Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Margaret of Provence"

This article analyses the use of the figure of Saint Anne and other biblical matriarchs for the promotion of Capetian Queens in the 13th century. The most interesting and precedent-setting case is that of Blanche of Castile (1188-1252), who used the great women of Sacred History to justify her position as regent and royal advisor. Her successors, Margaret of Provence (1221 - 1295) and Mary of Brabant (1254 - 1322), would continue the pattern of equating the lineages of the Kings of Israel and the Capet from a female point of view. The origin and evolution of this new image of power, and how motherhood and heraldry became its central themes, will be explored through the study of iconographic programmes, mainly present in their devotional books. El presente artículo analiza el uso de la figura de Santa Ana y otras matriarcas bíblicas para la promoción de las reinas capetas en el siglo XIII. El caso más interesante, y que marcará un precedente, es el de Blanca de Castilla (1188 – 1252), la cual usará a las grandes mujeres de la historia sagrada para justificar su posición de regente y consejera real. Sus sucesoras, Margarita de Provenza (1221 - 1295) y María de Brabante (1254 - 1322), continuarán con la pauta de equiparar los linajes de los reyes de Israel y el capeto desde un punto de vista femenino. A través del estudio de los programas iconográficos, presentes principalmente en sus libros devocionales, se abordará el origen y la evolución de esta nueva imagen del poder, y de cómo la maternidad y la heráldica se convertirán en sus ejes fundamentales.

Developed in the late 1800s as a butter substitute, margarine is made with vegetable oils. Margarine was created by a scientist from Provence (France) Hippolyte Mege-Mouries, in response to an offer by the Emperor Louis Napoleon III. To formulate his entry, Mege-Mouries used margaric acid, a fatty acid component isolated in 1813 by Michael Chevreul and named because of the lustrous pearly drops that reminded him of the Greek word for pearl - margarites.

ABSTRACT In an early book on Lydgate, Derek Pearsall was dismissive of Lydgate’s verse legend of Saint Margaret of Antioch. While perhaps of limited literary interest, the poem merits some claim to attention in its occurrence in the Devonshire Chaucer (New Haven, Yale Beinecke Library MS Takamiya 24). There it is paired with the Canterbury Tales in a context that has led to the suggestion that the manuscript might be the Canterbury Tales bequeathed by Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443–1509), Countess of Richmond and Derby, and mother of Henry VII, to her nephew of the half-blood, John St. John. This article refines the argument and offers an explanation for its early provenance in the Knyvett family. It explores the circumstances of the commissioning of Lydgate’s poem, and the context in which it might have circulated singly and been selected for adding to a manuscript of the Canterbury Tales, a context that reveals a network of family connections—Staffords, Hollands, Beauchamps, Beauforts, Knyvetts, and Bourchiers.

The aim of the article is to present numismatic collections from the Museum in Racibórz which have been found at municipal sites during supervision and regular archaeological excavations. This will allow us to observe which coins have come to Racibórz (germ. Ratibor) and (Upper) Silesia over the centuries. The analysed coins will be compared with finds obtained during excavations in other cities in Upper Silesia – Gliwice (germ. Gleiwitz) (the market square and St. George’s Church in Czechowice (germ. Schechowitz)) and Bytom (germ. Beuthen) (St. Margaret’s Hill) – and in the main centre in Lower Silesia, Wrocław (germ. Breslau) (Nowy Targ Square and St. Elizabeth’s Church). The study includes 76 coins acquired in the years 1979–2015 on 12 sites located within the borders of the city of Racibórz. This number includes the hoard of 17 Prague groschen of Wenceslas II, 56 single finds and three coin-like objects. In addition, two metal objects were included in the study which were discovered near the castle in the district of Racibórz – Ostróg. Both objects are difficult to identify, initially defined as a ring eye and a weight (monetary or merchant). The entire collection is dominated by Bohemian coins, including Prague groschen, parvus and white pennies. Silesian coins are the second largest group – three wide bracteates (unfortunately without provenance), a very rare Opava heller of Přemek I (1377–1433) and two groeschels of Ferdinand II (1617–1637). Moreover, two rare pennies of Sigismund III (1587–1632) struck in Poznań mint were found, which usually give way to pennies and ternarius struck in Łobżenica mint, which were not recorded in the collection from Racibórz. Considering all the coins in chronological terms, the dominant coins are late medieval ones – from the second half of the 13th century to the first half of the 15th century. The second concentration of Racibórz finds is from the 18th–20th century. A comparative analysis of coins discovered in Racibórz, Gliwice and Bytom and the hoard of Prague groschen from Błażejowice (germ. Blaschowitz) confirms the hypothesis of Borys Paszkiewicz that it was through Upper Silesia that Bohemian coins reached the territory of present day Poland. As a result, there is a significant number of small Bohemian coins in this area, with a smaller number to be found deeper within Poland.

