Tesis sobre el tema "Metafore politiche"

Questa tesi è dedicata al ruolo della metafora nella comunicazione politica dal punto di vista di un interprete di conferenza. In essa si effettua un'analisi di un corpus di metafore utilizzate da Vladimir Putin e si inquadra la metafora nel contesto dell’interpretazione simultanea. La metafora, infatti, gioca un ruolo fondamentale nel trasmettere l’intenzione comunicativa dell’oratore. Dunque, è importante che l’interprete sia conscio dei modelli metaforici più frequenti nel discorso politico, nonché delle strategie migliori da adottare di fronte ai vari tipi di metafore. Il primo capitolo è dedicato ad alcune delle teorie sulla metafora. Si evidenzia il passaggio da una concezione “classica” di metafora come abbellimento del testo, all’idea più recente della metafora come fenomeno cognitivo. Si discute inoltre della traduzione della metafora, della sua categorizzazione, su una scala da metafora viva a metafora “morta”, e del concetto di metafora universale. Il secondo capitolo riguarda il ruolo della metafora nella comunicazione politica, le funzioni da essa svolte e il suo potere persuasivo. Si presentano le metafore più diffuse nei discorsi politici russi e il particolare stile comunicativo di Vladimir Putin. Il terzo capitolo analizza un corpus di metafore di Vladimir Putin. Le metafore estratte sono classificate su una scala, dalle più alle meno lessicalizzate; si evidenziano le metafore concettuali più frequenti e le potenziali difficoltà che possono emergere nella resa in interpretazione simultanea.

Metaphors have always been an object of study. In the past many have shown interest towards this topic, at the beginning poets, philosophers, literature critics and later on also linguists and psychologists. However, it was at the end of the seventies, thanks to Howard Pollios study, that metaphors became an object of study for psychologists and linguists. As a student at the interpreting masters degree in Forlì, it was immediately clear that metaphors represented a major difficulty in interpreting. University lecturers have always tried to teach students to “kill the metaphor”. This shows that all metaphors are different from one another, yet there is one thing that all metaphors share, that is, the obstacle that they represent for simultaneous interpreting. The first chapter of this dissertation is divided in two parts. The first one we will highlight the metaphors theory and will describe what approaches have been employed when dealing with this topic. The second part describes what simultaneous interpreting is. The second chapter deals with the political language and with the use of metaphors in this sector. The third and fourth chapter describe the experiment carried out to see how trainee conference interpreters deal with metaphors. Furthermore, chapter four will illustrate, what parameters have been chosen for the analysis of the interpreters’ outputs and it contains a categorisation of all metaphors found in the source text. Chapter five will be divided in two parts, the first one, summarizes the interpreters’ outputs and evaluates their quality with reference to the selected quality criteria. The second one, focuses on the outputs of the metaphors found in the source text and analyzes what translation techniques have been adopted. Having two different groups of interpreters, belonging to two different academic years, it will be interesting to analyze if, as far as the quality of the interpreters’ outputs is concerned, substantial differences exist.

Le metafore sono figure importanti del discorso e spesso rappresentano un problema per gli interpreti di conferenza. È stato scritto poco sulla traduzione delle metafore in interpretazione simultanea e il consiglio spesso fornito agli studenti di interpretazione è quello di parafrasare le metafore. Ma questa è sempre la strategia corretta? Lo scopo di questa tesi è stabilire in che misura le metafore costituiscono un problema per interpreti di simultanea e quali sono le strategie più usate per renderle. Per raggiungere questo obiettivo, è stata applicata la metodologia di IMITES a 18 discorsi pronunciati in italiano o in spagnolo e interpretati verso l’altra lingua. Tutti i discorsi sono pronunciati da capi di stato o di governo durante conferenze stampa, sedute del Parlamento Europeo e uno in un’università. I discorsi sono stati trascritti e il corpus è stato analizzato manualmente. Innanzitutto, sono state delineate le principali teorie della metafora, dalla tradizionalista alla cognitivista. È stata tracciata una classificazione delle metafore in tre macrocategorie: metafore creative, concetti metaforici e catacresi. Le 1406 metafore sono state suddivise in queste categorie e allineate con la versione interpretata. Le rese sono state suddivise in: traduzione letterale, sostituzione, parafrasi omissione. Sono state individuate le metafore problematiche. I risultati ottenuti sono simili a quelli di IMITES: il tipo di metafora più comune è il concetto metaforico; la strategia più adottata dagli interpreti è la traduzione letterale, la meno adottata è l’omissione. I risultati si discostano da quelli di IMITES nel numero di metafore problematiche che nel presente corpus è molto minore. La nostra ipotesi è che gli interpreti, avendo avuto accesso ai testi scritti degli interventi in precedenza, abbiano avuto meno problemi a gestire le metafore. Tuttavia, questa è solo un’ipotesi e va confermata da ulteriori studi.

The MA paper analyzes the conceptual metaphors which were used in pre- and post-elective speeches of presidents Bill Clinton and Valdas Adamkus and how the choice of metaphorical expressions influenced the voters' choice.
Darbas analizuoja konceptualias metaforas Bilo Klintono ir Valdo Adamkaus prieš ir po rinkiminėse politinėse kalbose ir kaip metaforų naudojimas įtakojo rinkėjų pasirinkimą.

