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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Methodist Episcopal Church in Latvia"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 27 de julio de 2024

Última modificación: 28 de julio de 2024

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1

Volkman, Lucas P. "Church Property Disputes, Religious Freedom, and the Ordeal of African Methodists in Antebellum St. Louis: Farrar v. Finney (1855)". Journal of Law and Religion 27, n.º 1 (enero de 2012): 83–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000539.

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In October 1846, the men and women of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in St. Louis (African Church) met to consider whether they would remain with the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) or align with the recently-formed Methodist Episcopal Church, South (MECS). Two years earlier, in 1844, amid growing conflict over the question of slavery within the national Methodist Church, its General Conference had adopted a Plan of Separation that provided for the withdrawal of the southern Methodists and the creation of their own ecclesiastical government. The Plan provided that each Border State congregation would have the right to determine for itself by a vote of the majority with which of the two churches it would affiliate.After the southern conferences had organized the new MECS in May 1845, the trustees of the all-white Fourth Street Methodist Church (Fourth Street Church), whose quarterly conference exercised nominal authority over the African Church, informed the black congregants that they could retain their house of worship only if they voted to join the southern Methodists. Throwing caution to the wind, and putting at risk a decade-and-a-half of patient efforts to achieve formal congregational independence within the Methodist Church, the black congregants voted decisively, by a 110 to 7 margin, to remain affiliated with the Northern Conference.

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2

Richey, Russell E. "The African Methodist Episcopal Church: A History". Methodist History 59, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2021): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.59.2.0124.

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3

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnody of the African Methodist Episcopal Church". American Music 8, n.º 3 (1990): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052097.

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4

Yardley, Anne Bagnall. "Choirs in the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1800-1860". American Music 17, n.º 1 (1999): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052373.

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5

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnal of the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church". Black Sacred Music 3, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 1989): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10439455-3.1.53.

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6

Thompson, Patricia. "“Father” Samuel Snowden (c. 1770–1850): Preacher, Minister to Mariners, and Anti-Slavery Activist". Methodist History 60, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2022): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0136.

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ABSTRACT This article traces the life and ministry of the Rev. Samuel Snowden, the first Black pastor in the New England Conference of the United Methodist Church, who began his life as a slave on the eastern shore of Maryland. In 1818 he was called from Portland, Maine, to pastor the growing Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in Boston, Massachusetts. There he grew the first Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in New England and became a well-known and respected preacher and anti-slavery activist with a special ministry to Black seaman. At the end of his life, he opened his home as a refuge for fugitive slaves. Snowden’s son, Isaac Humphrey, became one of the first three Black men to enroll in Harvard Medical School.

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7

Heatwole, Charles. "A Geography of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church". Southeastern Geographer 26, n.º 1 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sgo.1986.0006.

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8

Bostic, Philmont Devon. "A Comedian in the Pulpit: Empowering the Use of Humor in Preaching". Religions 14, n.º 9 (11 de septiembre de 2023): 1155. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14091155.

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Each week, the preacher mounts the pulpit with many tools to deliver an impactful sermon. One element of preaching that the black church should embrace is humor. Humor and preaching may appear strange bedfellows, but humor is embedded in the art of black preaching. This study explores humor within the confines of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church.

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9

Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War". Church History 69, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.

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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

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10

Barringer Gordon, Sarah. "Staying in Place: Southern Methodists, the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, and Postwar Battles for Control of Church Property". Journal of the Civil War Era 13, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2023): 281–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2023.a905166.

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Abstract: Late in the Civil War, northern missionaries from African Methodist denominations flooded into Kentucky and across the upper South, where they sought new members, especially among Black Methodist congregations. But they encountered resistance from an unexpected foe—the law of church property. White Southern Methodists had prided themselves on their "Mission to the Negroes," and white churchmen used litigation to ensure that Black churches remained in the hands of the proslavery church, even after emancipation. This article recovers an otherwise unknown series of Kentucky court decisions on questions of race and church property. Other jurisdictions followed Kentucky's lead, frustrating shifts in allegiance to Black northern denominations. These cases give new context to the formation of the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church (CME) in 1870, which tied Black congregations firmly to the southern church. By taking law into account, the role of sacred space, church property and financial wealth, and the use of state power all emerge as key elements of the story. The legal history of CME's founding and its early growth highlight a reconstituted white supremacy, which imposed a strict requirement that the new denomination avoid all politics and yet could not prevent the emergence of a vibrant and longstanding spiritual community.

