подтверждает продуктивность немецкого словосложения. Цель ‒ определить особенности семантики зоонима Katze в составе сложных слов, выявить структурный состав и тематические группы сложных слов с названным компонентом, что также даст представление о словообразовательных особенностях языка. Материал и методы. Центром значения исследуемых тематических групп сложных слов является зооним Katze / Kater. В подтверждение неоспоримой продуктивности словосложения в немецком языке в качестве материала для исследования было отобрано 172 сложных существительных с компонентом Katze и семь лексических единиц с компонентом Kater, из них 152 слова, в которых данный компонент является определительным словом, и 20 слов, где данный компонент ‒ определяющее слово. Кроме того, к этой группе слов примыкают прилагательные с указанным компонентом (17 слов) и три глагола. Номинационными признаками исследуемых сложных слов выступают метафорический и метонимический перенос, главной особенностью таких наименований является их смысловая двуплановость, т. е. «игра» переносного и буквального значений слова. Результаты и обсуждение. Показано, насколько активно компонент Katze / Kater выступает в качестве компонента немецких сложных слов. По своей структуре отобранные для исследования лексемы можно распределить на семь тематических групп, а по значению – на девять. Теоретическая значимость определяется результатами решения поставленной задачи. Исследование вносит вклад в развитие теории словообразования и семантики. Практическая ценность заключается в возможности использования результатов исследования при разработке лекционных курсов и семинарских занятий по лексикологии и истории немецкого языка, теории перевода. Заключение. Тематические группы сложных слов с компонентом Katze / Kater выражают непосредственное отношение к экстралингвистической реальности. Introduction. The article deals with the German compound nouns with the Katze / Kater component as well as adjectives and verbs with the component, a large number of which confirm the productivity of the German word composition. The purpose of the study was to determine the peculiarities of the semantics of the zoonym Katze in the composition of compound words, to identify the structural composition and thematic groups of compound words with the named component, which also gives an idea of the derivational features of the language. Material and methods. It is necessary to classify the vocabulary composition of the language to facilitate the study of it. The zoonym Katze / Kater is the center of meaning of the thematic groups of compound words studied by us. To confirm the undeniable productivity of word composition in the German language, there were selected 172 compound nouns with the Katze component and seven lexical units with the Kater component as material, this component is a definitive word of the 152 words where together with the 20 words with this component is viewed as a defining word. In addition to this group of words, adjectives with the indicated component (17 words) and 3 verbs are studied. Metaphorical and metonymic transfer are the nominal features of the studied compound words; the main feature of such names is their semantic bi-planarity, i.e. «Game» of figurative and literal meanings of the word. Results and discussion. The article shows how active the Katze / Kater is as a component of German compound words. According to their structure, the lexemes selected for the study can be divided into 7 thematic groups, and into 9 according to their meaning. The theoretical significance is determined by the results of solving the problem. The research contributes to the development of the theory of word formation and semantics. The practical value of the research is determined by the possibility of using the research results in the development of lecture courses and seminars on Lexicology and History of the German language, Translation theory. Conclusion. Thus, the results of the study confirmed the authors’ assumption that thematic groups of compound words with the Katze / Kater component express a direct relationship to extralinguistic reality.

The article raises the issue of structural and semantic features of the term origin in modern English medical discourse. Characteristics of such a plan include a description of the internal form of units of medical terminology, their etymology and morphological structure which are supported by the human cognitive activity in the nominative act. In view of the inner form of the units under analysis, it appears that many names for the medical phenomena were coined on the basis of people’s names or surnames, functional needs, qualitative characteristics, body parts and other features. The most productive ways of term formation in contemporary English are morphological, syntactic and word formation. Considering the etymological roots of the medical terms, units with Latin roots refer to a part of the human body and sometimes to the names of the pathologies. Terms founded on the Greek root signify a pathology or a disease. In English medical terminology there dominate words with Greek word-forming elements, many of them are included in the nomenclature of medical Latin, but they can be traced to the Greek language. Prefixes and suffixes in the morphological pattern of medical terms play an important role in revealing their meaning. The most popular type of word combinations in English terminology is a two-component attributive phrase containing a nuclear element, mostly a noun in the nominative case and an attributive, defining element. On the whole, the meaning of medical terms is determined by the extralinguistic information reflected in the inner form of the lexemes and also by their structural peculiarities such as the origin and the semantic content of the constituent elements such as roots, affixes, words in compound clusters. The semantic method of term formation presupposes the transition of terms from other sciences, borrowing terms from other languages, terminologizing, metaphorical and metonymic transference.