The present research investigates political conceptual metaphors and their translation in Hillary Rodham Clinton autobiography “Living History” (2003). It sets out to explore conceptual metaphors in political discourse. As the study of political discourse covers a broad range of subject matters, herewith politicians’ memoirs, this book has been taken as source material. The analysis of a rather framed corpus allows to view and contrast distinguished conceptual metaphors in the source language and their rendering in the target language. The concept of politics has been taken as a source domain, in what have followed all possible classifications established. My investigation aims at already accepted conceptual metaphors (POLITICS IS WAR; POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, etc.) and less explored conceptual metaphors inherent in the above mentioned book and their translation into Lithuanian (POLITICS IS MEDICINE, POLITICS IS HUNTING, etc.).
Magistrinio darbo tema „Konceptualiosios metaforos politiniame diskurse ir jų vertimas iš anglų kalbos į lietuvių. Darbo tikslas yra nustatyti kaip konceptualiosios metaforos yra verčiamos iš anglų kalbos į lietuvių kalbą Hillary Rodham Clinton autobiografijoje „Gyvoji istorija“ (2003). Darbas susideda iš dviejų pagrindinių dalių: teorinės ir praktinės. Pirmoje dalyje aptariamos kognityviosios kalbotyros atsiradimo prielaidos ir konceptualiosios metaforos teorija, analizuojamos metaforinės kalbos ypatybes politiniame diskurse. Tai pat joje pateikiama išsamesnė metaforos vertimo teorijos apžvalga. Antroji dalis yra empirinė, kurioje konceptualiosios metaforos ir jų vertimas nagrinėjamas freimų teorijos požiūriu. Darbas grindžiamas G. Lakoff‘o ir M. Johnson‘o kognityviniu konceptualiosios metaforos požiūriu, kuri konceptualiosios metaforos pagrindu laiko žmogaus mintis, kalbą, elgesį. Buvo surinkti ir palyginti 740 pavyzdžių (lingvistinių manifestacijų) bei jų vertimų į lietuvių kalbą. Remiantis lingvistinių elementų sistemiškumu bei teminiu kryptingumu buvo išskirtos devynios konceptualiosios metaforos, kurių tikslo sritis yra politika: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA SPORTAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, POLITIKA YRA VERSLAS, POLITIKA YRA MEDICINA, POLITIKA YRA TEATRAS, POLITIKA YRA ARCHITEKTŪRA, POLITIKA YRA MEDŽIOKLĖ ir POLITIKA YRA ŽAIDIMAS. Vertimų analizė atlikta remiantis trimis vertimo modeliais. Ši analizė leidžia teigti, kad lingvistinės manifestacijos verčiant iš anglų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The translation of metaphors has been analyzed and discussed for several decades, but there are not many multilingual studies that examine how metaphors are translated. The present study takes a cognitive approach to metaphor and investigates how translators at the European Commission handle metaphorical expressions and the underlying conceptual metaphors in political discourse. The source text is the English language version of the policy document A European Agenda on Migration, and the Swedish and Spanish language versions of it are included as target texts. The study identifies the conceptual metaphors that conceptualize migration and other topics that are closely related to the European migrant and refugee crisis of 2015 and the translation procedures that are used. A total of six translation procedures were found in the target texts, and the most used procedure in the Spanish target text was to retain both the conceptual metaphor and the metaphorical expression, whereas the most used procedure in the Swedish target text was to replace the metaphorical expression with a completely different one and thereby using a different conceptual metaphor. The parallel analysis of all three language versions also revealed that non-metaphorical expressions in the source text were occasionally replaced with metaphorical expressions in the target texts, which proves that adding a conceptual metaphor is one of many translation procedures. The most frequently used source domains in the source text, i.e. water, enemy and applied force, were transferred to both target texts. Some source domains were eventually lost, but a couple of new ones, such as disease and weight, were added instead.