The second joint congress of l’Association des Médicins Biochimistes du Québec (AMBQ) and the Canadian Association of Medical Biochemists (CAMB) was held this year from October 7 to 9 in Montreal. The setting was the picturesque Hôtel Place d’Armes, which is situated in the historic Old Montreal district. There were over 60 attendees comprising both Specialists and Medical residents-in-training and representing the breadth of Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The scientific committee composed of Dr. Jean. Dubé (Centre Hospitalier U. de Sherbrooke), Dr. Bernard Fruteau-de-Laclos (Centre Hospitalier AUQ), Dr. Élaine Letendre (Centre Hospitalier U. de Montreal), Dr. Bassam A. Nassar (Capital Health) and Dr. Claude Petitclerc (CHUM) arranged a series of informative and interesting scientific sessions. Day 1 saw a training session for the medical residents conducted by Dr. Yves Giguère (Centre Hospitalier de l’U. Laval) on Prenatal Screening. A meeting of the specialty committee of the Royal College for Medical Biochemistry followed this. A major topic of this meeting was the re-alignment of the training requirements. Day 2 began with the business meeting of the AMBQ. The scientific sessions began later that day with a session on “Pharmacotoxicology and the Role of the Laboratory” chaired by Drs. Andre Mattman (B.C. Children & Women’s Health Centre) and Bassam A. Nassar. The first speaker, Dr. Margaret Thompson (Hospital for Sick Children), in her talk “Clinical Toxicology – for the Laboratory” reviewed the role of the Ontario Poison Centre, which may serve as a model for the rest of the country. This was followed by Dr. Zulfikarali Verjee (HSC), who is clearly a master of the subject, with his talk, “Challenges in Urine Drug Screens: Ongoing Issues”. The morning session ended with Dr. Andre Mattman’s presentation “Heavy Metal Toxins – How and Why to Test in the Clinical Laboratory”. Day 3 moderated by Dr. Élaine Letendre (CHUM) focused on risk factors for cardiovascular disease. The first speaker in the morning was Dr. Jacques Genest Jr. (McGill University Health Centre) who reviewed the new Canadian guidelines for the diagnosis and treatment of dyslipidemias. He described in detail the thinking behind the new guidelines. This was followed by a presentation by Dr. Allan Jaffe (Mayo Clinic) who gave the audience a most authoritative description of the soon to be introduced fourth generation high sensitivity assays for troponins. These assays will have a marked impact on the assessment of cardiac damage perhaps even more so than the original introduction of the troponins. The afternoon featured three speakers discussing the pro and cons of high-sensitivity C-reactive protein for the assessment of cardiovascular disease. Dr. Jean Grégoire (Institut de cardiologie de Montréal) presented the pro side of the debate reviewing in particular the recent Jupiter trial. Dr. James Brophy (MUHC) presented the con side of the debate in a most entertaining manner. He even had the audience performing stretching exercises! It was left to Dr. Jean Bergeron (CHUL) to provide a balanced view of the two preceding speakers. The last day, Day 4, was primarily dedicated to oral and poster presentations by the residents. A jury consisting of Drs. Jean Dubé (CHUS), Yves Guigère (CHUL), and Joël Girouard (CHUL) had the “difficult” task of awarding prizes to the best oral and to the best poster presentations. The winners this year were Dr. Alexis Blaass (U. de Montréal) for the oral presentation entitled “Characterization of a new LCAT mutation causing familial LCAT deficiency (FLD) and the role of APOE as a modifier gene of the FLD phenotype” and Dr. Adell Elsharif (McMaster U.) for the poster presentation entitled “Method Validation Study to Evaluate the Analytical Performance of the STAT–SITE Meter for the Measurement of Serum Beta-Hydroxybutyrate”. The scientific portion of the conference ended with a most comprehensive presentation on smoking cessation, both clinical approaches and therapeutics by Dr. Joanne Provencher (Hôpital Laval). Dr. Provencher reminded us that smoking cessation by an individual could be achieved with the correct support. The day and the congress ended with a business meeting of the CAMB chaired by the out going president, Dr. Bassam A. Nassar. A new executive was elected: Dr. Elizabeth MacNamara (SMBD-Jewish General Hospital, president), Dr. Yves Guigère (CHUL, vice-president), Dr. Andrew Don-Wauchope (McMaster U. Health Sciences Centre, secretary-treasurer), Dr. Andre Mattman (BCCWHC, councilor), Dr. Brian M. Gilfix (MUHC, councilor), Dr. John Heathcote (Vancouver, councilor), and Dr. Datlily Ooi (Children’s Hospital of Eastern Ontario, councilor), We all look forward to next year’s combined meeting which is again slated to take place in Montreal in October.