The paper describes the verbs of falling in Japanese (not compound, and only of native origin): ochiru ‘fall from above’, taoreru ‘fall over’, korobu ‘fall over while moving’ и furu ‘fall from the sky’, as well as the periphery of the domain: korogaru ‘(fall and) roll’, chiru ‘scatter; fall (leaves and fl owers)’ and tareru ‘hang down; drip, fall’. The domain has a well-defi ned dominant, ochiru ‘fall from above’. This term is the most frequently used, and covers falling as destruction and non-prototypical trajectors such as liquids. It also has the largest number of semantic shifts, including movement down metaphoric scales (such as ‘MORE IS UP’ and ‘GOOD IS UP’), parts missing from an information object, capitulation and others. The other verb at the core of the domain, taoreru ‘fall over’, takes both animate andinanimate trajectors, but is used metaphorically to mean illness and death, motivated by the body’s inability to stay upright. Korobu ‘fall over while moving’ historically used to be a verb of rolling. Its trajectors are mostly animate because they need to be self-propelling. Furu is primarily used for rain and snow, but examples suggest that it can be interpreted more broadly as ‘fall from above the viewpoint’. The three verbs on the periphery of the domain have primary meanings other than falling. Korogaru is related to korobu ‘fall over while moving’, but while korobu has lost the meaning of rotation, korogaru describes falling and rolling as a continuous situation. It does not distinguish between falling from above and toppling. Chiru ‘scatter; fall’ prefers multiple trajector but can metonymically be applied to a single leaf or petal. Tareru ‘hang; drip, fall’ prototypically describes liquids falling in a thin stream, but is also attested with a single drop. Neither of these verbs has any signifi cant semantic shifts, but they may be of interest in the study of adjacent domains.

Исследован корпус хантыйской лексики с переносными значениями, зафиксированной в статусе слов-вкраплений в русских письменных источниках 1870–1930 гг. Цели анализа: 1. Выявить способы номинации и семантические особенности указанной лексики. 2. Добавить новую информацию к этимологическому словарю хантыйского языка В. Штейница. 3. Показать причины возникновения лексико-семантических вариантов лексем и специфику передачи хантыйских слов в русских текстах. Методами исследования выступили общенаучные (анализ, синтез, сравнение) и частные лингвистические методы: описательный, этимологический, сопоставительный, метод реконструкции и статистической обработки материала. Переносные значения слов показаны в контекстах из источников, даны этимологии лексем по словарю В. Штейница, буквальный перевод. В результате исследования в статье приведены лексемы и их графические варианты по хронологии в рамках отдельных групп с учетом способа номинации: типы метафорического переноса 1) по форме (6 единиц), 2) по цвету (2), 3) по расположению в пространстве (3), 4) по функции (2); примеры метонимического переноса (4) и синекдохи (1). Указана многокомпонентная лексика, называющая животных и включающая в буквальном значении слова «мужчина» (2), «женщина» (4), «зверь» (4). Перечислены новые лексемы, дополняющие диалектные данные этимологического словаря хантыйского языка В. Штейница с учетом разных говоров, соседних или отдаленных друг от друга диалектов. Отмечены 4 сложных слова, не зафиксированные в указанном словаре. В статье проанализированы причины возникновения вариативности на лексико-семантическом уровне, отраженной в источниках: 1) в сравнении с фиксациями в словаре В. Штейница некоторые лексемы имеют новый компонент и вследствие этого семантический оттенок сложного слова (3 единицы); 2) полисемия в хантыйском языке в лексемах с компонентом ЮХ «дерево», при которой одно из значений на основе метонимии — «приспособление из дерева» (4). Исследование отражает специфику передачи в русских письменных текстах переносных значений словвкраплений в дописьменный период хантыйского языка, а также особенности осознания и отражения авторами внутренней формы сложных лексем при переводе: обобщение литературным словом, сокращение одного из компонентов при сохранении