The present study aims at analysing metaphor in the inaugural addresses of American Presidents. It is hypothesised that metaphor is a legitimization strategy which is employed to affect the audience. The research questions were formulated as follows: What conceptual metaphors and their linguistic realizations are used for legitimization in American Presidents’ inaugural addresses and what are their rhetorical implications? The study was carried out within the framework of the Critical Metaphor Theory suggested by Charteris-Black (2005), which is a blend of Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis. The corpus of the study was compiled of 14 and 16 inaugural addresses delivered by American Presidents affiliated to the Democratic and Republican parties respectively. To achieve the aim the following objectives were set. Firstly, metaphorical expressions were identified and ascribed to the conceptual metaphors they manifest. Secondly, the quantitative analysis was carried out to reveal the frequency of the metaphorical expressions underlying the prevailing conceptual metaphors in the inaugural addresses delivered by the members of both political parties. Finally, the realizations of the conceptual metaphors were contrasted and interpreted across the two political parties. The analysis revealed the following prevailing conceptual metaphors: AMERICA IS A FAMILY, AMERICA IS A PERSON, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, SIGNIFICANT IS BIG, POLITICS IS A BUILDING, DIFFICULTIES ARE... [to full text]
Šis darbas nagrinėja metaforą kaip legitimizacijos strategiją, dominuojančią Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinių kalbų diskurse. Atlikti tyrimai rodo. kad metafora kaip legitimizacijos strategija yra vartojama siekiant daryti įtaką visuomenei. Tyrimui vykdyti buvo suformuoti tokie klausimai: kokios konceptualios metaforos yra vartojamos Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinėse kalbose legitimizacijos tikslais, kokia yra jų lingvistinė raiška ir kokia yra jų retorinė potekstė? Metafora politikoje, būdama šio tyrimo dėmesio centre, atsiduria tarp kognityvinės lingvistikos ir diskurso analizės. Panašu, kad abi šios mokslo sritys prisideda prie metaforų nagrinėjimo politiniame diskurse, sukurdamos aiškesnį jų pobūdžio ir veikimo ypatumų vaizdą. Taigi, šis tyrimas buvo atliktas remiantis Kritinės metaforos teorija, kuri yra Konceptualios metaforos teorijos ir Kritinės diskurso analizės derinys. Konceptualios metaforos teorijos pirmtakai Lakoff ir Johnson (1980: 4) parodė, jog mūsų konceptuali sistema savo prigimtimi yra iš esmės metaforinė. Metaforos esmė yra vieno dalyko supratimas ir patyrimas kito dalyko atžvilgiu. Mokslininkai teigia, jog konceptualios metaforos, kurios yra vartojamos politiniame diskurse, sėkmingai gali įtikinti, įteisinti bei įtakoti publiką. Susidomėjimas politikų kalba sustiprėjo diskurso tyrinėtojų dėka, kurie nagrinėja metaforų vartojimą politikų pasisakymuose, politinių partijų ir judėjimų dokumentuose, žiniasklaidoje, pokalbiuose prie apvalaus stalo, debatuose... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The purpose of this research was to investigate how political leaders of the United Kingdom and Lithuania, David Cameron and Andrius Kubilius legitimize themselves and delegitimize their opponents through metaphors. To achieve this aim Critical Metaphor Analysis was employed and the following objectives were set: to identify metaphorical expressions used in political speeches; to interpret them and to classify them according to their underlying conceptual metaphor; finally, to explain the way conceptual metaphors and metaphorical expressions convey how political leaders legitimize themselves and delegitimize the opponents. The results of the study demonstrated that the conceptual metaphors used for legitimization and delegitimization are the same in both political leaders’ speeches. However, metaphorical expression used for legitimization and delegitimization displays different characteristics. It also demonstrated that politicians tend to use more metaphorical expressions to convey legitimization than delegitimization.
Magistro darbo tema „Konceptualios metaforos raiška legitimizacijos ir delegitimizacijos procesuose“. Šio tiriamojo darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti kokiomis konceptualiosiomis metaforomis Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Buvo iškelti šie tiriamojo darbo uždaviniai: pirmiausia, surasti metaforinius pasakymus politinėse kalbose, tuomet suklasifikuoti šiuos pasakymus pagal priklausymą konceptualiąjai metaforai ir, galiausiai, paaiškinti kaip metaforiniai pasakymai atskleidžia būdus, kuriais politikai legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Tyrime buvo naudojamas Kritinis metaforos analizės metodas pasiūlytas Charterio-Blacko, kuris susideda iš trijų dalių, tai: metaforinių pasakynų suradimas, jų priskyrimas konceptualiąjai metaforai ir galiausiai, paaiškinimas. Pagrindinis tyrimo klausimas buvo išsiaiškinti, kuo skiriasi konceptualiųjų metaforų naudojimas legitimizacijai ir delegitimizacijai Davidas Cameronas ir Andriaus Kubiliaus politinėse kalbose. Tyrimas parodė, kad tiek legitimizacijai tiek delegitimizacijai abu politikai naudoja tas pačias konceptualiąsias metaforas: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, ir POLITIKA YRA PASTATAS. Taip pat tyrimas parodė, kad Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius naudoja daugiau metaforinių pasakymų išreikšti legitimizacijai nei delegitimizacijai. Tai buvo pastebėta, kai delegitimizuodami savo oponentus politikai nenaudojo kai kurių konceptualiųjų atitikmenų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Šios disertacijos tyrimo objektas – kalbinės politinės konfliktinės komunikacijos išraiškos priemonės, būdingos Lietuvos ir Didžiosios Britanijos vadovų politiniame diskurse (1998–2008). Šis tyrimas atskleidžia faktą, jog kalbinės priemonės yra glaudžiai susijusios su kalbančiojo ideologija bei kultūros nulemtomis kalbinėmis praktikomis. Disertacijoje tiriamos tokios kognityvinės lingvistikos sąvokos, kaip konceptualiosios metaforos, domenas, prasmės sritis bei kalbinės priemonės – nominacijos. Žvelgiant iš siauros lingvistikos metodologijos perspektyvos, komparatyvinė analizė ir aprašomasis analitinis metodas naudojami Lietuvos ir Didžiosios Britanijos vadovų konfliktinės komunikacijos diskurso tyrime. Didžiosios Britanijos ir Lietuvos politiniame diskurse isreikštas konfliktas turi bendrų ir skirtingų bruožų. Bendrumą nulemia bendra konfliktinės komunikacijos esmė – politinių jėgų pozicijų ir interesų nesutapimai. Skirtumai remiasi įvairių politinių kultūrų ypatumais. Politinė konkurencija tiek Lietuvoje, tiek Didžiojoje Britanijoje remiasi domenais pokyčiai ir nauda. Tos pačios POLITIKA – TAI KARAS, POLITIKA – TAI KELIONĖ ir VALSTYBĖ – TAI PASTATAS metaforos Šios yra būdingos abiejų šalių politinei komunikacijai. Tačiau Didžiosios Britanijos politiniame gyvenime konfliktinė komunikacija turi ideologinį pobūdį, o Lietuvos vadovų konfliktinės komunikacijos diskurse politinis konfliktas išreikštas ne kaip ideologinis konfliktas.