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11

Wilde, Melissa y Hajer Al-Faham. "Believing in Women? Examining Early Views of Women among America’s Most Progressive Religious Groups". Religions 9, n.º 10 (20 de octubre de 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100321.

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This paper examines views of women among the most prominent “progressive” American religious groups (as defined by those that liberalized early on the issue of birth control, circa 1929). We focus on the years between the first and second waves of the feminist movement (1929–1965) in order to examine these views during a time of relative quiescence. We find that some groups indeed have a history of outspoken support for women’s equality. Using their modern-day names, these groups—the United Church of Christ, the Unitarian Universalist Association, and to a lesser extent, the Society of Friends, or Quakers—professed strong support for women’s issues, early and often. However, we also find that prominent progressive groups—the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the United Presbyterian Church—were virtually silent on the issue of women’s rights. Thus, we conclude that birth control activism within the American religious field was not clearly correlated with an overall feminist orientation.

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12

Pullen, Ann Ellis. "Campbell, Songs Of Zion - The African Methodist Episcopal Church In The United States And South Africa". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 1997): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.1.46-47.

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Through a comparative study of the AME Church in the U.S. and in South Africa, James Campbell in Songs of Zion examines not only the church's history but also the self-perceptions of church members. His "central premise" is that "African and African American identities are and have always been mutually constituted." Campbell begins with the conflict between Methodist authorities and Philadelphia's Bethel Church, which in 1816 led to incorporation of the AME Church under the leadership of Richard Allen.

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13

Scott, David W. "Alcohol, Opium, and the Methodists in Singapore: The Inculturation of a Moral Crusade". Mission Studies 29, n.º 2 (2012): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341234.

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Abstract The Methodist Episcopal Church was strongly committed to the temperance movement in nineteenth-century America. This commitment rested on assumptions about the negative impacts of alcohol and was expressed through campaigns for personal moral reform and political prohibition. When Methodist missionaries arrived in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, they encountered a society in which opium was the most commonly abused drug. In this new context, Methodist missionaries adapted their concerns about alcohol and their methods of opposing the liquor trade and applied these concerns and methods to opium and the opium trade instead. This case study raises important questions about the inculturation of morality as an aspect of the missionary enterprise, a topic which is insufficiently addressed in literature on theological inculturation.

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14

Gonten, Kristen Von. "Emma Stone Poteet Pilley and Methodist Episcopal Church, South, Missions to Asia". Methodist History 61, n.º 1 (abril de 2023): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.61.1.0013.

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ABSTRACT This article explores the life and ministry of Emma Stone Poteet Pilley in her own words through her letters home. Pilley was a missionary with the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in both Japan and China in the early twentieth century. The article considers her life before and during her time as a missionary, her possible reasons for entering the mission field, and her various experiences of life in two different countries far from her small, rural Texas upbringing.

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15

Swinson, Daniel. "Restoring “Mr. Wesley’s Rule”: The General Conference of 1840 and Its Context". Methodist History 60, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2022): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT At the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1840, held in Baltimore, Maryland, a majority of delegates fully expected that a step would be taken that would restore the Church to its rightful place in the front ranks of the Temperance Movement. Instead, the conference became embroiled in a constitutional battle that pitted a minority of the delegates, representing different viewpoints, against a majority of delegates, also representing different viewpoints. The maneuvering in and around this conference illustrates parliamentary processes then common to the denomination, the character of antebellum Methodism, and the importance of temperance in the life of the Church.

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16

Harris, Paul W. "Dancing with Jim Crow: The Chattanooga Embarrassment of the Methodist Episcopal Church". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, n.º 2 (8 de marzo de 2019): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000695.

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AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.

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17

Martin, S. D. "Review: Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862-1939". Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187.

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18

Stone, Phillip. "A Long Reconstruction: Racial Caste and Reconciliation in the Methodist Episcopal Church". Methodist History 61, n.º 2 (octubre de 2023): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.61.2.0145.