переносного смысла слова, буквальный перевод, описание предметов при переводе или без него. Статья вводит в научный оборот новый материал и может быть интересна для лингвистов, этнографов, историков, археологов. The study examines Khanty lexemes with figurative meanings recorded as borrowings in Russian written sources from 1870 through 1930. Analysis objectives: 1) Establish nomination methods and semantic characteristics of recorded lexemes; 2) Add new content to the etymological dictionary by W. Steinitz; 3) Show reasons for lexemes’ emerging lexico-semantic variations and specifics of how Khanty words get recorded in Russian texts. The study’s methodology incorporates general scientific (analysis, synthesis, comparison) and specific linguistic methods: descriptive, etymological, comparative, as well reconstructive and statistical processing of materials. Figurative meanings of words are presented in the source context, accompanied by their etymologies from the Steinitz dictionary, as well as literal translations. The study lists lexemes and their graphical variants chronologically, in groups based on the nomination approach: metaphoric transference according to 1) form (6 units); 2) color (2); 3) spatial orientation (3); 4) function (2); examples of metonymic transference (4) and synecdoche (1). Included multicomponent lexemes are used for naming animals and including the words “man” (2), “woman” (4), and “beast” (4). The study lists new lexemes, which complement the dialect data of the Steinitz dictionary taking into account various geographic variants and dialects. They include 4 compound words not recorded in the above dictionary. The study analyzes the causes of emerging lexico-semantic variability as presented in the examined materials: 1) compared to those recorded in the Steinitz dictionary, some lexemes show new components and therefore semantic facets of a compound word (3 units); 2) polysemy of the Khanty language in lexemes with component ЮХ “tree” includes cases with one of the metonymy-based meanings being “a wooden utensil” (4). The study points out specific ways, in which Russian written texts recorded figurative meanings of borrowings from the Khanty language before it became a written language. The study shows cognitive and linguistic processing, on the part of creators of examined sources, of the inner form of complex lexemes when translating them: using a more general literary term; shortening one of the word components while preserving its figurative meaning; literal translation; describing an object (in combination with translation or without it). The article introduces new material to the scientific domain and could be of interest for linguists, ethnographers, historians and archeologists.

Abstract It is common for “body part” nouns to refer to other concepts through metonymy operations in a specific context to produce new meanings in many languages. Some compound words formed by body part nouns as morphemes can also refer to other concepts through metonymy operations, and the degree of conventionalization varies. This study firstly defines the degrees of conventionalization of the target compound words–Chinese [X+body part] metonymic compounds, and divides them into three types: conventionalized, half-conventionalized, and inconventionalized. Then, from the perspective of cognitive pragmatics, this study uses an integrated analysis model of cognitive linguistics and Relevance Theory to analyze the meaning inferential process of metonymic compounds with different degrees of conventionalization. This study has found similarities and differences among them. The similarity is that both speakers and hearers need to achieve “optimal relevance” in the process and the difference is that the lower degree of conventionalization of the compound, the more complicated the meaning inferential process is. Lastly, on the basis of the inferential process, this study summarizes four factors that affect the conventionalization of metonymic compounds: time of word formation, salience of metonymy, clarity of word-forming motivation and contextual support, among which contextual support is the most crucial factor.