The object of this research is the linguistic means of political conflict communication that are characteristic of the political discourse of the political leaders of Great Britain and Lithuania (1998–¬2008). This dissertation discloses the fact that linguistic means are closely related to the ideology of the speaker and linguistic practices are conditioned by culture. Such cognitive linguistic concepts as conceptual metaphors, domain, meaning field and such linguistic means as nominations are analysed in this dissertation. Looking from the narrow perspective of linguistic methodology, comparative analysis and descriptive-analytical methods are applied in the conflict communication discourse research of the political leaders of Lithuania and Great Britain. The conflict which is expressed in the political discourse of these countries has both similarities and differences. Resemblance is determined by the general essence of conflict communication, i.e., the discrepancy between positions taken by political forces and interests. Differences are based on the peculiarities of the two political cultures. Political competition in both Lithuania and Great Britain is based on the domains change and benefit. The same POLITICS IS WAR, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY and THE STATE IS A BUILDING conceptual metaphors are characteristic of political communication of both countries. However, conflict communication has an ideological nature in the political life of Great Britain while in the discourse... [to full text]

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This research aims to identify and analyze linguistic and conceptual metaphors in presidential speeches of Lula and Bush. To this end, we sought theoretical support in Corpus Linguistics (CL), which deals with the collection and use of corpora, or sets of linguistic textual data carefully collected, with the purpose of searching for a language or language variety. As such, the CL is dedicated to the exploration of language by means of empirical evidence, extracted by computer (BERBER SARDINHA, 2004:03). Besides the Corpus Linguistics, this study is based on the Conceptual Metaphor Theory postulated by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and the approach of metaphors in Cameron (2003), on the premise that both views of metaphor are complementary, considering that the conceptual metaphor is investigated through cognition and metaphor in use by means of expressions that occur in language. One of the contributions of this work is showing how metaphors in corpora can be identified with computer help. The identification of metaphor presents several challenges for Corpus Linguistics as it depends on human trial; at the same time, CL has been criticized for not making the connection between thought and language. However, contemporary theory of metaphor have shown the relationship between the systematic use of verifiable language corpora and cognition (LAKOFF & JOHNSON, 1980). As material for analysis were selected speeches of Presidents Bush and Lula, the first due to his recent political leadership of the largest global economic power, and the second for having been leader of a country on the run to development Brazil. Although the two presidents defend quite different policy options, they share some similarities as both have had difficulties to take the second term: Lula with the fame of corruption in his government, Bush with the Iraq war. Written and spoken on-line statements and speeches have been gathered covering the first five-year mandate of both presidents, totaling 868 speeches by Lula and 819 by Bush. The program Metaphor Identifier with free availability at CEPRIL (LESS) was used to search for words with metaphorical probability. Next, the correlation of these candidates was raised through the Concord program (WordSmith Tools, version 3.0) to attest possible methaphorical use. Finally, upon identification of the linguistic and conceptual metaphors, speeches of the two presidents were contrasted seeking to understand how metaphors shape such speeches
Esta pesquisa objetiva identificar e analisar metáforas linguísticas e conceptuais nos discursos presidenciais de Lula e Bush. Para tanto, buscou-se suporte teórico na Linguística de Corpus (LC), que se ocupa da coleta e exploração de corpora, ou conjuntos de dados linguísticos textuais coletados criteriosamente, com o propósito de servirem para pesquisa de uma língua ou variedade linguística. Como tal, a LC dedica-se à exploração da linguagem por meio de evidências empíricas, extraídas por computador (BERBER SARDINHA, 2004:03). Além da Linguística de Corpus, este estudo fundamenta-se na teoria da Metáfora Conceptual postulada por Lakoff e Johnson (1980) e na abordagem da Metáfora no Discurso (CAMERON, 2003), partindo da premissa de que ambas as visões de metáfora se complementam, tendo em vista que a metáfora conceptual investiga as metáforas por meio da cognição e a metáfora em uso por meio de expressões que ocorrem na linguagem. Uma das contribuições deste trabalho é mostrar como metáforas em corpora podem ser identificadas com o auxílio do computador. A identificação de metáforas apresenta vários desafios para a Linguística de Corpus, pois depende do julgamento humano; ao mesmo tempo, a LC tem sido criticada por não fazer a ligação entre pensamento e linguagem. No entanto, teoria contemporânea de metáfora têm mostrado a relação entre o uso sistemático da língua verificável em corpora e a cognição (LAKOFF & JOHNSON, 1980). Como material para a análise, foram selecionados os discursos dos presidentes Bush e Lula, o primeiro por tratar-se de recente líder político da maior potência econômica mundial, e o segundo por ser líder de um país em franca ascensão e desenvolvimento, como é o caso do Brasil. Embora os dois presidentes apresentem opções políticas bastante diferentes, são comparáveis no sentido de que ambos passaram por dificuldades para assumir o segundo mandato: Lula com a fama da corrupção em seu governo, e Bush com a guerra no Iraque. Partindo daí, foram coletados pronunciamentos e discursos escritos e falados (on-line) dos cinco primeiros anos de mandato de ambos os presidentes, sendo 868 pronunciamentos de Lula e 819 de Bush. O programa Identificador de Metáforas, disponível gratuitamente no CEPRIL (LAEL), foi utilizado na busca de palavras com probabilidade metafórica; em seguida, foram levantadas as concordâncias desses candidatos por meio da ferramenta Concord do programa WordSmith Tools (versão 3.0) para atestar o uso metafórico. Por fim, identificadas as metáforas linguísticas e conceptuais, contrastaram-se os resultados auferidos nos discursos dos dois presidentes buscando entender como as metáforas configuram tais discursos