Le développement considérable de l'activité touristique hivernale et estivale entraîne des perturbations au niveau des principaux cours d'eau andorrans. Il est intéressant d'étudier l'impact de ces perturbations sur des réseaux hydrographiques de haute altitude caractérisés par des conditions du milieu particulières (basse température-forte pente). Les données disponibles concernant la physicochimie et la faune des eaux andorranes sont réduites (PUIG, 1979 ; PEÑA, 1983). Treize stations ont été étudiées dans le cadre de ces travaux. Au cours d'un cycle annuel (automne 1998 à automne 1999), huit prélèvements d'invertébrés benthiques ont été réalisés à chaque station à l'aide d'un filet Surber (vide de maille : 200 µm-surface échantillonnée : 1/ 20e m2). Neuf paramètres physicochimiques (température, pH, conductivité, DCO, DBO5, nitrates, nitrites, ammoniaque, phosphates) ont été mesurés de façon hebdomadaire à chaque station. Le traitement des données physicochimiques par analyses discriminantes révèle l'existence d'un gradient amont-aval de dégradation de la qualité de l'eau. Parallèlement, la qualité de l'eau suit un cycle saisonnier mis en évidence par l'opposition entre campagnes d'été et d'hiver-printemps 1999, d'une part, et campagnes d'automne 1998-1999, d'autre part. L'analyse de la répartition spatiotemporelle de la faune benthique, basée également sur des analyses discriminantes, met en évidence la disparition des taxons polluosensibles dans les stations intermédiaires et aval comme les filtreurs (Simuliidae), les prédateurs (Perlodae, Perlididae, Rhyacophilidae) et les fragmenteurs (Nemouridae, Leuctridae) et l'apparition de nouveaux taxons polluotolérants en aval (Chironomidae, Oligochètes). Ce genre de phénomène a déjà été observé dans d'autres cours d'eau de montagne soumis à des perturbations entraînant l'augmentation de la charge organique (DECAMPS et PUJOL, 1977). Ces taxons polluotolérants comme par exemple, les Oligochètes qui prolifèrent dans la zone aval du cours d'eau principal (Gran Valira) et en aval de l'unique station d'épuration située sur l'Ariège remplacent dans la structure trophique d'autres taxons polluosensibles. Ce phénomène s'observe également au sein d'un même groupe trophique, c'est le cas des prédateurs composés des Perlidae, des Perlodidae et des Rhyacophilidae présents dans les stations de haute altitude et qui disparaissent en aval où ils sont remplacés par les Achètes (Glossiphoniidae). Le calcul de plusieurs indices biologiques d'évaluation de la qualité des eaux (IBGN - BMWP), de richesse et de diversité spécifiques (indices de Shannon et de Margalef), de structure des peuplements (CUMMINS, 1979, 1985) met en évidence la diminution de la richesse et de la diversité spécifiques des stations amont vers les stations aval. L'impact du développement touristique se manifeste à partir des stations de moyenne altitude. Dans ces stations, la pollution est partiellement évacuée, chaque automne, par l'eau de bonne qualité en provenance des zones amont des cours d'eau. Ce phénomène se traduit par une grande variabilité des conditions physicochimiques et de la composition des communautés benthiques. Dans les stations aval, la pollution prend plutôt un caractère chronique suite à la concentration des pollutions en provenance des différentes zones perturbées. La variabilité des conditions du milieu et des assemblages faunistiques est donc moindre. Les résultats obtenus à partir du traitement des données physicochimiques et faunistiques mettent en évidence une dégradation de l'intégrité écologique des cours d'eau (modifications physicochimiques, modifications du