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19

Harper, Matthew J. Zacharias. "A Long Reconstruction: Racial Caste and Reconciliation in the Methodist Episcopal Church". Journal of American History 110, n.º 4 (1 de marzo de 2024): 782–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaad386.

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20

Kwon, Andrea. "The Legacy of Mary Scranton". International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, n.º 2 (11 de abril de 2017): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317698778.

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Mary Scranton was an American missionary to Korea, the first missionary sent there by the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS) of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During her more than two decades of service, Scranton laid the foundations for the WFMS mission in Seoul and helped to establish the wider Protestant missionary endeavor on the Korean peninsula. Her pioneering evangelistic and educational work, including the opening of Korea’s first modern school for girls, reflected Scranton’s commitment to ministering to and with Korean women.

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21

Harris, Paul W. "Separation, Inclusion, and the Development of Black Leadership in the Methodist Episcopal Church". Methodist History 56, n.º 1 (1 de octubre de 2017): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.56.1.0014.

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22

Limbo, Ernest M. y Julius H. Bailey. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900". Journal of Southern History 72, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 2006): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649282.

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23

문영걸. "The Siberia Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South in Korea (1920-1931)". Christianity and History in Korea ll, n.º 34 (marzo de 2011): 121–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18021/chk..34.201103.121.

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24

Best, W. D. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865 -1900". Journal of American History 93, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2006): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486304.

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25

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land". New West Indian Guide 89, n.º 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

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The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.

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26

McGill, Jenny. "The Legacy of Anna E. Hall, African American Missionary to Liberia". International Bulletin of Mission Research 46, n.º 1 (22 de diciembre de 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23969393211061193.

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This article, which tells the life story of Anna E. Hall, highlights the significant role that this African American missionary played in Liberia for the US Methodist Episcopal Church in the early twentieth century. The latter half of the nineteenth century saw increased migration of free African Americans as ministers . . . and missionaries overseas, especially to Africa. Standing as a paragon in missionary ventures, Anna E. Hall represents one of many who were responsible for the resurgence of Christianity in Africa and provides an exemplar for missionary service.

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27

Guenther, Alan M. "Ghazals, Bhajans and Hymns: Hindustani Christian Music in Nineteenth-Century North India". Studies in World Christianity 25, n.º 2 (agosto de 2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0254.

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When American missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church arrived in India in the middle of the nineteenth century, they very soon published hymn-books to aid the Christian church in worship. But these publications were not solely the product of American Methodists nor simply the collection of foreign songs and music translated into Urdu. Rather, successive editions demonstrate the increasing participation of both foreigners and Indians, of missionaries from various denominations, of both men and women, and of even those not yet baptised as Christians. The tunes and poetry included were in both European and Indian forms. This hybrid nature is particularly apparent by the end of the century when the Methodist press published a hymn-book containing ghazals and bhajans in addition to hymns and Sunday school songs. The inclusion of a separate section of ghazals was evidence of the influence of the Muslim culture on the worship of Christians in North India. This mixing of cultures was an essential characteristic of the hymnody produced by the emerging church in the region and was used in both evangelism and worship. Indian and foreign evangelists relied on indigenous music to draw hearers and to communicate the Christian gospel.

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28

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900 (review)". Catholic Historical Review 93, n.º 2 (2007): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0161.

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29

Butner, Bonita K. "The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of African Americans after the Civil War". Christian Higher Education 4, n.º 4 (octubre de 2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363750500182596.

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30

Kim, Ha-Na. "Management of Sajikkol Mission Compound of Methodist Episcopal Church, South in Seoul before 1945". Korean Journal of Urban History 31 (30 de noviembre de 2022): 143–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22345/kjuh.2022.11.31.143.

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31

Hwang, Mee Sook. "F.E.C. Williams’ Educational Work and Rural missionary Ideas, Missionary to the Methodist Episcopal Church". 韓國敎會史學會誌 63 (31 de diciembre de 2022): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.22254/kchs.2022.63.09.

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32

Santiago-Vendrell, Angel y Misoon (Esther) Im. "The World Was Their Parish: Evangelistic Work of the Single Female Missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, to Korea, 1887–1940". Religions 14, n.º 2 (15 de febrero de 2023): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020262.