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
214 Leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages i- xvi and numbered pages 1-191. Includes bibliography and illustrations.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This investigation is informed by the assumption that language, as representation and as image, is positioned in a metaphorical relationship to reality. Language, as a structure of representation, is the way in which we represent reality to ourselves and to others and recreate the past, as well as the way in which we invest our lives with meaning, significance and experience. Language includes visual and verbal representation, and this investigation shows how image and text create a variety of multiple meanings through playful and interactive reciprocation. Following from the assumption that language comprises temporal and spatial qualities, it is also the terrain that enables us to know and understand reality, ourselves, and others. This emphasizes the material nature of language, which is also connected with social and cultural practices and, as such, involves reciprocation and interaction between divergences. Language is therefore a mode of action that makes the bridging of divisions possible. Language is proposed as a medium through which the monolithic hegemony of the apartheid past may be confronted within a multicultural South Africa. The aim of representing this past in my work is not to recall it as it was or to discover etemal, inheritable qualities, but rather to bring about re-demption (healing) through re-presentation. Re-demption and re-presentation is a textual practice that involves a re-script of the past. With the understanding that history and culture are regarded as text, re-writing the past does not involve representation as mimesis, but as production. This investigation recognizes the role of the subconscious as the other or the alterity in all language constructs that makes it possible to circumvent the logic of binary oppositions; entertain alternatives simultaneously; erase boundaries; share spaces, and discover the other in the self. This unconscious language of the other, as a strange doubling and interplay between near and far, gives rise to poies/s. The creation of multi-dimensional spaces that draw the poetical and the everyday into an imaginative and directed conceptual interplay as well as provoke dialogue between differences and diversities, engenders a desire for the complexity of the other. The interplay and recurrent movement across divisions and between paradoxes create a new and changed interspace, characterized by difference, plurality, and contradiction. Intertextual spaces allow relationships between differences and exist precisely as a result of dialogicity between diversities. In this way it is possible to establish, by virtue of difference, a mutual, interdependent relationship with the other. Metaphorical language requires an allegorical reading that places divergences in relation to one another, thereby causing a mythic animation of signification that moves from one level to another. Mytho-poeisis, as an allegorical structure, is proposed as a model by means of which symbolic transformation and redemption of the personal and collective psyche may occur. Poetic re-imagining as re-presentation impels change and transformation and points to other possible forms of social and ethical experiences. This impulse, to reconcile the social and the aesthetic, or the cultural with symbolic form, is based on the principle of reconciliation between art and life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek handhaaf die veronderstelling dat taal in 'n metaforiese verhouding tot die werklikheid staan as voorstelling en as beeld. Taal, as 'n struktuur van voorstelling, is die wyse waarop ons die werklikheid aan onsself en ander voorstel en die verlede herskep, asook die wyse waarop ons sin, betekenis en ervaring aan ons lewens verskaf. Taal sluit visuele en verbale voorstellings in en hierdie ondersoek toon op watter wyse beeld en teks in speelse en interaktiewe wisselwerking 'n verskeidenheid meersinnige betekenisse skep. Uitgaande van die veronderstelling dat taal temporele en ruimtelike kwaliteite betrek, is dit ook die terrein wat ons in staat stel om die werklikheid, onsself en ander te ken en verstaan. Dit beklemtoon die materiele aard van taal, wat ook met sosiale en kulturele praktyke verbind is en sodanig wisselwerking en interaksie tussen uiteenlopendhede betrek. Taal is dus 'n modus van doen, wat oorbrugging van skeidings moontlik maak. Taal word as 'n medium voorgestel waardeur die monolitiese hegemonie van die apartheidsverlede binne 'n multikulturele Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer word. Voorstelling van hierdie verlede in my werk is nie met die doel om dit te herroep soos dit was, of ewige, erfbare eienskappe te ontdek nie, maar eerder om herstel deur her-voorstelling te bewerkstellig. Her-stel en her-voorstelling is 'n tekstuele praktyk wat 'n re-skripsie van die verlede behels. Met begrip dat geskiedenis en kultuur as teks beskou word, behels die her-skryf van die verlede nie voorstelling as mimesis nie, maar as produksie. Hierdie ondersoek erken die rol van die onderbewussyn as die ander of die alteriteit (alterity) in alle taalvoorstellings wat dit moontlik maak om die logika