peuplement, diminution de la diversité). L'impact des perturbations d'origine anthropique suit un cycle dépendant de la fréquentation touristique. Au cours de ce cycle, alternent deux périodes " critiques " caractérisées par des perturbations hivernales (ski) et estivales (tourisme, randonnées) et une période de " récupération " durant l'automne. Ces travaux ont permis de tester l'hypothèse des perturbations intermédiaires du milieu (CONNELL, 1978 ; RESH, 1988 ; TOWNSEND et al., 1997) et de rechercher les seuils d'intensité des perturbations et/ou l'amplitude de ces perturbations ainsi que leur impact négatif sur la composition faunistique (EDWARD et RYKIEL, 1985 ; PICKETT et al., 1989 ; REICE et al., 1990).

The articles in this Oud Holland special issue ‘New perspectives on Rubens’ landscapes’ reassess Peter Paul Rubens’ late landscapes from a number of new perspectives. The occasion for this was the landmark exhibition Rubens: Reuniting the great landscapes held at the Wallace Collection, London from 3 June to 15 August 2021, preceded by a conference ‘Rubens’ great landscapes’ held at the Wallace Collection on 17-18 May 2021. The exhibition was in fact a reunion of A view of Het Steen in the early morning (c. 1636) from the National Gallery, London and The rainbow landscape (c. 1636) from the Wallace Collection – two great panoramic landscapes that were created as a pendant pair, but which had been separated for more than two hundred years. This introductory essay explores the journeys and changing ownership of the two paintings from after their separation in 1803 to the time of their reunion in 2021. It investigates the growing fame of the companion pieces in Britain in the nineteenth century, where the greatest proportion of Rubens’ landscapes were already to be found. It focuses on the decisive moment in the history of the two paintings: the auction of the collection of the third Earl of Orford in 1856, when the chance was lost to reunite the pair at the National Gallery, and the negative press that consequently ensued against the winning bid (4th Marquess of Hertford) and the outbid (the leading national collection of old masters) alike. The authors investigate the fate of Het Steen, from its acquisition by Lady Margaret Beaumont that effectively separated the pair, its role in Sir George Beaumont’s collection and its brief reunion with its companion piece at the British Institution of 1815. As part of the Beaumont Gift, it is one of the foremost paintings within the earliest collection of the National Gallery. The rainbow landscape, on the other hand, passed through a succession of private collections, where it became increasingly visible, engraved and discussed as one of Britain’s greatest masterpieces. The 1856 purchase was a possible turning point for Lord Hertford, the reclusive collector, who at this stage was considering what to do with his collection after his death. This essay charts the trajectory of Rubens’ two great landscapes from the ownership of dealers, to private collectors, exhibitions, and finally to public museums, with increased visibility at each stage of their journey. Originally painted by Rubens for his own collection, to be displayed either on the walls of his manorial castle, Het Steen, itself or his Antwerp home, they would have been seen by a range of visitors, including artists and collectors. Two centuries later, they were to be found on the walls of Coleorton Hall and Wolterton Hall, two grand country houses in England. During periods of leisure spent at the invitation of the owners of these homes, later artists were able to contemplate these works and the surrounding landscapes and draw inspiration from them, and formulate their own artistic responses, in much the same spirit of ‘otium’ as outlined by Corina Kleinert in her essay. In keeping with the themes of this special issue, their history in Britain encompasses both the ‘prosaic’, transactional account of how they were sold, and the ‘poetic’ account of how artists travelled some distance to see the works in situ, to copy and be inspired by them. The pattern therefore complements the earlier provenance of these works, as part of a story of a gradual transferral from the private to the public domain.