The paper provides new insight into the analysis of exocentric compounds in English and Punjabi by introducing a new step-by-step mechanism devised with the help of cognitive and cultural linguistics. The main purpose of the study is to show that exocentric compounds are very productive in the Indo -European languages. The current study claims that every exocentric compound is metaphoric in nature. Every constituent in an exocentric compound carries several interpretations based on specific metonymic relations and cultural knowledge. The meaning of one constituent aids and activates the interpretation of another constituent. In this paper*, only four examples of NN compounds are discussed in detail. Although the study is not a comparative analysis in actual sense, however, the formations of such compounds in English are also analyzed to show the applicability of the mechanism in other languages as well. The results revealed that the above mechanism is equally applicable in both the languages and supports the metaphoric interpretation in exocentric compounds. The study also nullifies the claims about the non-productivity and unpredictability of the exocentric compounds.

This paper addresses the question of how feelings are expressed in Kaytetye, a Central Australian language of the Pama-Nyugan family. It identifies three different formal constructions for expressing feelings, and explores the extent to which specific body part terms are associated with types of feelings, based on linguistic evidence in the form of lexical compounds, collocations and the way people talk about feelings. It is suggested that particular body part terms collocate with different feeling expressions for different reasons: either because the body part is the perceived locus of the feeling, or because of a lexicalised polysemy of a body part term, or because of a metonymic association between a body part, a behaviour and a feeling.

This study presents a semantic analysis of how emotions and emotional experiences are described in Chinese. It focuses on conventionalized expressions in Chinese, namely compounds and idioms, which contain body-part terms. The body-part terms are divided into two classes: those denoting external body parts and those denoting internal body parts or organs. It is found that, with a few exceptions, the expressions involving external body parts are originally metonymic, describing emotions in terms of their externally observable bodily events and processes. However, once conventionalized, these expressions are also used metaphorically regardless of emotional symptoms or gestures. The expressions involving internal organs evoke imaginary bodily images that are primarily metaphorical. It is found that the metaphors, though imaginary in nature, are not really all arbitrary. They seem to have a bodily or psychological basis, although they are inevitably influenced by cultural models.

1. Make a list of things to do2. Copy list of things left undone from previous list3. Add items to list of new things needing to be done4. Add some of the things already done from previous list and immediately cross off so as to put off the feeling of an interminable list of never accomplishable tasks5. Finish writing list and sit back feeling an overwhelming sense of listlessnessIt started so well. Get up: make list: get on. But lists can breed listlessness. It can’t always be helped. The word “list” referring to a sequence of items comes from the Italian and French words for “strip”—as in a strip of material. The word “list” that you find in the compound “listlessness” comes from the old English word for pleasing (to list is to please and to desire). To be listless is to be without desire, without the desire to please. The etymologies of list and listless don’t correspond but they might seem to conspire in other ways. Oh, and by the way, ships can list when their balance is off.I list, like a ship, itemising my obligations to job, to work, to colleagues, to parenting, to family: write a reference for such and such; buy birthday present for eighty-year-old dad; finish article about lists – and so on. I forget to add to the list my necessary requirements for achieving any of this: keep breathing; eat and drink regularly; visit toilet when required. Lists make visible. Lists hide. I forget to add to my list all my worries that underscore my sense that these lists (or any list) might require an optimism that is always something of a leap of faith: I hope that electricity continues to exist; I hope my computer will still work; I hope that my sore toe isn’t the first sign of bodily