van binere oposisies te omseil; alternatiewe gelyktydig in ag te neem; grense uit te wis, ruimtes te deel en die ander in die self te ontdek. Hierdie onbewuste taal van die ander, as 'n vreemde verdubbeling en spel tussen naby en ver, gee aanleiding tot poesis (poiesis). Die skep van multidimensionele ruimtes wat die poetiese en die alledaagse in 'n verbeeldingryke en gerigte konseptuele wisselspel betrek, asook dialoog tussen verskille en diversiteite bewerkstellig, skep 'n aandrang vir die kompleksiteit van die ander. Die interspel en ewigdurende beweging oor skeidings en tussen paradokse skep 'n nuwe en veranderde interruimte, wat gekenmerk word deur verskil, pluraliteit en kontradiksie. Intertekstuele ruimtes laat verskilsverhoudings toe en bestaan juis as gevolg van dialogisiteit tussen diversiteite. Op hierdie wyse is dit moontlik om op grond van verskil 'n wedersydse en interafhanklike verhouding met die ander aan te knoop. Metaforiese taalgebruik verg 'n allegoriese lees wat uiteenlopendhede in verhouding tot mekaar plaas sodat dit 'n mitiese animasie van betekening bewerkstellig wat vanaf een vlak na 'n ander vlak beweeg. Mito-poesis, as 'n allegoriese struktuur, word voorgestel as model waarvolgens simboliese transformasie en herstel van die persoonlike en kollektiewe psige kan geskied. Poetiese her-verbeelding as her-voorstelling motiveer verandering en transformasie en dui op ander moontlike vorms van sosiale en etiese ervarings. Hierdie impuls, om die sosiale en die estetiese, of om die kulturele met simboliese vorm te vereenselwig, berus op die beginsel van versoening tussen kuns en lewe.

This thesis studies the uses of the concept of revolution in Swedish socialist press from 1917 to 1924. Political revolution and civil wars shook several countries. The Russian February and October Revolutions were soon followed by uprisings in countries such as Germany and Finland. While the social and political history of this period, with its mass demonstrations for bread and voting rights, often called the Swedish revolution, has been covered extensively in existing research, we know much less about the theoretical understanding of revolution among Swedish socialists. This thesis examines the concept of revolution from a perspective inspired by the Begriffsgeschichte of German historian Reinhart Koselleck. This foundation in the history of concepts aims at understanding how Swedish socialists, in a wide sense, understood their own time, how they related to the past and what they expected from the future, during the years of the First World War and the immediately following years. By focusing on what might be the most central, but also the most contested and most difficult to define, concept I hope to complement earlier research focusing on the social and political history of the period and its socialist movements. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyse how the labour movement understood revolution with particular weight placed upon the theoretical and ideological tensions between revolution and reform, determinism and voluntarism and localized and universal revolution. The starting point is the political and social changes in Sweden and abroad at that time and the place of the political press as opinion leaders capable of negotiating the space of political action. A secondary aim is to discuss how focusing on temporality can inspire new perspectives on the use of conceptual history. My research shows that how the concept of revolution was used was shaped both by already established notions regarding the socialist revolution as well as by the political situation at hand. The October Revolution forced a sharpening of its meaning, wherein different factions elaborated their understanding of it in relation to each other, which in turn determined how the concept was used fom that point on.

La tesi si propone di indagare la nascita e il ruolo dell'immagine della nave della polis e di quella del kubernetes (da questo lemma greco hanno origine il gubernator latino e il governatore italiano e altri termini delle lingue contemporanee) nell'immaginario politico occidentale. Tale lavoro si propone infatti di mettere in questione o risignificare il lessico politico contemporaneo di matrice greca. La tesi è divisa in due parti:la prima è dedicata alla ricostruzione storica e concettuale delle immagini marine e nautiche nella letteratura precedente a Platone nonché, più in generale, nella cultura greca del tempo. La seconda parte si propone di dimostrare come l'immagine del kubernetes (assieme a quella del medico) venga impiegata nel corpus platonico come esempio di una specifica forma di governo, quello di colui che possiede le conoscenze e competenze per reclamare il governo per sè. Queste due figure fondano entrambe la loro autorevolezza sulla possibilità di offrire la salvezza a coloro che ad esse si affidano. L'immagine della nave della polis e la correlata immagine del kubernetes vengono infatti qui inserite all'interno di un quadrilatero concettuale formato dalle nozioni di kosmos (ordine, bell'ordine), poros (rotta marina, ma anch espediente), sumpheron (vantaggio) e soteria (salvezza). Il testo si propone di dimostrare che l’immagine nautica è per Platone essenzialmente un’immagine –per quanto dinamica - d’ordine, ovvero essa mostra ricorrendo alle immagini l’ordine che, per Platone, doveva governare la nuova politeia stabilita dai filosofi re. Tale immagine, inoltr, offre una risposta anche ai problemi posti da Trasimaco nel I libro circa il vantaggio proprio di ogni arte (e in particolare dell’arte politica). Il compito del vero kubernetes è quello di trovare ogni volta la rotta migliore per la sua nave/città, offrendo a coloro che sono imbarcati/cittadini il vantaggio proprio della sua arte, ovvero la salvezza. Ma tale salvezza, nella cornice di pensiero greca e ancor più platonica, non è altro che il mantenimento dell’ordine, kosmos, che regna nella kallipolis. Infine, la tesi apre al ruolo che il paradigma nautico avrà in ambito latino, in particolare in Cicerone.