The art collection of István Marczibányi (1752–1810), remembered as the benefactor of the Hungarian nation, who devoted a great part of his fortune to religious, educational, scientific and social goals, is generally known as a collection of ‘national Antiquities’ of Hungary. This opinion was already widespread in Hungarian publicity at the beginning of the 19th century, when Marczibányi pledged that he would enrich the collection of the prospective Hungarian national Museum with his artworks. But the description of his collection in Pál Wallaszky’s book Conspectus reipublicae litterariae in Hungaria published in 1808 testifies to the diversity and international character of the collection. In the Marczibányi “treasury”, divided into fourteen units, in addition to a rich cabinet for coins and medals there were mosaics, sculptures, drinking vessels, filigree-adorned goldsmiths’ works, weapons, Chinese art objects, gemstones and objects carved from them (buttons, cameos, caskets and vases), diverse marble monuments and copper engravings. Picking, for example, the set of sculptures, we find ancient Egyptian, Greek and Ro man pieces as well as mediaeval and modern masterpieces arranged by materials.After the collector’s death, his younger brother Imre Marczibányi (1755–1826) and his nephews Márton (1784–1834), János (1786–1830), and Antal (1793–1872) jointly inherited the collection housed in a palace in dísz tér (Parade Square) in Buda. In 1811, acting on the promise of the deceased, the family donated a selection of artworks to the national Museum: 276 cut gems, 9 Roman and Byzantine imperial gold coins, 35 silver coins and more than fifty antiquities and rarities including 17th and 18th-century goldsmiths’ works, Chinese soap-stone statuettes, ivory carvings, weapons and a South Italian red-figure vase, too. However, this donation did not remain intact as one entity. With the emergence of various specialized museums in the last third of the 19th century, a lot of artworks had been transferred to the new institutions, where the original provenance fell mostly into oblivion.In the research more than a third of the artworks now in the Hungarian national Museum, the Museum of Applied Arts and the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest could be identified, relying on the first printed catalogue of the Hungarian national Museum (1825) titled Cimeliotheca Musei Nationalis Hungarici, and the handwritten acquisition registers. The entries have revealed that fictitious provenances were attached to several items, since the alleged or real association with prominent historical figures played an important role in the acquisition strategies of private collectors and museums alike at the time. For example, an ivory carving interpreted in the Cimeliotheca as the reliquary of St Margaret of Hungary could be identified with an object in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 18843), whose stylistic analogies and parallels invalidate the legendary origin: the bone plates subsequently assembled as a front of a casket were presumably made in a Venetian workshop at the end of the 14th century.There are merely sporadic data about the network of István Marczibányi’s connections as a collector, and about the history of his former collection remaining in the possession of his heirs. It is known that collector Miklós Jankovich (1772–1846) purchased painted and carved marble portraits around 1816 from the Marczi bányi collection, together with goldsmiths’ works including a coconut cup newly identified in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 19041). The group of exquisite Italian Cinquecento bronze statuettes published by art historian Géza Entz (1913–1993), was last owned as a whole by Antal Marczibányi (nephew of István) who died in 1872. These collection of small bronzes could have also been collected by István Marczibányi, then it got scattered through inheritance, and certain pieces of it landed in north American and European museums as of the second third of the 20th century. Although according to Entz’s hypothesis the small bronzes were purchased by István’s brother Imre through the mediation of sculptor and art collector István Ferenczy (1792–1956) studying in Rome, there is no written data to verify it. By contrast, it is known that the posthumous estate of István Marczibányi included a large but not detailed collection of classical Roman statues in 1811, which the heirs did not donate to the national Museum. It may be presumed that some of the renaissance small bronzes of mythological themes following classical prototypes were believed to be classical antiquities at the beginning of the 19th century. Further research will hopefully reveal more information about the circumstances of their acquisition.