paralysis; I hope that this heart will still keep beating.I was brought up on lists: the hit parade (the top one hundred “hit” singles); football leagues (not that I ever really got the hang of them); lists of kings and queens; lists of dates; lists of states; lists of elements (the periodic table). There are lists and there are lists. Some lists are really rankings. These are clearly the important lists. Where do you stand on the list? How near the bottom are you? Where is your university in the list of top universities? Have you gone down or up? To list, then, for some at least is to rank, to prioritise, to value. Is it this that produces listlessness? The sense that while you might want to rank your ten favourite films in a list, listing is something that is constantly happening to you, happening around you; you are always in amongst lists, never on top of them. To hang around the middle of lists might be all that you can hope for: no possibility of sudden lurching from the top spot; no urgent worries that you might be heading for demotion too quickly.But ranking is only one aspect of listing. Sometimes listing has a more flattening effect. I once worked as a cash-in-hand auditor (in this case a posh name for someone who counts things). A group of us (many of whom were seriously stoned) were bussed to factories and warehouses where we had to count the stock. We had to make lists of items and simply count what there was: for large items this was relatively easy, but for the myriad of miniscule parts this seemed a task for Sisyphus. In a power-tool factory in some unprepossessing town on the outskirts of London (was it Slough or Croydon or somewhere else?) we had to count bolts, nuts, washers, flex, rivets, and so on. Of course after a while we just made it up—guesstimates—as they say. A box of thousands of 6mm metal washers is a homogenous set in a list of heterogeneous parts that itself starts looking homogenous as it takes its part in the list. Listing dedifferentiates in the act of differentiating.The task of making lists, of filling-in lists, of having a list of tasks to complete encourages listlessness because to list lists towards exhaustiveness and exhaustion. Archives are lists and lists are often archives and archived. Those that work on lists and on archives constantly battle the fatigue of too many lists, of too much exhaustiveness. But could exhaustion be embraced as a necessary mood with which to deal with lists and archives? Might listlessness be something of a methodological orientation that has its own productivity in the face of so many lists?At my university there resides an archive that can appear to be a list of lists. It is the Mass-Observation archive, begun at the end of 1936 and, with a sizeable hiatus in the 1960s and 1970s, is still going today. (For a full account of Mass-Observation, see Highmore, Everyday Life chapter 6, and Hubble; for examples of Mass-Observation material, see Calder and Sheridan, and Highmore, Ordinary chapter 4; for analysis of Mass-Observation from the point of view of the observer, see Sheridan, Street, and Bloome. The flavour of the project as it emerges in the late 1930s is best conveyed by consulting Mass-Observation, Mass-Observation, First Year’s Work, and Britain.) It was begun by three men: the filmmaker Humphrey Jennings, the poet and sociologist Charles Madge, and the ornithologist and anthropologist-of-the-near Tom Harrisson. Both Jennings and Madge were heavily involved in promoting a form of social surrealism that might see buried forces in the coincidences of daily life as well as in the machinations and contingency of large political and social events (the abdication crisis, the burning of the Crystal Palace—both in late 1936). Harrisson brought a form of amateur anthropology with him that would scour football crowds, pub clientele, and cinema queues for ritualistic and symbolic forms. Mass-Observation quickly recruited a large group of voluntary observers (about a thousand) who would be “the meteorological stations from whose reports a weather-map of popular feeling can be compiled” (Mass-Observation, Mass-Observation 30). Mass-Observation combined the social survey with a relentless interest in the irrational and in what the world felt like to those who lived in it. As a consequence the file reports often seem banal and bizarre in equal measure (accounts of nightmares, housework routines, betting activities). When Mass-Observation restarted in the 1980s the surrealistic impetus became less pronounced, but it was still there, implicit in the methodology. Today, both as an on-going project and as