Literatura académica sobre el tema "Médias et politique – Liban – 2000-"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Médias et politique – Liban – 2000-":
Kraidy, Marwan M. "Les médias en Arabie saoudite". Anthropologie et Sociétés 36, n.º 1-2 (10 de agosto de 2012): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1011723ar.
Affagnon, Qemal. "La Russie en Afrique : ambition de puissance et pôles médias stratégiques". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, n.º 12 (30 de abril de 2022): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n12p140.
Smyrnaios, Nikos y Pierre Ratinaud. "De la presse parisienne à la fachosphère". Réseaux N° 241, n.º 5 (31 de octubre de 2023): 163–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/res.241.0163.
Sigward, Edouard-Alexis y Catherine Trudelle. "Attention médiatique et politique du développement durable à Montréal, 1987-2009". Cahiers de géographie du Québec 60, n.º 169 (16 de enero de 2017): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038667ar.
Dakhlia, Jamil. "La représentation politique à l'épreuve du people : élus, médias et peopolisation en France dans les années 2000". Le Temps des médias 10, n.º 1 (2008): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tdm.010.0066.
Bellon, Anne y Julia Velkovska. "L’intelligence artificielle dans l’espace public : du domaine scientifique au problème public". Réseaux N° 240, n.º 4 (21 de septiembre de 2023): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/res.240.0031.
Brugidou, Mathieu. "Rapport de thèse de doctorat en Science politique (Paris Dauphine) de Philippe Blanchard : Les médias et l’agenda de l’électronucléaire en France. 1970-2000". Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 111, n.º 1 (julio de 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0759106311408871.
Hoibian, Sandra, Jorg Muller, Francis Eustache y Denis Peschanski. "Les traces sociales du traumatisme des attentats du 13 novembre 2015 : cinq ans et sept mois après". Biologie Aujourd’hui 217, n.º 1-2 (2023): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/jbio/2023001.
Buendía, Pedro. "Urban art, public space, and political subversion: The Egyptian revolution through graffiti Arte urbano, espacio público y subversión política la revolución egipcia a través del graffiti Art urbain, espace public et subversion politique : La révolution égyptienne à travers du graffiti". Regions and Cohesion 2, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2012): 84–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020306.
Guillot, Marie-Noëlle. "Cusin-Berche, Fabienne (dir.), Rencontres discursives entre sciences et politique dans les médias. (Carnets du Cediscor 6.) Paris: Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 2000, 226 pp., 2 87854 199 5". Journal of French Language Studies 11, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2001): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269501260268.
Tesis sobre el tema "Médias et politique – Liban – 2000-":
Tay, Loubane. "Le rôle des médias dans les rapports dialectiques entre leaders et masses (Liban 2004 - 2010)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022COAZ2020.
During the years 2004-2010, Lebanon faced several disturbances that affected its citizen's lives. These disturbances have resulted in significant changes with respect to the Lebanese security, political and social life's environment. The media treated these disturbances in a diffrentiated way, and then they had communicated them to the Lebanese population, which they had prepared to accept them. After having conducted an documentary analysis and various surveys in a difficult context of this phenomenon, three hypotheses emerge and constitute the frame of this thesis : The main stream media transform and influence political speeches prior to transmitting them to the Lebanese population ; these mainstream media, via their programs and reporting, proceed to certain extent, a persuasive communication to influence the relations between the leaders and the masses ; In a sort that, media are not being a simple transmitter of the discourses produced by a leader, but they produce a real influence on the population : an influence that we will analyze in this research.This research helped us to draw the conclusion that we propose at the end of this thesis and also opened the way to other subjects of study. Indeed, in this research, we were able to observe the lack of objectivity, but also of professionalism of the Lebanese media during the period studied. This is due to their alignment or submission to editorial lines that often adopt a blatant bias, not hiding or no longer hiding their affinity without even feeling obliged to defend their choices. The fact remains that the media play an important role in the judgment of the masses towards the political world; these masses during the period studied were mainly informed about the policies through these media. The only means available to individuals to inform themselves was to confront the discourse of the media
Chidiac, May. "L' influence de la politique sur l'évolution du paysage télévisuel au Liban : 1958-2008". Paris 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA020050.