THE SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT OF AMERICAN HUMANISM by Stephen P. Weldon. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2020. 285 pages. Hardcover; $49.95. ISBN: 9781421438580. *The Scientific Spirit of American Humanism by Stephen Weldon recounts with approval the rise of non-theistic, and even antitheistic, thought in modern science. At the outset, I will confess to being a biased reviewer (perhaps, even, an antireviewer). If I were to tell this story, I would lament, rather than celebrate, the seemingly antireligious stance lauded in this history. I must also confess to being an active participant in this history, both as an amateur student in the fundamentalist/modernist controversy in the Presbyterian churches and in my own active involvement in faith-science discussions among evangelicals in the American Scientific Affiliation (ASA). No historical account is objective--it will always reflect its author's perspective. This is true of this book and of this review. *Weldon tells the history episodically highlighting key people who contributed to this story. He begins in chapter 1, "Liberal Christianity and the Frontiers of American Belief," with Unitarians (theists/deists who reject the deity of Christ), liberal Protestants, and atheistic freethinkers. After a few chapters, he turns to a largely secular story dominated by philosophers rather than ministers. Chapter 12 presents charts that show how the 1933 Humanist Manifesto had 50% signatories who were liberal and Unitarian ministers, while the 1973 Humanist Manifesto II had only 21%. By the end of book, humanism becomes secular/atheistic humanism. Weldon describes humanism as "a view of the world that emphasizes human dignity, democracy as the ideal form of government, universal education, and scientific rationality" (p. 5). While not explicitly mentioned, but likely included in the phrase "scientific rationality," is atheism. The 1973 Humanist Manifest II begins with this theme in its opening article about religion: "We find insufficient evidence for belief in the existence of a supernatural; it is either meaningless or irrelevant to the question of survival and fulfillment of the human race. As non-theists, we begin with humans not God, nature not deity." *Chapter 2, "The Birth of Religious Humanism," tells the early 1900s story of ministers John Dietrich, Curtis Reese, and philosopher Roy Wood Sellers, all who were or became Unitarians. "'God-talk' was no longer useful." Unitarianism ends up being a haven for religious humanists, even for those who have eliminated traditional religious language. These are the roots of today's secular humanism. *In many ways, this era is the other side of the religious history of America that this journal's readers may know. The ASA has roots in the more conservative and traditional end of American Protestantism. The old Princeton Presbyterians, Charles Hodge, A. A. Hodge, and B. B. Warfield, represent a strictly orthodox Christianity, but one open to the advances of modern science. One did not have to be theologically liberal to be proscience. The phenomenon of young-earth creationism is a relatively recent development. Conservative Protestants were not as opposed to conventional science as Weldon's treatment suggests. *The Humanist Manifesto (1933) is the subject of chapter 3, "Manifesto for an Age of Science." It was written by Unitarian Roy Wood Sellers and spearheaded by people associated with Meadville Theological School, a small Unitarian seminary, originally in Pennsylvania; after relocating, it had a close association with the University of Chicago. The Manifesto begins with the words, "The time has come for widespread recognition of the radical changes in religious beliefs throughout the modern world. The time is past for mere revision of traditional attitudes." The first affirmation is "Religious humanists regard the universe as self-existing and not created." *"Philosophers in the Pulpit" (chap. 4) highlights the University of Columbia philosophy department and John Dewey, in particular. Dewey was one of the more prominent signers of the Humanist Manifesto and a leading advocate of philosophical pragmatism. This chapter also tells the story of Felix Adler, also associated with Columbia, and the founder of Ethical Culture, an organization with nontheistic, Jewish roots. *"Humanists at War" (chap. 5) and "Scientists on the World Stage" (chap. 6) recount the increased