an archive of previous observational reports, Mass-Observation lives in archival boxes. You can find a list of what topics are addressed in each box; you can also find lists of the contributors, the voluntary Mass-Observers whose observations are recorded in the boxes. What better way to give you a flavour of these boxes than to offer you a sample of their listing activities. Here are observers, observing in 1983 the objects that reside on their mantelpieces. Here’s one:champagne cork, rubber band, drawing pin, two hearing aid batteries, appointment card for chiropodist, piece of dog biscuit.Does this conjure up a world? Do we have a set of clues, of material evidence, a small cosmology of relics, a reduced Wunderkammer, out of which we can construct not the exotic but something else, something more ordinary? Do you smell camphor and imagine antimacassars? Do you hear conversations with lots of mishearing? Are the hearing aid batteries shared? Is this a single person living with a dog, or do we imagine an assembly of chiropodist-goers, dog-owners, hearing aid-users, rubber band-pingers, champagne-drinkers?But don’t get caught imagining a life out of these fragments. Don’t get stuck on this list: there are hundreds to get through. After all, what sort of an archive would it be if it included a single list? We need more lists.Here’s another mantelpiece: three penknives, a tube of cement [which I assume is the sort of rubber cement that you get in bicycle puncture repair kits], a pocket microscope, a clinical thermometer.Who is this? A hypochondriacal explorer? Or a grown-up boy-scout, botanising on the asphalt? Why so many penknives? But on, on... And another:1 letter awaiting postage stamp1 diet book1 pair of spare spectacles1 recipe for daughter’s home economics1 notepad1 pen1 bottle of indigestion tablets1 envelope containing 13 pence which is owed a friend1 pair of stick-on heels for home shoe repairing session3 letters in day’s post1 envelope containing money for week’s milk bill1 recipe cut from magazine2 out of date letters from schoolWhat is the connection between the daughter’s home economics recipe and the indigestion tablets? Is the homework gastronomy not quite going to plan? Or is the diet book causing side-effects? And what sort of financial stickler remembers that they owe 13p; even in 1983 this was hardly much money? Or is it the friend who is the stickler? Perhaps this is just prying...?But you need more. Here’s yet another:an ashtray, a pipe, pipe tamper and tobacco pouch, one decorated stone and one plain stone, a painted clay model of an alien, an enamelled metal egg from Hong Kong, a copper bracelet, a polished shell, a snowstorm of Father Christmas in his sleigh...Ah, a pipe smoker, this much is clear. But apart from this the display sounds ritualistic – one stone decorated the other not. What sort of religion is this? What sort of magic? An alien and Santa. An egg, a shell, a bracelet. A riddle.And another:Two 12 gauge shotgun cartridges live 0 spread Rubber plantBrass carriage clockInternational press clock1950s cigarette dispenser Model of Panzer MKIV tankWWI shell fuseWWI shell case ash tray containing an acorn, twelve .22 rounds of ammunition, a .455 Eley round and a drawing pinPhoto of Eric Liddell (Chariots of Fire)Souvenir of Algerian ash tray containing marbles and beach stonesThree 1930s plastic duck clothes brushesLetter holder containing postcards and invitations. Holder in shape of a cow1970s Whizzwheels toy carWooden box of jeweller’s rottenstone (Victorian)Incense holderWorld war one German fuse (used)Jim Beam bottle with candle thereinSol beer bottle with candle therein I’m getting worried now. Who are these people who write for Mass-Observation? Why so much military paraphernalia? Why such detail as to the calibrations? Should I concern myself that small militias are holding out behind the net curtains and aspidistra plants of suburban England?And another:1930s AA BadgeAvocado PlantWooden cat from MexicoKahlua bottle with candle there in1950s matchbook with “merry widow” cocktail printed thereonTwo Britain’s model cannonOne brass “Carronade” from the Carron Iron Works factory shopPhotography pass from Parkhead 12/11/88Grouse foot kilt pinBrass incense holderPheasant featherNovitake cupBlack ash tray with beach pebbles there inFull packet of Mary Long cigarettes from HollandPewter cocktail shaker made in ShanghaiI’m feeling distance. Who says “there in” and “there on?” What is a Novitake cup? Perhaps I wrote it down incorrectly? An avocado plant stirs memories of trying to grow one from an avocado stone skewered in a cup