The thesis aims at investigating the birth and the role of the image of the ship of the polis and of the kubernetes (stirer, but from this greek term we have the latin gubernator as well as the Italian governatore) in the Western political imaginary. This work tries in fact to put into question or re-signify the contemporary political lexicon. The thesis is divided in two parts: the first is dedicated to the historical and conceptual re-construction of the sea and nautical images in the litterature before Platone and, more broadly, in the Greek culture of the time. The second, instead, offers a detailed reading of the VI book of the Republic of Plato, showing at the same time the close ties to the I book. This second part aims at demonstrating how the image of the kubernetes (along with that of the doctor) is deployed in the platonic corpus in order to provide an example of a specific form of government, that is the government of the one who has the knowledges and skills to claim to be the ruler. These two figures (kubernetes and doctor) both ground their authority on the possibility to offer ‘salvation’ to those who trust them. The image of the ship of the polis and the related image of the kubernetes are understood as belonging to a framework where we find the notions of kosmos (order, good and beautiful order) poros (the sea route but also the clever device to gain success) sumpheron (the advantage) and soteria (salvation). This work aims at demonstrating that the nautical image is in Plato essentially an image of order –however dinamic – that is to say it 'shows' the order which, according to Plato, has to rule over the new politeia established by the philosophers rulers. Such image, moreover, offers an answer to the problems raised by Thrasimacus in the I book about the advantage offered by each art (and specificallt of the political art). The task of the true kubernetes, then, is to find again and again the best route (poros) for his ship/city, offering to the ones embarked/citizens the avantage peculiar to his art, that is to say offering them salvation. But salvation, within the Greek and platonic framework, is nothing but the manteinance of the order, kosmos, which reigns in the kallipolis. Lastly, this work tries to offer a rapid survey of the later developement of the nautical paradigm in the Latin world, especially in the writings of Cicero.

Bezpośrednim celem badawczym tej pracy jest – jak wskazuje jej tytuł - próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na dwa pytania. Po pierwsze, jakie zastosowanie mają metafory w języku teorii naukowych wyjaśniających istotę i mechanizm polityki; w jakim sensie metafory mogą być narzędziem konceptualizacji lub systematyzacji zjawisk? Praca odwołuje się do tekstów ujmujących metafory w kategoriach schematów pojęciowych, modeli teoretycznych lub paradygmatów. Jaki użytek mogą mieć politolodzy z dorobku współczesnej lingwistyki, psychologii czy socjologii? Odpowiedź na to pytanie w postaci typologii funkcji spełnianych przez metafory w badaniu polityki lub w działaniu politycznym sprzężona jest z typologią rodzajową metafor. Po drugie, jakie zastosowanie mają metafory w potocznym myśleniu i w retoryce polityków: w jakim stopniu są środkiem ekspresji, a w jakim narzędziem agitacji lub nawet indoktrynacji, autopromocji, polemik, dyskredytacji rywali? W tym kontekście – ze względu na umocowanie materiału badawczego w realiach polskiego życia politycznego, w prawnych i zwyczajowych ramach demokracji parlamentarno-wyborczej – szczególną uwagę autor poświęcił praktycznemu znaczeniu metafor w procesach walki polityczno-propagandowej między partiami oraz w strategiach i kampaniach marketingowych. Twórca zastanowił się również nad przyczynami i granicami podatności wyborców na metaforyczny typ argumentacji w debatach publicznych i polemikach. Problem jest o tyle ciekawy, że większa część tego mechanizmu leży poza strefą świadomej kontroli wyborców. Rozpoznanie w tej sferze może przyczynić się do większej refleksji odbiorców nad przebiegiem tego procesu, a tym samym zmniejszyć ich podatność na liczne nadużycia i manipulacje. Oprócz założeń podstawowych, że metafory mogą być subtelnym metodologicznie instrumentem naukowego poznania mechanizmów polityki oraz, że metafory są sugestywnym i nośnym narzędziem komunikacji politycznej, a przez to środkiem praktycznego sterowania zachowaniami politycznymi, autor przyjmuje też i stara się uzasadnić hipotezę, że szczególne znaczenie zyskuje metafora w warunkach „postpolityki”, czyli zdominowania polityki przez technologie władzy i walki kosztem treści ideowo-programowych, przez przerost tendencji manipulacyjnych. Autor założył, że tam, gdzie nie ma miejsca na dialog oraz tłumaczenie skomplikowanych treści ze względu na czas, skrótowość myślenia czy sposoby komunikacji (a często ze względu na ukryte intencje technokratyczne lub autorytarne) i gdzie wymaga się „medialności” oddziaływań, metafora okazuje się poręcznym narzędziem wpływu politycznego. W pracy autor wskazał, że metafory polityki mogą być środkiem oddziaływania nie tylko czysto perswazyjnego, ale również manipulacyjnego, a nawet mogą stać się instrumentem przemocy symbolicznej. Należą więc do repertuaru nie tylko retoryki, ale i erystyki, służą nie tylko zjednywaniu zwolenników, ale również dezorientacji odbiorców neutralnych lub stygmatyzacji, dyskryminacji przeciwników. Zastosowanie metafor jest rozległe: służą zarówno pozyskiwaniu zainteresowania, zaufania i renomy, jak i dyskredytacji oponentów. Spotykamy je w etykietkach, i w aluzjach, i w wypowiedziach jednoznacznych, i w tych wieloznacznych (zwłaszcza w ironii), zarówno w deklaracjach merytorycznych, jak i w sloganach, frazesach. W swojej rozprawie twórca przedstawił wiele funkcji metafory politycznej, a typologia ta różnicuje się dodatkowo ze względu na bogactwo używanych środków wyrazu.