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The Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS) (1897–1909) and the Woman’s Missionary Council (WMC) (1910–1940) of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South (MECS) worked in Korea from 1897 to 1940. Their work used a distinctive mission philosophy, hermeneutics, and implementation of strategies in their encounters with Korean women. Over the course of their years in Korea, Southern Methodist missionary women initiated the Great Korea Revival, established the first social evangelistic centers, educated the first indigenous female church historian, and ordained women for the first time in Korea. This article argues that, even though the missionary activities of the single female missionaries occurred in the context of “Christian civilization” as a mission theory, their holistic Wesleyan missiology departed from the colonial theory of mission as civilization. The first section of the article offers background information regarding the single female missionaries to help understand them. What motivated these females to venture in foreign lands with the Gospel? What was their preparation? The second section presents the religious, cultural, social, and political background of Korea during the time the missionaries arrived. The third section describes and analyzes the evangelistic and social ministries of the female missionaries in the nascent Korean mission. The final section describes and analyzes the appropriation and reinterpretation of the Bible and Christianity by Korean women, especially the work of Korean Bible women and Methodist female Christians in the quest for independence from Japanese control in the Independence Movement of 1919.

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33

Dutton, David. "How the Fourth Statistical Account of East Lothian Recorded Developments in the Church in the County Between 1945 and 2000". Scottish Church History 53, n.º 1 (abril de 2024): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2024.0113.

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This article will use the Fourth Statistical Account of East Lothian, which was produced by a consortium of local history societies, to provide a case study of how the church in the county developed between 1945 and 2000. Because East Lothian is the only Scottish county to have a fourth statistical account, the study provides a unique opportunity to trace the development of the church within a Scottish local authority during the second half of the twentieth century. The article will use, as its main sources, essays on four established denominations and the sections on ‘Belief’ in each of the parish entries. It will detail how the Church of Scotland, the Scottish Episcopal Church and the Methodist Church contracted between 1945 and 2000; show that, while the Roman Catholic Church was more stable, it began to suffer from a lack of vocations and the disinterest of younger members of the Catholic population, and that, while the Baptist Church increased its presence in the county and Pentecostal congregations and ‘house churches’ were formed, the Brethren and Church of Christ both declined and, as a consequence, these other churches remained on the margins of the church in East Lothian.

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34

Bulthuis, Kyle T. "Preacher Politics and People Power: Congregational Conflicts in New York City, 1810–1830". Church History 78, n.º 2 (28 de mayo de 2009): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000481.

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The 1812 Methodist Episcopal Church general conference in New York City proved contentious. In his journal entry of May 17, Bishop Francis Asbury recorded that the conference participants hotly debated the power of the denomination's bishops, particularly regarding their unchecked right to appoint lesser ministers to positions of authority. While spirited, the disagreements did not deeply divide the contestants. That evening Asbury ate dinner with seventeen ministers, many of whom had fought on opposite sites. Asbury commented, “We should thank God we are not at war with each other, as are the Episcopalians, with the pen and the press as their weapons of warfare.”

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35

Ranger, Terence y James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion. The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa". Journal of Religion in Africa 27, n.º 4 (noviembre de 1997): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581911.

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36

Kunnie, Julian E. y James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa". African Studies Review 40, n.º 2 (septiembre de 1997): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525164.

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37

Kachun, Mitch y Lawrence S. Little. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916". Journal of American History 88, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2001): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675170.

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38

Gregg, Robert y James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of American History 83, n.º 2 (septiembre de 1996): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945017.

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39

Watson, R. L. y James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa". International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, n.º 1 (1997): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221554.

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40

Close, Stacey. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa". History: Reviews of New Books 24, n.º 3 (abril de 1996): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951344.

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41

Teasdale, Mark R. "Growth or Declension: Methodist Historians’ Treatment of the Relationship Between the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Culture of the United States". Theological Librarianship 3, n.º 2 (15 de diciembre de 2010): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v3i2.163.

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42

Kim-Cragg, David Andrew. "“We Take Hold of the White Man’s Worship with One Hand, but with the Other Hand We Hold Fast Our Fathers’ Worship”: The Beginning of Indigenous Methodist Christianity and Its Expression in the Christian Guardian, Upper Canada circa 1829". Religions 14, n.º 2 (20 de enero de 2023): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020139.