Daher, Bilal. "Médias et politique au Liban : évolution et perspectives". Toulouse 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999TOU10025.
Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055.
Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
Khalil, Zeinab. "L'Internet politique au Liban : vers un nouvel espace de conflit ?" Grenoble, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010GRENL011.
Iskandar, Hamid. "L'évolution de l'image de l'armée libanaise : 1990-2000". Paris 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA020037.
Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.
Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
Wang, Wei. "Histoire et sémiologie des représentations de l’unité du peuple chinois (1949-2009) et le traitement médiatique des conflits au Tibet (2008) et au Xinjiang (2009)". Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020043.
The present thesis in History and Semiology concentrates on the representations of the unity of Chinese people (1949-2009) and the media coverage of conflicts in Tibet (2008) and Xinjiang (2009). From a semiotic approach, the analysis of images and texts give us an overview of how the information discourse, political discourse and cultural industry discourse, promote the unity of the Chinese people. This current research focuses on the writings of the Chinese government whose main concerns are to construct a collective narrative of a harmonious society and to maintain a united nation at the time of two social crises between the Han Chinese and other Chinese ethnic minorities. The year of 2008 should, thanks to the Olympic Games, be the year in favor of the nation-branding of a victorious in China. However, five months before the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the events in Lhasa -the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region- put the Chinese government under pressure and brought to light the great divide between the Han and the Tibetans. A year later, riots occurred in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In order to analyze the media narrative, we compare different points of view of both Chinese and French journalists on these events. We also observe how a number of Uyghurs participated in a rehabilitation movement of Xinjiangrens (people of Xinjiang) after the publication of the book I come from Xinjiang - a work that is a part of our corpus. As a result, this thesis observes how, in 21st centry, the news, the television series, the official writings of the history promoted by the Chinese government, a diverse range of productions of cultural industries (new technology of information and communication, social network, cinema, TV program and the traditional media...) contribute to re-write a new collective legend of the unity of Chinese people
Girod, Alain. "Les mutations de l'espace public et la construction médiatique de "l'opinion publique"". Lyon 2, 2000. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2000/girod_a.
This doctorate tries to answer two questions : aren't the transformations of public sphere characterized on the one hand by the generalization of a logic based on audience and so by certain "privatization" of public sphere ? And, on the other hand, aren't we faced with a phenomenon based on advertising of opinions, on media construction of public opinion ? The first part, dedicated to the theorical and institutional foundations of public sphere, is dividedin three chapters the first constitutes a critical analysis of the theories presented by Habermas ; the second tries to analyse the french ôlitical system, in his institutional and partisan dimensions ; the third chapter, last, tries to study the media device who exists in France, on the economical respect and on the respect of his specific rules before analysing the "information society" mythology and the "journalism influence". The second part, who deals with the show logic, groups together four chapters : the first tackles the influence of communication on public sphere ; the second refers to the show law from a thought on the picture power and on the contradictions between the "large audience" and public sphere ; the third refers to the deep emotional dimension of the media ; the fourth, last, deals with the interpenetration between private sphere and public sphere. The third part, last, is organized around four chapters the first constitutes a reflection on public opinion before opinion polls ; the second analyses precisely opinion polls ; the third examines the media construction of social representations ; the fourth, last, refers to conflicts between the media and politics
Khoueiri, Roy. "Les déterminants des comportements d'épargne : analyse de l'expérience libanaise de 1974 à 2000". Paris 13, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA131028.