secularization of humanism. Humanists in the 1940s increasingly struggled with the religious character of humanism. Should the category of religion be used at all? During this era, natural scientists, such as evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley and Drosophila geneticist Hermann Muller, rather than philosophers, led the most prominent forms of humanism. This humanism was increasingly secular, scientific, and even atheistic. *Weldon is not hesitant to expose the foibles of this movement. Chapter 7, "Eugenics and the Question of Race," traces how selective population control became part of the conversation. In addition to Huxley and Muller, Margaret Sanger is also part of this story. Philosopher Paul Kurtz makes his first appearance in this chapter and continues to be a significant player in the rest of the book. He was the editor of the Humanist Manifesto and used its pages to explore the question of race and IQ. *Chapter 8, entitled "Inside the Humanist Counter'culture," describes a period dominated by questions of human sexuality and psychology. Weldon's use of the word "counterculture" is apt. In the 1960s, the feminist Patricia Robertson and lawyer/activist Tolbert McCarroll expressed the zeitgeist of the sexual revolution. The psychology of Carl Rogers, Erich Fromm, and Abraham Maslow moved humanism from a more objective/scientific focus to a more experiential one. They are representatives of the third force (or humanistic) school of psychology, in contrast to Freudian psychoanalysis or Skinnerian behaviorism. Although agreement was rare, by the end of the decade, under Paul Kurtz (influenced by B. F. Skinner), the public face of humanism returned to a more scientific leaning. *Chapter 9, "Skeptics in the Age of Aquarius," is one chapter where I found myself, as a traditional evangelical, to be in nearly complete agreement. This chapter describes how New Age beliefs, along with an ascending occultism, came under fire from the scientific humanists under the leadership of Paul Kurtz. Weldon even cites a Christianity Today article that makes common cause with the secular humanists in their resistance to the growing occultism of western culture. I found this chapter to be a useful critique of New Age thinking. *"The Fundamentalist Challenge" (chap. 10) and "Battling Creationism and Christian Pseudoscience" (chap. 11) recount the clash between secular evolutionists and fundamentalist creationists, especially regarding the public-school science curriculum and the teaching of evolution. Here the author clearly demonstrates his prosecularist/anti-fundamentalist inclinations. On a more personal note, the mention of Francis Schaeffer, R. J. Rushdoony, and Cornelius Van Til, strikes at my own history. While some elements of this conservative Presbyterianism were clearly anti-evolutionist, others in the conservative Reformed camp were open to the proscience (including evolutionary biology) views of Warfield and Hodge, even in the early days of anti-evolutionism among fundamentalists. While some in the ASA would count themselves among young-earth creationists or flood geologists, the majority are open to old-earth geology and even to evolutionary biology. The reaction of Weldon himself, and other critics of this era, seems more akin to a religious fundamentalism of its own--albeit a fundamentalism of naturalism. Fundamentalists are not the only ones engaging in a culture war. My own view is that old-earth geology, old universe (big bang) cosmology, and evolutionary biology should be taught as the mainstream scientific consensus even in private religious schools. But dissent and disagreement should be allowed among teachers and students alike. Sometimes it seems to me that these fundamentalist creationists and atheistic evolutionists are all more interested in indoctrination than education. *Embedded in chapter 10 is the history of the Humanist Manifesto II (coauthored by Paul Kurtz). It clearly espouses positions antithetical to traditional Christian orthodoxy, especially in the explicit anti-theistic and prosexual revolution statements. But it is striking to me how much agreement I can find with people who so strongly disagree with traditional Christian faith. This tells me two things: while fundamental religious differences may exist between people, there is something about being human in this world that brings Christians and non-Christians together on many very fundamental questions