The main research aim of this thesis is, as the title indicates, attempt to answer two questions. Firstly, what is the application of metaphor in the language of science theories which explain the essence of and mechanism behind politics? Also, to what extent can metaphors be a tool of conceptualization and systematization of phenomena? This thesis refers to papers that classify metaphors according to cognition schemes, theoretical models and paradigms. What is the benefit of contemporary sciences of linguistics, psychology, or sociology to political scientists? The answer to this question leads to typology of functions performed by metaphors in political science or in political action and is linked with generic typology of metaphors. Secondly, what is the application of metaphor in popular thinking and in political rhetoric: to what extent it is a form of expression and to what degree a tool of agitation or even indoctrination, self-promotion, polemics, and opponent’s discredit? Polish political life, as well as legal and customary framework of parliamentary democracy, serves as a context in which the author devotes special attention to practical meaning of metaphor in political struggle and propaganda efforts between parties and also in marketing strategies and campaigns. In addition, the author considers the reasons and limits of electors’ susceptibility to metaphorical argumentation in political debates and polemics. What makes this issue interesting is the fact that most of this process lies beyond the voters’ conscious control. Thus, it seems that proper diagnosis and understanding is vital for audiences’ greater reflection on the process itself, which in turn could lead to a decrease of their susceptibility to abuse and manipulation. Apart from basic assumptions that metaphors can be used as a subtle methodological instrument of scientific research into political mechanisms and that metaphors are a suggestive and potent tool of political communication, at the same time being a way of controlling political behaviour, the author also assumes and sets out to prove the hypothesis that metaphor attains a special meaning in the conditions of “post-politics”, that is a situation where politics is dominated by power technology, struggle at the expense of ideology and political programme, and by overpowering manipulation tendencies. The author of this thesis assumes that lack of dialogue and explanation of difficult content caused by shortage of time, mental brevity, means of communication (but also technocratic and authoritarian hidden agendas) in situations that require medial response, metaphor turns out to be a useful tool of political influence. The author points out that metaphors in politics may not only be means of persuasion, but also of manipulation, or even means of symbolic violence. Thus, they belong not only to rhetoric, but also to eristic; they not only help to win over supporters but also to disorient neutral audience, to stigmatize and discriminate the opponents. The use of metaphor is vast: they help to arouse interest, build trust and reputation, but also to discredit the opponents. We find them in etiquettes, allusions, explicit statements, but also ambiguous ones (especially ironical), in factual declarations, but also in catchwords and clichés. In his thesis the author presents many functions of political metaphor and their typology is further diversified by the vastness of means of expression.

The diploma work is divided into two parts - theoretical and practical. The first part is further divided into the theoretical linguistic subsection and theoretical political science subsection. The theoretical linguistic part comprises information on metaphors, metonymies and synecdoches taken from Czech and Spanish linguistic handbooks and is focused on a phenomenon of levelling and it also deals with the function of the aforementioned rhetorical figures. In the first part there is also a chapter on the rhetorical style and translation of rhetorical figures. The second, practical part deals with the analysis of the rhetorical figures in selected political speeches, their function, frequency and possible levelling when translating them into the target language. The analysis is carried out on the basis of a comparable sample of political speeches in the Czech and Spanish languages. They are the speeches of two important personalities of the 1970s, President Ludvík Svoboda's speeches in the Czech language and in terms of the Spanish linguistic background - the speeches of his Chilean counterpart - President Salvador Allende, and their Czech translation. Key words: levelling, metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, translation, political speech

The diploma thesis "Some Features of Persuasive Language in Selected Presidential Campaign Speeches of Two Candidates" aims to investigate how the rhetorical device of conceptual metaphor is employed in the election campaign speeches of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney addressed mainly to the Hispanic voters to develop the myth of the American Dream. The political speeches were analyzed under the theoretical framework of the critical metaphor analysis and critical discourse analysis. Besides the analysis of the metaphorical concepts that support the myth creation, other rhetorical devices were examined in the selected corpus of the both speeches for their persuasive function.

Denne afhandling rummer en række studier af forholdet mellemnaturvidenskab og politik. Race og køn er kun berørt ganske overfladisk, da det er ambitionenaf undgå forargelsen som relevanskriterium. Det er snarere formålet at vise naturvidenskabeni sin normalitet som målestok for erkendelse og moralitet og som en integreret del afhverdagens tænkning.Med udgangspunkt i begrebshistorien og studiet af metaforer – især de organiske – eftersporer afhandlingen naturvidenskabens rolle i det 19. århundrede i forhold til teologien og begrebet ”Guds død”. Dernæst behandler den forholdet mellem naturvidenskabog politik og viser, hvor tæt de var forbundne. Fem særskilte studier viser forskellige aspekteraf dette forhold.