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With more and more evidence coming to light of the cultural genocide inflicted by settler Christians upon Indigenous peoples through the residential school system, it is hard to see how Christian and Indigenous identities can hold together in the current Canadian context. Nevertheless, many in the Indigenous community within Canada continue to call themselves Christian, and Indigenous Christians continue to provide important leadership for the Canadian church. This phenomenon cannot be properly understood or appreciated without knowledge of the longstanding tradition of Indigenous Christianity and its origins. Beginning in 1829, Indigenous leadership within the Methodist Episcopal church in Upper Canada used the Christian Guardian to tell the story of their work among Indigenous communities. These Indigenous accounts of mission work provide a window into how early Indigenous converts to Methodism understood their faith and its meaning within the context of Canadian colonial Christianity, an understanding that differed in significant ways from that of their settler co-religionists. The early Indigenous narrative found in the settler Methodist publication emphasized Indigenous leadership, Indigenous language and the compatibility of Indigenous and Christian spiritual teachings. This study provides an important perspective which confirms and challenges contemporary views on Indigenous Christianity in Canada and helps to reimagine the past, present and future of Christianity in postcolonial contexts.

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43

Schneider, A. Gregory. "A Conflict of Associations: The National Camp-Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness Versus the Methodist Episcopal Church". Church History 66, n.º 2 (junio de 1997): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170658.

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Hiram Mattison was fighting mad. Some of the holiness people in the Methodist Episcopal church had pulled a fast one. Early in 1867 the New York Preachers' Meeting had hosted a series of speeches on the question, “What are the best methods for promoting the experience of perfect love?” The discussion had been, in the words of one participant, “lengthy and pungent.” Mattison, a seminary professor and long-time opponent of the holiness movement, had weighed in with his professional theological polemics against the movement's doctrine and methods of promotion. He had expected that all the speeches would be published in a single volume. But the proponents of perfect love surreptitiously had withdrawn their manuscripts from the Methodist book room and had them published and copyrighted on their own. The original plan to publish a two-sided debate had been thus defeated, and the advocates of perfect love had scooped their opposition. What a move for people who professed to have attained Christian perfection, said Mattison. It must have paid well, he added, for three editions had been issued in just a few weeks.

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Gautom, Priyanka, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli y Gloria D. Coronado. "Abstract A102: Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church". Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 32, n.º 1_Supplement (1 de enero de 2023): A102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7755.disp22-a102.

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Abstract Introductory sentences: We use boot camp translation (BCT), a validated community based participatory strategy, to elicit input from African Methodist Episcopal (AME) congregants, leadership, and healthcare systems in Atlanta, Georgia to create culturally appropriate and locally relevant colorectal cancer (CRC) faith-based screening messages and materials for AME church communities. Brief description of pertinent experimental procedures: In the United States, CRC is the third-leading cause of cancer death and disproportionately impacts African Americans, highlighting the need for timely screening within this community. African American adults have higher annual rates of new CRC cases and are diagnosed with CRC at younger ages when compared to White adults. Regular CRC screening is pertinent to increasing the chance of early diagnosis and survival, however, African Americans are less likely to get screened for CRC than Whites. Church-based educational programs have been successful in promoting cancer screening, including CRC screening, in various racial and ethnic groups. Churches can serve as key partners in delivering health information as they are among the most trusted institutions within the African American community. As part of a collaboration among the American Cancer Society, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, AME churches and Atlanta-based healthcare systems, we will apply BCT to develop and disseminate messaging to promote CRC screening within the AME community. The BCT session aims are twofold: 1) to identify the role of the church in bringing CRC information to the AME community and 2) to define the content and format of effective faith-based CRC messages tailored for the AME community. Summary of new, unpublished data: The BCT workshops will occur in July 2022.Statement of conclusions: We anticipate preliminary findings and materials to be ready by September 2022. Citation Format: Priyanka Gautom, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli, Gloria D. Coronado. Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 15th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2022 Sep 16-19; Philadelphia, PA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2022;31(1 Suppl):Abstract nr A102.

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Thompson, Jamie, Jennifer Rivelli, Priyanka Gautom, Cheryl Johnson, Megan Burns, Dani Schenk, Caleb Levell, Nikki Hayes y Gloria Coronado. "Abstract A050: Faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening in the African Methodist Episcopal church". Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 32, n.º 12_Supplement (1 de diciembre de 2023): A050. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7755.disp23-a050.