In 1191, the civil war in Lebanon came to an end. However, sixteen years of hostilities resulted in fundamental changes in the economy in the post war years, causing GDP to be lower than in the prewar period, continuous pressure on the Lebanese pound, inflationary pressures, a reduction in the purchasing power, all leading to high poverty and income inequality. Increased confidence and effective adjustment efforts are needed to spur favourable macroeconomic developments. It is therefore imperative for his nation to grow in order to re-attain its prewar standards of living. The economy's rate of saving out of current income and the form of investment such savings take play a major role among the many factors which determine the growth of an economy. In the thesis, I have focused on a study of saving in general for its relation with growth, and in particular on the influence of real GDP, inflation, and interest rates on saving in Lebanon. Between 1974 and 2000, the econometric analysis showed that the main determinant of saving is GDP followed by inflation, and to a lesser extent interest rates on deposits. Furthermore, the 1992-2001 analysis reflected that saving has a negative impact on investment and on GDP mainly due to channelling the private savings to finance the alarming public debt and more specifically to finance unproductive interest payments. After the war, savings is in the low range as compared to the ratios during the war. Our analysis indicates that the main factors behind this fact lie in the increase in poverty and income inequality and in the mismanagement of fiscal policy leading to negative public sector savings, the crowding out of investment, and to the drop in GDP. A plausible conclusion from this analysis is that the low levels of savings may become an obstacle to growth whether savings causes growth or the other way round. So policies that foster savings along with proper fiscal policies that will reduce the debt should be favored
Libros sobre el tema "Médias et politique – Liban – 2000-":
Eco, Umberto. À reculons comme une écrevisse: Guerres chaudes et populisme médiatique. Paris: B. Grasset, 2006.
Walgrave, Stefaan. Politieke-agendasetting in België (1991-2000): De moeilijke dialoog tussen publieke opinie, media en het politieke systeem = Mise à l'agenda politique en Belgique (1991-2000) : le dialogue difficile entre l'opinion publique, les médias et le système politique. Gent: Academia Press, 2005.
Schweizerische Akademie der Technischen Wissenschaften. Ausbildung in technischen Wissenschaften, die Herausforderung für Politik, Wirtschaft und Hochschulen, neue Medien im Unterricht: Fachtagung 2000, 28./29. September 2000 = La formation en sciences techniques, un défi politique, économique et académique, nouveaux médias dans l'enseignement : Journée thématique 2000. Zürich: Schweizerische Akademie der Technischen Wissenschaften, 2000.
1969-, Scott Daniel J., Canada Environment Canada y University of Waterloo, eds. Climate change communication: Proceedings of an international conference, June 22-24, 2000, Kitchener-Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. [Ottawa: Environment Canada, 2000.
Masarrah, Anṭwān. Fāʻilūn fī al-siyāsāt al-ijtimāʻīyah fī Lubnān: Al-ishkālīyah wa-al-takhṭīṭ = Acteurs en politique sociale au Liban : problématique et prospective : waqāʼiʻ al-nadwah allatī ʻaqadatʹhā al-Muʼassasah al-Lubnānīyah lil-Silm al-Ahlī al-Dāʼim bi-al-taʻāwun maʻa Muʼassasat Kūnrād Adīnāwar fī 1/12/2000 wa-wathāʼiq ḥawla tajribat Jūzīf Dūnātū. 2a ed. Bayrūt: al-Muʼassah al-Lubnānīyah lil-Silm al-Ahlī al-Dāʼim, 2007.
Masarrah, Anṭwān. Fāʻilūn fī al-siyāsāt al-ijtimāʻīyah fī Lubnān: Al-ishkālīyah wa-al-takhṭīṭ = Acteurs en politique sociale au Liban : problématique et prospective : waqāʼiʻ al-nadwah allatī ʻaqadatʹhā al-Muʼassasah al-Lubnānīyah lil-Silm al-Ahlī al-Dāʼim bi-al-taʻāwun maʻa Muʼassasat Kūnrād Adīnāwar fī 1/12/2000 wa-wathāʼiq ḥawla tajribat Jūzīf Dūnātū. 2a ed. Bayrūt: al-Muʼassah al-Lubnānīyah lil-Silm al-Ahlī al-Dāʼim, 2007.
Les zones grises des relations de travail et d’emploi. Teseo, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.55778/ts877231984.
Giroux, Henry A. The Abandoned Generation: Democracy Beyond the Culture of Fear. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Giroux, Henry A. The Abandoned Generation: Democracy Beyond the Culture of Fear. Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.