with one “point” dunked in a bit of water. Did it ever grow, or just rot? I’m getting distracted now, drifting off, feeling sleepy...Some more then – let’s feed the listlessness of the list:Wood sculpture (Tenerife)A Rubber bandBirdJunior aspirinToy dinosaur Small photo of daughterSmall paint brushAh yes the banal bizarreness of ordinary life: dinosaurs and aspirins, paint brushes and rubber bands.But then a list comes along and pierces you:Six inch piece of grey eyeliner1 pair of nail clippers1 large box of matches1 Rubber band2 large hair gripsHalf a piece of cough candy1 screwed up tissue1 small bottle with tranquillizers in1 dead (but still in good condition) butterfly (which I intended to draw but placed it now to rest in the garden) it was already dead when I found it.The dead butterfly, the tranquillizers, the insistence that the mantelpiece user didn’t actually kill the butterfly, the half piece of cough candy, the screwed up tissue. In amongst the rubber bands and matches, signs of something desperate. Or maybe not: a holding on (the truly desperate haven’t found their way to the giant tranquillizer cupboard), a keeping a lid on it, a desire (to draw, to place a dead butterfly at rest in the garden)...And here is the methodology emerging: the lists works on the reader, listing them, and making them listless. After a while the lists (and there are hundreds of these lists of mantle-shelf items) begin to merge. One giant mantle shelf filled with small stacks of foreign coins, rubber bands and dead insects. They invite you to be both magical ethnographer and deadpan sociologist at one and the same time (for example, see Hurdley). The “Martian” ethnographer imagines the mantelpiece as a shrine where this culture worships the lone rubber band and itinerant button. Clearly a place of reliquary—on this planet the residents set up altars where they place their sacred objects: clocks and clippers; ammunition and amulets; coins and pills; candles and cosmetics. Or else something more sober, more sombre: late twentieth century petite-bourgeois taste required the mantelpiece to hold the signs of aspirant propriety in the form of emblems of tradition (forget the coins and the dead insects and weaponry: focus on the carriage clocks). And yet, either way, it is the final shelf that gets me every time. But it only got me, I think, because the archive had worked its magic: ransacked my will, my need to please, my desire. It had, for a while at least, made me listless, and listless enough to be touched by something that was really a minor catalogue of remainders. This sense of listlessness is the way that the archive productively defeats the “desire for the archive.” It is hard to visit an archive without an expectation, without an “image repertoire,” already in mind. This could be thought of as the apperception-schema of archival searching: the desire to see patterns already imagined; the desire to find the evidence for the thought whose shape has already formed. Such apperception is hard to avoid (probably impossible), but the boredom of the archive, its ceaselessness, has a way of undoing it, of emptying it. It corresponds to two aesthetic positions and propositions. One is well-known: it is Barthes’s distinction between “studium” and “punctum.” For Barthes, studium refers to a sort of social interest that is always, to some degree, satisfied by a document (his concern, of course, is with photographs). The punctum, on the other hand, spills out from the photograph as a sort of metonymical excess, quite distinct from social interest (but for all that, not asocial). While Barthes is clearly offering a phenomenology of viewing photographs, he isn’t overly interested (here at any rate) with the sort of perceptional-state the viewer might need to be in to be pierced by the puntum of an image. My sense, though, is that boredom, listlessness, tiredness, a sort of aching indifference, a mood of inattentiveness, a sense of satiated interest (but not the sort of disinterest of Kantian aesthetics), could all be beneficial to a punctum-like experience. The second aesthetic position is not so well-known. The Austrian dye-technician, lawyer and art-educationalist Anton Ehrenzweig wrote, during the 1950s and 1960s, about a form of inattentive-attention, and a form of afocal-rendering (eye-repelling rather than eye-catching), that encouraged eye-wandering, scanning, and the “‘full’ emptiness of attention” (Ehrenzweig, The Hidden Order 39). His was an aesthetics attuned to the kind of art produced by Paul Klee, but it was also an aesthetic propensity useful for making wallpaper and