such as liberty, human dignity, friendship, and peaceful co-existence. Such values are not the unique provenance of humanists or Christians or other religious groups. The second thing is that we are much better at emphasizing differences and seeking to force others to conform to our way than we are at tolerating differences and persuading those who disagree. *The opening of chapter 12, "The Humanist Ethos of Science and Modern America," brought me once again to a personal reflection that is relevant in reviewing this book. My own love of the natural sciences can be traced to Sagan, Asimov, Clarke, Gould, Dawkins, and others who brought the wonder of science to the broader public. Without denying their a-religious, and even antireligious posture, it is noteworthy that the truths about the natural world are independent of who discovered them or communicates them. And they are wondrous whether or not you acknowledge the hand of God in creating them. The process of science works whether the world was created by God or is the result of properties of the universe that just are. It is interesting to me that a brief discussion of post-modernism appears in this chapter. Postmodernism's undermining of the objectivity of natural science leads one to wonder whether this undermines the whole book by hinting that a postmodernist perspective is the consistent non'religious/atheist view. In contrast, the ASA's faith statement states: "We believe that in creating and preserving the universe God has endowed it with contingent order and intelligibility, the basis of scientific investigation." According to Christians, natural science is possible because creation is orderly and intelligible. Atheists and skeptics simply assert the world's orderliness and intelligibility. *Like myself, readers of this journal are likely to have a different perspective on the events traced in Weldon's book. Nevertheless, the history recounted here helps us to see why there is such a divide between science and those who continue to be influenced by more conservative religious views. As such, it is a worthwhile read and of interest to those who follow the science-faith literature. *Reviewed by Terry Gray, Instructor in Chemistry, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO 80523.

Background This article uses archival material to revisit the intellectual and professional relationship between Harold A. Innis and Marshall McLuhan.Analysis The author suggests four concepts by which to approach questions of influence, collaboration, legacy, and the emergence of intellectual “fields.” Each offers a different view than an analogous term more frequently employed in narratives of intellectual history and legacy. These concepts are oscillation (over influence), fragment (over narrative), discovery (over provenance), and maintenance (over innovation).Conclusion and implications The author shows how these concepts encourage generative approaches to theory-making more in line with the ethos of early media theory. They move considerations of intellectual history beyond assumptions about individual genius, nationalism, or institutional context, bringing to the fore intellectual contributions of marginalized figures such as Mary Quayle Innis (Harold’s wife) and Margaret Stewart (McLuhan’s secretary).Contexte Cet article a recours à des documents d’archives pour réexaminer le rapport intellectuel et professionnel entre Harold A. Innis et Marshall McLuhan.Analyse L’auteur propose quatre concepts pour aborder les questions d’influence, de collaboration, d’héritage et d’émergence de « champs » intellectuels. Chacun de ces concepts propose une façon de voir différente par rapport à certains termes analogues utilisés plus communément dans les narrations d’histoire et d’héritage intellectuelles. Ces concepts sont oscillation (plutôt qu’influence), fragment (plutôt que narration), découverte (plutôt que provenance), et maintenance (plutôt qu’innovation).Conclusion et implications L’auteur montre comment ces concepts encouragent une approche envers la formulation de théories qui s’accorde mieux avec l’esprit des premières théories des médias. Ces concepts font avancer l’histoire intellectuelle au-delà de suppositions sur le génie individuel, le nationalisme ou le contexte institutionnel, mettant l’accent sur l’apport intellectuel de contributrices négligées telles que Mary Quayle Innis (la femme d’Innis) et Margaret Stewart (la secrétaire de McLuhan).