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Abstract Introduction: Religion plays a significant role in Black and African American communities, yet little is known about ways to incorporate faith into colorectal cancer (CRC) screening messages and how to distribute such messages to the congregation and community. Brief description of pertinent experimental procedures: We collaborated with members of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church in Atlanta, Georgia to create culturally appropriate and locally relevant faith-based CRC screening messages and materials. We used a modified boot camp translation (BCT) approach to obtain input from AME congregants to 1) develop faith-based CRC screening messages that resonate with the AME community and 2) identify the role of the church in bringing CRC information to the AME community. Messages were developed using market-tested CRC screening messaging from the National Colorectal Cancer Roundtable (NCCRT) as a starting point. Eligible participants were members from six churches within the AME Atlanta East District, ages 45 to 75 years, and willing to participate in one 5-hour in-person meeting and two follow-up video-conferencing calls. The in-person session consisted of expert presentations by a national leader on CRC and screening, a local leader well-versed in barriers to screening and community resources, and a prominent figure within the church clergy. Interactive small group sessions were also part of the in-person meeting and focused on developing CRC screening messages and identifying dissemination channels. Follow-up virtual sessions (one-hour each) were conducted to solicit feedback from participants on the materials created (e.g., fact sheets, pamphlets, message cards). Summary of new, unpublished data: A total of twenty-seven adults participated in the in-person session (17 women and 10 men) and 12-13 of these individuals attended the virtual follow-up sessions. Based on input obtained, the research team developed CRC screening messages that 1) incorporated faith-based concepts into health messaging, 2) sought to raise CRC awareness and knowledge through personal connections, or 3) empowered individuals to take control of their colorectal health through the strength of their community. Messages included: “Faith over fear! Get screened for colorectal cancer today;” “Honor God by taking care of your body.” “Share your cancer story. It can save lives.” “You are not alone. We are in this together.” Participants identified the following preferred dissemination methods/channels: print materials (e.g., flyers, pamphlets, message cards) and digital materials (e.g., videos) shown during Sunday service. Additional channels included cancer awareness events and social media platforms. Conclusion: Churches serve as key partners in delivering health information as they are among the most trusted institutions within the Black and African American community. Using BCT, we incorporated participant feedback to create faith-based CRC screening messages and identified channels for sharing information within the AME church community. Citation Format: Jamie Thompson, Jennifer Rivelli, Priyanka Gautom, Cheryl Johnson, Megan Burns, Dani Schenk, Caleb Levell, Nikki Hayes, Gloria Coronado. Faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening in the African Methodist Episcopal church [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 16th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2023 Sep 29-Oct 2;Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2023;32(12 Suppl):Abstract nr A050.

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46

Park, SaeAm. "A Study of Learning Korean by the early Protestant missionaries - Focusing on the Methodist Episcopal Church -". Journal of the International Network for Korean Language and Culture 13, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2016): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15652/ink.2016.13.3.119.

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Martin, S. D. "Review: Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916". Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187-a.

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Dodson, Jualynne E. "Julius H. Bailey, Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church 1865-1900". Journal of African American History 91, n.º 4 (octubre de 2006): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv91n4p476.

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Baker, Benjamin. ":Black Indians and Freedmen: The African Methodist Episcopal Church and Indigenous Americans, 1816–1916". Journal of African American History 108, n.º 2 (1 de marzo de 2023): 300–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/724068.

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Dickerson, Dennis C. "Building a Diasporic Family: The Women’s Parent Mite Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1874–1920". Wesley and Methodist Studies 15, n.º 1 (enero de 2023): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.15.1.0027.

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ABSTRACT This article argues that the missionary language of the Women’s Parent Mite Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was cast in familial and kinship nomenclature that eschewed the evil of racial hierarchy. Although routine missionary vernacular about heathen Africa and its need for Christianization and civilization appeared in the rhetoric of AME women, they more deeply expressed a diasporic consciousness that obligated Black people on both sides of the Atlantic to resist Euro-American hegemony. The capacious embrace of the WPMMS for Black women—whether in the United States, the Caribbean, or Africa—actualized their vision for maternal and sisterly interaction in contrast to the racial condescension prevalent among white women in their respective American and European missionary groups.

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