for productively connecting to unconscious processes. Like Barthes, Ehrenzweig doesn’t pursue the sort of affective state of being that might enhance such inattentive-attention, but it is not hard to imagine that the sort of library-tiredness of the archive would be a fitting preparation for “full emptiness.” Ehrenzweig and Barthes can be useful for exploring this archival mood, this orientation and attunement, which is also a disorientation and mis-attunement. Trawling through lists encourages scanning: your sensibilities are prepared; your attention is being trained. After a while, though, the lists blur, concentration starts to loosen its grip. The lists are not innocent recipients here. Shrapnel shards pull at you. You start to notice the patterns but also the spaces in-between that don’t seem to fit sociological categorisations. The strangeness of the patterns hypnotises you and while the effect can generate a sense of sociological-anthropological homogeneity-with-difference, sometimes the singularity of an item leaps out catching you unawares. An archive is an orchestration of order and disorder: however contained and constrained it appears it is always spilling out beyond its organisational structures (amongst the many accounts of archives in terms of their orderings, see Sekula, and Stoler, Race and Along). Like “Probate Inventories,” the mantelpiece archive presents material objects that connect us (however indirectly) to embodied practices and living spaces (Evans). The Mass-Observation archive, especially in its mantelpiece collection, is an accretion of temporalities and spaces. More crucially, it is an accumulation of temporalities materialised in a mass of spaces. A thousand mantelpieces in a thousand rooms scattered across the United Kingdom. Each shelf is syncopated to the rhythms of diverse durations, while being synchronised to the perpetual now of the shelf: a carriage clock, for instance, inherited from a deceased parent, its brass detailing relating to a different age, its mechanism perpetually telling you that the time of this space is now. The archive carries you away to a thousand living rooms filled with the momentary (dead insects) and the eternal (pebbles) and everything in-between. Its centrifugal force propels you out to a vast accrual of things: ashtrays, rubber bands, military paraphernalia, toy dinosaurs; a thousand living museums of the incidental and the memorial. This vertiginous archive threatens to undo you; each shelf a montage of times held materially together in space. It is too much. It pushes me towards the mantelshelves I know, the ones I’ve had a hand in. Each one an archive in itself: my grandfather’s green glass paperweight holding a fragile silver foil flower in its eternal grasp; the potions and lotions that feed my hypochondria; used train tickets. Each item pushes outwards to other times, other spaces, other people, other things. It is hard to focus, hard to cling onto anything. Was it the dead butterfly, or the tranquillizers, or both, that finally nailed me? Or was it the half a cough-candy? I know what she means by leaving the remnants of this sweet. You remember the taste, you think you loved them as a child, they have such a distinctive candy twist and colour, but actually their taste is harsh, challenging, bitter. There is nothing as ephemeral and as “useless” as a sweet; and yet few things are similarly evocative of times past, of times lost. Yes, I think I’d leave half a cough-candy on a shelf, gathering dust.[All these lists of mantelpiece items are taken from the Mass-Observation archive at the University of Sussex. Mass-Observation is a registered charity. For more information about Mass-Observation go to http://www.massobs.org.uk/]ReferencesBarthes, Roland. Camera Lucida. Translated by Richard Howard. London: Fontana, 1984.Calder, Angus, and Dorothy Sheridan, eds. Speak for Yourself: A Mass-Observation Anthology 1937–1949. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985.Ehrenzweig, Anton. The Psychoanalysis of Artistic Vision and Hearing: An Introduction to a Theory of Unconscious Perception. Third edition. London: Sheldon Press, 1965. [Originally published in 1953.]---. The Hidden Order of Art. London: Paladin, 1970.Evans, Adrian. “Enlivening the Archive: Glimpsing Embodied Consumption Practices in Probate Inventories of Household Possessions.” Historical Geography 36 (2008): 40-72.Highmore, Ben. Everyday Life and Cultural Theory. London: Routledge, 2002.---. Ordinary Lives: Studies in the Everyday. Abingdon: Routledge, 2011.Hubble, Nick. 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